Mridula Ghosh

The major political forces in Ukraine do not have a well-articulated ideology. An analysis of the gradual emergence of the Svoboda (Freedom) party into the political mainstream since 2001 and as a contender in the October 2012 parliamentary elections reveals that this party is the flagship of core extreme right ideology.

У 20-х роках 20 ст. Україна входила до загальноєвропейського та
світового культурного простору, про що свідчить головні літературні
події того часу. Після 1930-х років цей процес був зірваний через репресії інтелігенції і не відновлювався на довгі роки. У 1913 р. Рабіндранат Таґор стає першим неєвропейським Нобелівським лавреатом з літератури, і перші переклади його творів були здійснені різними європейськими мовами, що проклав шлях до розвитку індології як напрямок сходознавства. Людмила Старицька-Черняхівська була активно задіяна у цей літературний процес. Стаття аналізує рецензію Людмили Старицької-Черняхівської на книгу перших перекладів ліричних віршів Рабіндраната Таґора українською мовою Юрія Сірого (Тищенка) "Садовник" 1918 р., після виходу книги у світ. Аналіз цієї рецензії здійснена вперше з погляду літературної критики. У процесі порівняння з іншими двома рецензіями того часу на цю ж книгу, було розкрито надзвичайно високий професіоналізм, глибокі знання науки та мистецтва перекладу поезії Людмили Старицької-Черняхівської та її блискучу літературну критику. У статті також йдеться про мовознавчі, історичні та сходознавчі аспекти роботи рецензентки, які мають велике значення для розвитку мистецтва перекладу, для вивчення спадщини Таґора або Таґоріани, в Україні. Попри негативну оцінку та суворої критики з боку Людмили Старицької-Черняхівської, перші переклад історичний, рецензія також історична, бо вона аналізує перші переклади Таґора і є внеском до розвитку напрямку сходознавства.

Using newly available materials not studied and researched before, this paper attempts to systematize the century old Ukrainian Tagoreana. The paper proposes the process of reception of Rabindranath Tagore, hitherto not done in Ukraine due to historical reasons, to be divided into six periods, from 1913 till today. In attempting this, it also explains what the concept Tagoreana implies, and why it should be used to trace and define the major trajectories in Ukraine which are rooted in philosophical enquiry, and include translation, interpretation and research of Tagore’s texts, audio-visual and performing arts, as well as their aesthetic appreciation through original creations. Such periodization reveals the hermeneutic evolution of Tagoreana: until 1930s, unlike in the West, Ukraine’s reception was not “orientalist”, Ukrainians upheld Tagore’s wisdom, nonwestern approaches to empires, deep commitment to harmony between nature and humans, education for enlightenment. Later, Tagoreana was controlled by the state as Soviet power was consolidated over Ukraine. Tagore’s Moscow visit was carefully planned by the Soviet authorities in 1930 for winning international recognition. Yet, during 1929–1955 Tagore’s works were not
published in the USSR, including Ukraine. On the one hand, till the 1960s, the decades were full of terror against intellectuals, who played a big role in the reception of Tagore like Yukhim Myhayliv, Yuriy Siriy, Pavlo Ritter,
Yevhen Pluzhnyk and Myhailo Ivchenko, and on the other hand, there was totalitarian state control, which used Tagore as an anti-imperialist and anti-colonial poet in the light of Soviet state ideology. The thaw of the 1960s and then perestroika of the 1980s led to some freedom, bringing poets and translators such as Victor Batiuk into limelight, although censored and banned writings of Tagore continued to be distributed underground among dissidents. Finally, the independence of Ukraine gave wider freedom and opportunities for reception of Tagore to be transformed from state-governed enterprise with political agenda to individual creative freedom and private initiatives. Analysis of Tagoreana trends shows that after the Russian aggression against Ukraine, reception of Tagore opens yet another dimension; it enables Ukraine’s postcolonial literary dialog with India as well as with the Global South on an equitable, non-hegemonic keel, which provides possible cultural bases for decolonization.

