- Budapest, Budapest, Hungary
- Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Centre for Social Sciences, Department Memberadd
- Zsolt BODA is research professor and director general of the Centre for Social Sciences – Hungarian Academy of Scien... moreZsolt BODA is research professor and director general of the Centre for Social Sciences – Hungarian Academy of Sciences Centre of Excellence as well as part-time professor of political science at the ELTE University of Budapest. He holds an MA in economics, a PhD as well as a DSc in political science. His academic work focuses on the problems of governance, public policy, as well as institutional trust, its social roots and its consequences for policy effectiveness. He is also working on problems of environmental governance and sustainability. From 2019 to 2022 he has been the principal investigator of DEMOS – Democratic efficacy and the varieties of populism in Europe, a consortial H2020 project.edit
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Laszlo Zsolnai’s oeuvre focuses on the individual: the model of economic actor, human motivations in decision making, and the problem of the modern self. The paper seeks, first, to present Laszlo Zsolnai intellectual journey through which... more
Laszlo Zsolnai’s oeuvre focuses on the individual: the model of economic actor, human motivations in decision making, and the problem of the modern self. The paper seeks, first, to present Laszlo Zsolnai intellectual journey through which he broadened his views on the relevant motivations of economic actors from ethical to spiritual ones. Second, it analyses the pivotal role behavioral models play in the construction of social sciences showing that any social inquiry involves some degree of normative content. Behavioral models are not merely descriptive, but prescribe a certain view on reality. Therefore ‘transformative sciences’, like business ethics or ecological economic, should devote special attention to the problem of human agency. This is a view, which is not necessarily widely shared, but certainly hold by Laszlo Zsolnai.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The paper focuses on how illiberal politics in post-2010 Hungary have affected the political opportunities of advocacy groups in terms of influencing policymaking and how the latter have adapted their strategies to this challenge. Based... more
The paper focuses on how illiberal politics in post-2010 Hungary have affected the political opportunities of advocacy groups in terms of influencing policymaking and how the latter have adapted their strategies to this challenge. Based on a series of interviews conducted with the representatives of advocacy groups as well as members of the central administration, the paper investigates the changing patterns of policy advocacy in three arenas: the venues of social dialogue, the arena of direct lobbying, and that of activism. The expectation of the research was that the undermining of social dialogue by the government would spur advocacy groups to relocate their activities into direct lobbying and activism. However, the general picture is of a decline in advocacy activity. A decade of illiberal politics has changed not only the political and institutional environment of advocacy groups but also the general social context. Faced with these challenges, Hungarian advocacy groups have not been able to come up with strategic innovations which would have redefined their objectives and means. As a theoretical contribution, the paper suggests that the concept of political opportunities should be broadened in order to account for the deep social transformations that are brought about by illiberal politics.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Why would a small, middle-income country, stuck in the turbulence of deep political and economic changes, care about global environmental problems? After the breakdown of the Communist regime in 1989, the 1990s were marked by serious... more
Why would a small, middle-income country, stuck in the turbulence of deep political and economic changes, care about global environmental problems? After the breakdown of the Communist regime in 1989, the 1990s were marked by serious social and economic problems for Hungary. The GDP of the country dropped by some 15 per cent, the Eastern European markets were completely lost for trade. Unemployment and inflation rates were steadily growing. However, in 1992 Hungary became party to both the UN Framework Convention for Climate Change (UNFCC) and the Convention on Biological Diversity. Why? This chapter is the outcome of a three-year research project aimed at understanding the factors that shaped Hungary's participation in the climate change regime and the biodiversity regime. The research questions were the following: What was the motivation of Hungary to join these environmental regimes? Which social actors and institutions influenced the decision of joining the regimes and the dynamics of the participation process? We established a research framework with the possible explanatory models. We then conducted empirical research based on document analysis and interviews with policy-makers, experts, and NGO members. We sought to reconstruct and understand Hungarian foreign environmental policy in order to determine which explanation best suits the Hungarian case.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
A Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) az MTA TK Politikatudomanyi Intezeteben műkodik, celja a magyar kozpolitika dinamikajanak feltarasa a kulonboző kozpolitikai es politikai napirendek kvantitativ tarsadalomtudomanyi eszkozokkel... more
A Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) az MTA TK Politikatudomanyi Intezeteben műkodik, celja a magyar kozpolitika dinamikajanak feltarasa a kulonboző kozpolitikai es politikai napirendek kvantitativ tarsadalomtudomanyi eszkozokkel tortenő vizsgalataval. Mindehhez az Egyesult Allamokban Frank Baumgartner es Bryan Jones nevevel femjelzett Policy Agendas Project kozpolitikai tartalomelemző kodkonyvet adaptalja hazai kornyezetben. A kutatas azt celozza, hogy konzisztens adatbazist hozzon letre a magyar kozpolitikai folyamatok meghatarozo aktorai – igy a parlament, a media es a kozvelemeny szereplői – szamara meghatarozo ugyekről. A meresek megbizhatosagat az egyertelműen megszabott, koherens kodolasi szabalyok garantaljak, amelyek reven a kormanyzat prioritasainak valtozasai időben es kozpolitikai teruletenkent konzisztens modon nyomon kovethetők. Az „Interpellaciok (1949-2018)” adatbazis az 1949 es 2018 kozott az Orszaggyűlesben elhangzott interpellaciokrol nyujt tajekoztatast. Az adatok a Magyar Orszaggyűles hivatalos oldalarol (http://parlament.hu/) szarmaznak.Az adatbazisban szereplő legfontosabb valtozok az alabbiakra terjednek ki: az interpellacio cime (complete_title), az interpellacio beterjesztőjenek neve (introducer), az interpellacio beterjesztesenek időpontja (date_introduced), az interpellaciok kozpolitikai tartalma (majortopic es subtopic), a valaszado neve (respondent) es az Orszaggyűles dontese a miniszteri valasz elfogadasarol (passed). Az adatbazis az 1867-1949 kozott elhangzott interpellaciokkal is kiegeszul. A „Kerdesek (1990-2014)” adatbazis az 1990-2014 elhangzott, az „Irasbeli kerdesek (1998-2014)” adatbazis az 1998-2014 kozott irasban feltett kerdeseket gyűjti ossze, kesőbb a 2014-2018 kozott feltett kerdesekkel is kiegeszul.
Research Interests: Art and Political Science
Research Interests: Art and Political Science
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The chapter presents the Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project. It delineates its origins at the Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences and situates it in the context of Hungarian political science. The project... more
The chapter presents the Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project. It delineates its origins at the Centre for Social Sciences, Hungarian Academy of Sciences and situates it in the context of Hungarian political science. The project developed numerous databases, including those on budgets, laws, decrees, parliamentary speeches, newspaper articles, and public opinion polls. Due to the post-communist political development of Hungary our country project shows some specificities vis-à-vis more established projects. First, the codebook includes a few country-specific minor topic codes (such as those related to post-communist restitution) that are directly linked in to the comparative codebook (therefore our results remain fully comparable). Second, one added value of some of our datasets is their relative length which—in some cases—covers multiple centuries as well as various political regimes, including non-democratic ones. This allows for not only cross-country comparative analysis but also for comparing policy agendas in different regimes.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Political Science and Int
Az alabbi elmeleti attekintes a nemzetkozi versenykepesseg hagyomanyos es ujabb elmeleteinek tukreben targyalja a kornyezetvedelmet. Elsősorban arra keres valaszt, hogy a kornyezeti szabalyozas valoban csupan rontja a nemzetek... more
Az alabbi elmeleti attekintes a nemzetkozi versenykepesseg hagyomanyos es ujabb elmeleteinek tukreben targyalja a kornyezetvedelmet. Elsősorban arra keres valaszt, hogy a kornyezeti szabalyozas valoban csupan rontja a nemzetek versenykepesseget, csokkenti a nemzetkozi kereskedelem volumenet - mint azt sokan allitjak -, avagy ennek az ellenkezője az igaz.
