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Newman, in the famous essay in question, cited the Nicene orthodoxy of the faithful during the Arian controversy as this main, and only extended, argument for the thesis that there were situations in the life of the church where the... more
Newman, in the famous essay in question, cited the Nicene orthodoxy of the faithful during the Arian controversy as this main, and only extended, argument for the thesis that there were situations in the life of the church where the Christian faith was upheld more consistently by the ordinary faithful than by their pastors. This article shows that historical evidence does not support Newman's claim for the faithful in the Arian controversy, and raises the question as to whether this fact undermines his thesis about the dogmatic importance of the sensus fidelium.
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... Fouskas, Konstantinos M. rp1yyopios 6 NeoKouaapeias 'ETTi(tkoiTos 6 9aupaToupyos (Ca. 211/3270/5). Athens: University of Athens Press, 1969. Froidevaux, Leon. "Le Symbole de saint Gregoire le Thaumaturge." Recherches... more
... Fouskas, Konstantinos M. rp1yyopios 6 NeoKouaapeias 'ETTi(tkoiTos 6 9aupaToupyos (Ca. 211/3270/5). Athens: University of Athens Press, 1969. Froidevaux, Leon. "Le Symbole de saint Gregoire le Thaumaturge." Recherches de science religieuse 19(1929): 193-247. ...
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Of the Catholic polemicists in England in the seventeenth century, few wrote more voluminously or earned more respect from their adversaries than Abraham Woodhead. His works are grave, erudite, and irenic in tone, reflecting their... more
Of the Catholic polemicists in England in the seventeenth century, few wrote more voluminously or earned more respect from their adversaries than Abraham Woodhead. His works are grave, erudite, and irenic in tone, reflecting their author's retired life of study after his conversion. His efforts to avoid the limelight have been successful, both in his own time and in ours; perhaps that is why no one, so far as I know, has yet subjected his books to the careful scrutiny and analysis which they deserve. There are several worthwhile theses in the history of theology to be written on Woodhead and the controversies in which he was engaged; perhaps the materials offered in this article will help a few scholars through the preliminaries to Woodhead study and encourage them to give us a theological pprtrait of this man whose historical portrait is so hard to draw.
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allow yourself another new one till you have read an old one in between. If that is too much for you, you should at least read one old one to every three new ones." Ramsey's book, though a new one, encourages students to read... more
allow yourself another new one till you have read an old one in between. If that is too much for you, you should at least read one old one to every three new ones." Ramsey's book, though a new one, encourages students to read some old ones. "The purpose of this short collection of essays," he writes, "is to serve both as an introduction to the writers of the ancient Church and as a stimulus to the reader to continue in them on his own, to become more familiar with them" (3). R. is true to his purpose. The book is not a patrology, nor is it a history of doctrine. R. rather takes topics from Christian doctrine (Scripture, God, the human condition, Christ, death and resurrection), the Christian life (Church and ministry, martyrdom and virginity, monasticism, prayer), and Christian society (poverty and wealth, the Christian in the world) and gives a lively account of some of the Fathers' more interesting ideas on these topics. R.'s enthusiasm for the Fathers is evident on every page. He knows the Fathers well and quotes them often and aptly. His style is clear and his judgment sound. He writes, e.g., that the Fathers' enthusiasm for theology was "the result of a deep preoccupation with salvation" (12), which is true and important. He is also right when he says that Christological heresies were "assertions about how Christ could save the human race" (76). Among his chapters on doctrine, the one on Christ (not Christology) is among the most successful. But R. seems more at home with spirituality and monasticism than with doctrine; his chapter on "God" is 14 pages long, those on "Church and Ministry" and "Martyrdom and Virginity" 27 pages each. The absence of even a few pages on the sacraments is disappointing. R.'s treatment of Arianism is a little outdated, and his impressions of the early Christians' communism more romantic than accurate. There are also a few small blunders. Gregory of Nyssa's opponents surely did not believe that "the Son is not to be numbered among beings" (11), but that he is from what is not—that is, a creature. The "imminent" Word (44), "like we" (55), and "pro-counsul" (197) are unfortunate. Nevertheless, R.'s enthusiasm is contagious. He tells us things about the Fathers that have made them interesting to him, and then, in a tenpage appendix, suggests a program for reading the Fathers' works in translation. This book is clearly the work of a competent and successful teacher and will interest anyone who wants to begin reading the Fathers.
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And he replied, "I was instructed," says he, "by Corinthus the Socratic in Argos, that I ought not to despise or treat with indifference those who array ... "But who are you, most excellent... more
And he replied, "I was instructed," says he, "by Corinthus the Socratic in Argos, that I ought not to despise or treat with indifference those who array ... "But who are you, most excellent man?" So I replied to him in jest. ... Then he told me frankly both his name and his family. " ...