Instead of distancing themselves from the rhetoric of Svoboda, the mainstream political parties have entered into situation-dependent and other tacit alliances with it, either in order to win the nationalist vote or to showcase Svoboda as an »enemy« of democracy while presenting them as the only democratic alternative. The lack of consensus among the major political actors on how to combat right-wing extremist ideas has legitimised Svoboda in the public perception.

... Prior to this event, the country is fraught with socio-economic, infrastructural and human rightsproblems. ... Since Ukraine became independent, the debate with regard to the definition of who is a Ukrainian has been marred with political realities of the past history of Ukraine ...

This anthology was compiled as part of a project entitled “Confronting right-wing extremism by developing networks of exit-oriented assistance.” That project, in turn, is integral to the XENOS special program known as “exit to enter” which has received grants from both the German Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and the European Social Fund.

Co-relation between the concepts of Local governance and Human rights bears high policy relevance and is of great importance in post-totalitarian transition societies. Reform agendas of most of the states included strengthening of local governance under the broader caption of
administrative reform and decentralization, driven by the need to lessen centralization and elements of totalitarian control. Despite efforts from the donor and the international community, till today, an average civil servant’s perception of local governance in the states of the former Soviet Union is limited to the territorial and administrative dimensions. Both in policy and
practice it has prevailed over sustainable development or human rights-based approach, while commitments and declarations made at the national level by governments continue to be remarkably progressive. The case of Ukraine is no exception, although the level and degree of democratisation and decentralization vary ranging from Central Asia to the Baltic or the new EU members in East Europe.

У збірнику представлено наукові статті і тези виступів учасників шостої міжнародної наукової конференції «Політичні партії і вибори: українські та світові практики», присвяченої питанням малих партій та акторів у політичному процесі і вкотре проведеної для вшанування пам’яті Ю. Р. Шведи – українського партолога та псефолога.
Збірник статей і тез конференції організовано рубриками. Загалом у збірнику висвітлено проблематику малих партій і акторів у субнаціональному політичному процесі, партійно-виборчих детермінант політичного процесу на регіональному і локальному рівні й інституційних і комунікаційних параметрів взаємовпливу національного та субнаціонального рівнів політики в Україні і світі. Збірник сприятиме розумінню партійно-виборчої політики і регіоналізму.

In terms of number and variety of organizations, as well as levels and range of activities, civil society and free media in Ukraine are the richest in the former Soviet Union, despite difficult institutional conditions and irregular funding.
The strength of civil society in Ukraine has been tested by time. Confronting historical socio-political challenges, ranging from political impasse, internal civil warlike conditions to external threats and aggression, from the Orange revolution in 2004 – 2005 to the Euro-Maidan uprising that started at the end of 2013, civil society in Ukraine is marked by spontaneous unity, commitment, and speedy mobilization
of resources, logistics and social capital. It benefits from a confluence of grassroots activism, social networks and formalized institutions.
Despite its resilience in crisis, however, Ukraine’s civil society is yet to develop sustainable interaction in policy dialogue and to have the desired impact on changing people’s quality of life. State institutions lay down the terms of cooperation with civil society and not vice versa. In the current economic crisis, political turmoil and corruption, civil society has yet to become a systemic tool in policymaking, relying on outreach through grassroots communication, social and new media networks.
Ukraine’s civil society has campaigned mainly with non-violent means. Now, after the Euro-Maidan experience it is well placed to face the post-crisis development challenges; namely more transparency, overcoming social and political polarization and establishing a human rights-based approach to heal the broken social fabric. This will be successful only if, in parallel, genuine reform of the law enforcement and the judicial system is undertaken, with more assistance from the international and especially the European community.
ISBN 978-3-86498-909-4

 In 2012, successful co-hosting of the European Football Championship in June and free and fair conducting of the October parliamentary elections are both historical landmarks that will determine the readiness of Ukraine as a democratic European state, capable of upholding values of diversity, tolerance and intercultural dialogue and enhance its eligibility for an association agreement with the European Union.

This conference paper reflects on the legacy of Victor Batyuk, the great Ukrainian diplomat, who also translated Rabindranath Tagore's works from original Bangla into Ukrainian. His contribution to Ukrainian Indology can never be overestimated. After Pavlo Ritter, who was killed during Stalinist terror, Batyuk is the second person who knew Bangla, and studied the language academically.