Research Interests:
The Fair Trade movement seeks to address the problems of disadvantaged and small-scale producers in the underdeveloped countries by providing market access to their products through trading partnerships. The Fair Trade movement is backed... more
The Fair Trade movement seeks to address the problems of disadvantaged and small-scale producers in the underdeveloped countries by providing market access to their products through trading partnerships. The Fair Trade movement is backed by ethically conscious consumers, who are ready to pay a higher price for products that improve the well-being of marginalized producers as well as their communities. The Fair Trade partnership provides better trading conditions, higher prices, and a continuous relationship with the producers; it also ensures that human rights and environmental concerns are respected, and that children are not exploited in the production process. Fair Trade is a well-established and fast-growing alternative business model to the mainstream way of economizing and trading. It uses a different set of values and objectives than traditional trade, institutionalizing solidarity and putting people and their well-being, as well as the preservation of the natural environment...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The paper interprets populism as a symptom of a mismatch between how the democratic polity operates and how citizens conceive their own aspirations, needs and identities vis-à-vis the polity. However, democracy requests certain attitudes... more
The paper interprets populism as a symptom of a mismatch
between how the democratic polity operates and how citizens
conceive their own aspirations, needs and identities vis-à-vis the
polity. However, democracy requests certain attitudes and skills
from citizens: political engagement, a reflective attitude, scrutiny
of the power holders and balancing trust-based cooperation with
critical reactions towards political authorities. In line with this, we
investigate how external and internal political efficacy are
associated with populist attitudes in the case of people who have
and who do not have certain democratic capacities. Our findings
drawing upon an original survey covering 15 European countries
show that higher internal political efficacy is associated with
more populist attitudes in the case of people with incomplete
democratic capacities, but complete democratic capacities yield a
‘safety net’ against this effect. However, the negative relationship
between external political efficacy and populist attitudes does
not depend on these capacities: stronger dissatisfaction with the
responsiveness of political elites leads to more populist attitudes
irrespective of people’s democratic background. Nonetheless, our
findings imply that a stronger emphasis on certain democratic
practices and values in political socialization or civic education
could prevent stronger political confidence would turn into
populist views about politics.
between how the democratic polity operates and how citizens
conceive their own aspirations, needs and identities vis-à-vis the
polity. However, democracy requests certain attitudes and skills
from citizens: political engagement, a reflective attitude, scrutiny
of the power holders and balancing trust-based cooperation with
critical reactions towards political authorities. In line with this, we
investigate how external and internal political efficacy are
associated with populist attitudes in the case of people who have
and who do not have certain democratic capacities. Our findings
drawing upon an original survey covering 15 European countries
show that higher internal political efficacy is associated with
more populist attitudes in the case of people with incomplete
democratic capacities, but complete democratic capacities yield a
‘safety net’ against this effect. However, the negative relationship
between external political efficacy and populist attitudes does
not depend on these capacities: stronger dissatisfaction with the
responsiveness of political elites leads to more populist attitudes
irrespective of people’s democratic background. Nonetheless, our
findings imply that a stronger emphasis on certain democratic
practices and values in political socialization or civic education
could prevent stronger political confidence would turn into
populist views about politics.
Research Interests:
The paper focuses on how illiberal politics in post-2010 Hungary have affected the political opportunities of advocacy groups in terms of influencing policymaking and how the latter have adapted their strategies to this challenge. Based... more
The paper focuses on how illiberal politics in post-2010 Hungary
have affected the political opportunities of advocacy groups in
terms of influencing policymaking and how the latter have
adapted their strategies to this challenge. Based on a series of
interviews conducted with the representatives of advocacy
groups as well as members of the central administration, the
paper investigates the changing patterns of policy advocacy in
three arenas: the venues of social dialogue, the arena of direct
lobbying, and that of activism. The expectation of the research
was that the undermining of social dialogue by the government
would spur advocacy groups to relocate their activities into direct
lobbying and activism. However, the general picture is of a
decline in advocacy activity. A decade of illiberal politics has
changed not only the political and institutional environment of
advocacy groups but also the general social context. Faced with
these challenges, Hungarian advocacy groups have not been able
to come up with strategic innovations which would have
redefined their objectives and means. As a theoretical
contribution, the paper suggests that the concept of political
opportunities should be broadened in order to account for the
deep social transformations that are brought about by illiberal
politics.