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This is a brief summary of current scholarship on the Christo logical definition of the Council of Cha1cedon in 451 A.D. I It is not an entire history of the Christological controversies, but by its sharp focus may bring out clearly... more
This is a brief summary of current scholarship on the Christo logical definition of the Council of Cha1cedon in 451 A.D. I It is not an entire history of the Christological controversies, but by its sharp focus may bring out clearly points sometimes lost in the complexity of more ambitious surveys. After a sketch of what happened at the council, the Definition itself, in a new and very literal translation, will be the object of analysis. Finally, several conclusions will be presented as to what the council did and did not proclaim.
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bels is used twice (but given a different citation); there are a number of typos for dates and proper names. In short, the book is poorly edited. C. has done a tremendous amount of research into primary sources, and the extensive... more
bels is used twice (but given a different citation); there are a number of typos for dates and proper names. In short, the book is poorly edited. C. has done a tremendous amount of research into primary sources, and the extensive documentation (124 pages of endnotes) is impressive. He provides an engaging treatment of English Catholics in general and Belloc in particular, and the aforementioned splendid treatment of the Spanish Civil War. The book’s scope is less than its title promises, but C. has written a rewarding volume filled with colorful characters, insightful comments on well-known events, and revealing information on more obscure chapters in the tale of Catholic thinkers and democracy.
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and for historians of exegesis, since it seems to leave no room for a more scientific, objective study of Scripture or for a history ofthat study. Thus M. does not so much adapt patristic exegesis for use today as use it as a norm against... more
and for historians of exegesis, since it seems to leave no room for a more scientific, objective study of Scripture or for a history ofthat study. Thus M. does not so much adapt patristic exegesis for use today as use it as a norm against which contemporary approaches are compared and usually denigrated. When linked with the doctrinal concerns of his methodology, this attitude also leads to a stress on the role of official Church teaching in evaluating even patristic exegesis; thus early texts are considered correct or important because they agree with, or were used by, e.g., Leo XIII, Pius XII, or Vatican II, as understood by M. Such harmony need not be ignored, but surely one must seek intrinsic value, or its opposite, in the ancient writers. Tertullian will provide an example of the problem under discussion; his refusal to discuss Scripture with heretics is taken up with approval by M., who cites Vatican II as allowing dialogue, but not real discussion, about Scripture with heretics. The distinction is a tenuous one, and the explanation is put in such a way that one may well ask if it is truly in keeping with the spirit of the council—especially if one tries to determine who the "heretics" are (2:37). Finally, one must note a recurring negativity toward contemporary authors and approaches. One may disagree with Hegelianism without saying that it uses old Gnostic ideas to seduce modern minds (2:24). One may personally believe in the virtue of purity without accepting, as M. seems to do, Tertulliano extremely negative view of the body (2:51). One can judge that we have too many translations of the Bible today without using the word "bombardés" (2:159). One may disagree with contemporary ethicians without attributing their thought to a stupid or hypocritical interpretation of the biblical admonition "Judge not, lest you be judged" (3:139-40). These are all small points where they occur, but they betray an attitude and lend a negative tone to the books; more crucially, they are simply not germane to the subject matter. In response, M. has said (2:16-17) that such criticism does not apply, since it does not understand his purpose and methodology. He is entitled to his approach, and one must state that these volumes do provide an abundance of useful material for further study of patristic exegesis. But one must also remark on the tendentious aspect of M.'s purpose, methodology, and evaluations. Caveat lector.
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... Then not 'the scarcity of books at the time'10 but the lack of books containing a prophylactic againstArian teaching would have led to the writing of our ... for the East, and that he probably arrived at Antioch in... more
... Then not 'the scarcity of books at the time'10 but the lack of books containing a prophylactic againstArian teaching would have led to the writing of our ... for the East, and that he probably arrived at Antioch in the latter half of the following year.4 There he settled at the house of his ...
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process, in which established positions need to be clarified, and some false steps retracted, in the faith that a better grounded and better articulated consensus of belief may be attained” (XXI, 255). Such an effort requires listening to... more
process, in which established positions need to be clarified, and some false steps retracted, in the faith that a better grounded and better articulated consensus of belief may be attained” (XXI, 255). Such an effort requires listening to a variety of voices from the past: “[E]ven the Arians, if given their due, might have something to teach us” (XXI, 268). As for orthodoxy’s appropriation of ancient philosophy, it remains a live question whether a Christian theology expressed in Greek concepts is still serviceable for a Church faced with the challenge of further expansion, e.g., in Africa and Latin America. What can be said with assurance is that such questions could not even be raised, let alone considered, without the arts of accurate statement and rational debate which the Church absorbed from its Greekspeaking adherents” (1, 185). Thus, Christians received from ancient philosophy essentially two things: concepts and modes of argument. While the concepts are expendable in service to the Gospel, philosophy’s practice of accurate statements and rational debate is essential to the continuing evolution of orthodoxy. The remaining seventeen essays display these humane principles in action. As the subtitle suggests, Arius, Athanasius, and Augustine are the major players, featured in all but two of papers III through XIX. Stead subjects the arguments of these thinkers to rigorous analysis marked by the generosity of spirit and devotion to accuracy and rationality that the framing essays suggest. For my part, I believe that the early Christians appropriated from nonChristian philosophy, in addition to the concepts and arts of speaking and debate that Stead mentions, the conviction that philosophy is a form of life (askesis) that places intellectual inquiry within a set of practices designed to lead the person to virtue (as argued by Nussbaum, Hadot, and others). On the one hand, some of Stead’s analyses suffer from the neglect of this therapeutic aspect of ancient philosophy: I am thinking especially of his otherwise incisive critiques of the views of Arius presented by Rowan Williams and Robert Gregg and Dennis Groh. On the other hand, the Christopher Stead that emerges in these pages, a thoughtful and warm-spirited scholar of engaging wit, embodies precisely the virtues that ancient philosophy sought to create. David Brakke, Indiana University
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... 77: Passus Nicomediae ob confessionem Christi sub persecutione Maximini sepultusque Helenopoli Bithyniae (TU 14,1a, 42,3-4 Richardson), quoted in the new translation by ... 20 For one thing, the Greek translation of Jerome also has... more
... 77: Passus Nicomediae ob confessionem Christi sub persecutione Maximini sepultusque Helenopoli Bithyniae (TU 14,1a, 42,3-4 Richardson), quoted in the new translation by ... 20 For one thing, the Greek translation of Jerome also has Maximnoj (TU 14,1b, 47,7 von Gebhardt). ...