have affected the political opportunities of advocacy groups in
terms of influencing policymaking and how the latter have
adapted their strategies to this challenge. Based on a series of
interviews conducted with the representatives of advocacy
groups as well as members of the central administration, the
paper investigates the changing patterns of policy advocacy in
three arenas: the venues of social dialogue, the arena of direct
lobbying, and that of activism. The expectation of the research
was that the undermining of social dialogue by the government
would spur advocacy groups to relocate their activities into direct
lobbying and activism. However, the general picture is of a
decline in advocacy activity. A decade of illiberal politics has
changed not only the political and institutional environment of
advocacy groups but also the general social context. Faced with
these challenges, Hungarian advocacy groups have not been able
to come up with strategic innovations which would have
redefined their objectives and means. As a theoretical
contribution, the paper suggests that the concept of political
opportunities should be broadened in order to account for the
deep social transformations that are brought about by illiberal
politics.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Tanulmányunkban először röviden bemutatjuk a vízprivatizáció nemzetközi kontextusát, a mellette és ellene szóló érveket. Majd a hazai helyzetre összpontosítunk, és elsősorban arra keresünk választ, hogy a magánszféra... more
Tanulmányunkban először röviden bemutatjuk a vízprivatizáció nemzetközi kontextusát, a mellette és ellene szóló érveket. Majd a hazai helyzetre összpontosítunk, és elsősorban arra keresünk választ, hogy a magánszféra bekapcsolódása a vízszolgáltatási ágazatba milyen hatással jár az olyan, szegénységgel kapcsolatos kérdésekre, mint a méltányosság és a megfizethetőség. Mint ismeretes, a kelet- és közép-európai térségben Magyarország vezető helyen áll a közszolgáltatások privatizálásában: nemcsak a szinte teljes energetikai ágazatot, de számos vízművet is privatizáltak. Mivel a létesítmények teljes körű privatizálását a törvény nem tette lehetővé, a vízművek formálisan a helyi önkormányzatok és az állam birtokában maradtak. Sor került azonban az üzemeltetési jogok hosszú távú bérbeadásával párosított részleges privatizációra. Ma már a víz 40 százalékát magán-, illetve vegyes vállalatok szolgáltatják, továbbá a vízszolgáltatók mintegy 20 százaléka magánkézbe került. Találunk köztük magyar cégeket, ugyanakkor az ismert multinacionális társaságok (a Veolia, a SUEZ, az RWE, az E-on és a Berlinwaters) is igen aktívak Magyarországon. Az a tény, hogy Magyarországon több különböző tulajdontípust találunk, összehasonlító elemzés elvégzését teszi lehetővé.
Research Interests:
Mi a fejlődés értelme? Szükség van-e demokráciára a fejlődéshez? Mi a szerepe, jelentősége a mezőgazdaságnak a fenntartható fejlődésben? Ilyen és ehhez hasonló kérdésekre keresik a választ a kötet tanulmányai, amelyeket az MTA... more
Mi a fejlődés értelme? Szükség van-e demokráciára a fejlődéshez? Mi a szerepe, jelentősége a mezőgazdaságnak a fenntartható fejlődésben? Ilyen és ehhez hasonló kérdésekre keresik a választ a kötet tanulmányai, amelyeket az MTA Politikatudományi Intézetének és a Védegylet kutatói írtak.
Research Interests:
Egyre többen érzik a bőrükön is, hogy a globalizált újkapitalizmus nem a megvalósult Kánaán, szaporodó és súlyosbodó válságokkal jár, szégyenletes egyenlőtlenségeket okoz, és ökológiai kizsákmányoláshoz vezet. Válogatásunk nem titkolt... more
Egyre többen érzik a bőrükön is, hogy a globalizált újkapitalizmus nem a megvalósult Kánaán, szaporodó és súlyosbodó válságokkal jár, szégyenletes egyenlőtlenségeket okoz, és ökológiai kizsákmányoláshoz vezet. Válogatásunk nem titkolt célja, hogy a magyar és kelet-európai gazdaságok fejlődéséről folyó diskurzust megnyissuk, elősegítsük.
Research Interests:
Egészségügy, víz, energia, közlekedés:miért más egy közszolgáltatás, mint a zöldségpiac? Vajon növeli-e a szektorok piacosítása a hatékonyságot, sérül-e közben a szolidaritás és elérhetőbb lesz-e a fenntarthatóság? Milyen itthon alig... more
Egészségügy, víz, energia, közlekedés:miért más egy közszolgáltatás, mint a zöldségpiac? Vajon növeli-e a szektorok piacosítása a hatékonyságot, sérül-e közben a szolidaritás és elérhetőbb lesz-e a fenntarthatóság? Milyen itthon alig ismert nemzetközi fejlemények ösztönzik a piacosítást? Hogyan képes egy gyengülő állam gondoskodni az alapvető jogok biztosításáról? És létezik-e harmadik, negyedik, ötödik út? Kötetünk azt munkát dokumentálja, amelyet – másokkal együtt – a Védegyletnél folytatunk a közszolgáltatások piacosításának kérdésében