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standards can be applied. All legitimate formulations ought to involve at least seven concerns: Is God seen as working salvation for humankind? Is this action of God a matter of grace. not dependent upon human acts? Is a loving human... more
standards can be applied. All legitimate formulations ought to involve at least seven concerns: Is God seen as working salvation for humankind? Is this action of God a matter of grace. not dependent upon human acts? Is a loving human response called forth? Is Christ's cross central? Is sin taken seriously? Is there hope that growth and fulfillment will result from God's acts? Is both a personal and a cosmic di~e~ sion involved? (pp. 460-61). On this, It is proposed, true ecumenical relati~n ships can be based. A bold and effective challenge for us indeed! . Yet here one question must be raised, and it is the only real weakness in this work: Given the large scope of this book in terms of topics addressed (this itself may be a minor weakness; one cannot do justice to the history of interpretation in one page!), the lack of a discussion ofhermeneutics seems strangely inexplicable (a Lutheran approach seems "obvious" to these two men). The Bible is about bad news and good news. Is this really so? The Bible's "basic message is good news" (p. 56). How do we know that? Put most pointedly: Two of the criteria with which to judge the adequacy of formulations of theological themes (see above) are sola gratia and the centrality of the cross (numbers two and four). Why is this so? Many would disagree. Treatment of the hermeneutical question would make this work even more complete.
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publication of Walther Zimmerli's massive work, that situation is even more the case. This commentary is a translation from German of the first volume of Zimmerli's contribution to the series Biblischer Kommentar Altes Testament,... more
publication of Walther Zimmerli's massive work, that situation is even more the case. This commentary is a translation from German of the first volume of Zimmerli's contribution to the series Biblischer Kommentar Altes Testament, originally published in 1969. It was reviewed in this journal by John Bright (Interp 25:195ff. [April 1971]) whose description and assessment can be seconded. But the appearance of the English translation should be recognized and greeted here and the hope expressed that the publication of the second volume will soon follow. Zimmerli devoted a major part of his outstanding career to the study of Ezekiel. Before the commentary was written, he published a sequence of articles and monographs which brought the interpretation of Ezekiel to a new level. He analyzed the phenomenon of Fortschreibung (literary expansion of units by Ezekiel and his "school") as a way of accounting for the formation of the book. He identified the types of speech with which Ezekiel thought and spoke in a way that clarified and explained the peculiar individuality of Ezekiel's language; his study of the "demonstration-word" and its constituent formulae was a brilliant contribution not only to Ezekiel-study but to many other areas of Old Testament literature. In all the specialized studies, he consistently worked to bring into view the theological dimension and meaning of the texts. This extensive and successful reworking of every aspect of the exegesis of Ezekiel was invested in the commentary and has made it a classic in its time. Users need be dismayed only by the riches of comment which confront them — sixty pages on the call of Ezekiel, for instance. The translation was made by R. E. Clements, a guarantee that the original was fully understood and competently rendered in English. Comparison with the German text confirms as much; only at a few points does the German syntax overwhelm the English version. In contrast to earlier volumes of Hermeneia on Old Testament books, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin quotations are not translated, a disadvantage for those who do not read those languages. In some cases the editors have not noted the existence of English translations of works cited in the footnotes and bibliographies.
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Gregory Thaumaturgus was a third-century bishop in Pontus in northern Asia Minor. Regarded by the later Cappadocian Fathers as one of the greatest of their forebears in the Christian faith, he has left behind a few writings, a legend full... more
Gregory Thaumaturgus was a third-century bishop in Pontus in northern Asia Minor. Regarded by the later Cappadocian Fathers as one of the greatest of their forebears in the Christian faith, he has left behind a few writings, a legend full of miracles, and now also a ‘Bermuda triangle’ of critical questions.