Alynna Lyon

It is hard to imagine a world without the United Nations. Despite many ups and downs over more than sixty-five years, the UN has not only endured but also played a key role in reshaping the world as we know it. It has embodied human-kind's hopes for a better world through the prevention of conflict. It has promoted a culture of legality and rule of law. It has raised an awareness of the plight of the world's poor, and it has boosted development by providing technical assistance. It has promoted concern for human rights, including the status of women, the rights of the child, and the unique needs of indigenous peoples. It has formulated the concept of environmentally sustainable development. It has contributed immensely to making multilateral diplomacy the primary way in which international norms, public policies, and law are established. It has served as a catalyst for global policy networks and partnerships with other actors. It plays a central role in global governance. Along the way, the UN has earned several Nobel Peace Prizes, including the 2005 award to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and its chief, Mohamed ElBaradei; the 2001 prize to the UN and Secretary-General Kofi Annan; the 1988 award to UN peacekeepers; and the 1969 honor to the International Labour Organization (ILO). In the many areas of UN activity, we can point to the UN's accomplishments and also to its shortcomings and failures. More than sixty-five years after its creation , the UN continues to be the only international organization (IO) or, more correctly, international intergovernmental organization (IGO) of global scope and nearly universal membership that has an agenda encompassing the broadest range of governance issues. It is a complex system that serves as the central site for multilateral diplomacy, with the UN's General Assembly as center stage. Three weeks of general debate at the opening of each fall assembly session draw foreign ministers and heads of state from small and large states to take advantage of the opportunity to address the nations of the world and to engage in intensive diplomacy.

Pope Francis overturns the applecart of many classificatory schemes. He genuinely confuses most political observers because his papacy does not fit neatly into any such scheme. To gain a deeper appreciation of Francis’s complicated papacy, this volume proposes that an interdisciplinary approach, fusing the concepts derived from the fields of moral theology and the social sciences, may properly situate Pope Francis. It starts with a brief literature review of both the popular and the scholarly work on Francis, and then moves on to a general overview of the key characteristics of his papacy in thought, word, and deed. First, in thought: in his encyclicals and his apostolic exhortations, Francis challenges Catholics and, indeed, all people of good will to morally engage and care for the poor, the environment, the neighbor, and the other. Second, in word: through speeches, twitter, and other social media, this pope has gone public and seeks out audiences beyond the global Catholic community. Finally, in deed: Francis is distinct in his actions, in terms of both his own placement and the political activism he calls for, perhaps best exemplified by his rejection of the world of consumerism, highlighted by his Fiat in lieu of a limousine.

In June 2015, the Vatican released Laudato Si’, the first papal encyclical focused on environmental issues. Then, in a speech during the United Nations’ (UN’s) Seventieth Anniversary Celebration in September 2015, the pope warned against “a selfish and boundless thirst for power and material prosperity.” He went on to proclaim that “Any harm done to the environment, therefore, is harm done to humanity.” The timings of these developments are significant as both were ahead of the September 2015 adoption of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and the December 2015 Climate Conference in Paris. This chapter examines Pope Francis as a policy entrepreneur whose language and timing both influences the framing of the climate change debate and creates moral implications surrounding environmental neglect. Building on work from social movement theory, the chapter provides an analysis on the confluence of Pope Francis’s ethical framework and his policy activism. Pope Francis’s engagement with the UN system is presented as a case study. Overall, the chapter examines the impact of the “Francis Factor” on discourse, public opinion, and global policy formation surrounding climate change.

This key resource for anyone interested in the United Nations, global issues, or world politics provides accessible and comprehensive coverage of the history, growth, and development of ideas and institutions governing the globe. The United Nations has been an essential actor in world politics for 75 years. Its entities have eliminated smallpox, protected the ozone layer, promoted arms control, and helped to save the lives of over 90 million children. Yet, it is frequently criticized as ineffective and antiquated. This book provides a balanced and systematic overview of the UN’s contributions and challenges, highlighting areas where it plays an essential role in global governance as well as areas of redundancy and needed reform. This book provides readers with a clear, well-organized reference resource to the entire UN system—its principal organs, specialized agencies, programs and funds, and key issues of engagement. Through individual entries, it examines the history of UN engagement, ranging from peace and security to migration and climate change. It moves beyond a simple description of UN entities as it assesses the development of ideas (such as that of sustainable development), as well as responses to changes in world politics. Finally, it presents both the significant successes of UN work and continued challenges.

A STABILITY-SEEKING POWER US Foreign Policy and Secessionist Conflicts Jonathan Paquin McGiIl- Queen' s University Press, 2010. 230 pp, $27.95 PaPer ISBN 978-0773537378Today the world is witnessing attempts to change international boundaries in northern Iraq, southern Sudan, the Basque region in Spain, and Kashmir. In each case, domestic conflicts, which often reflect underlying ethnic tensions, spill over existing frontiers as secessionists attempt to create independent states. The United States often becomes involved in these conflicts and must decide whether to recognize the statehood of breakaway groups or the legitimacy of redrawn frontiers. The American role in these controversies is significant as US policy can influence the chances of a breakaway region gaining UN membership, World Bank funding, and global visibility.In his new book, Jonathan Paquin addresses this pressing but underdiscussed topic of US foreign policy. He correctly points out that the United States's post-Cold War record in this area demonstrates puzzling variation and apparent inconsistency. Why did the US accept declarations of statehood by Macedonia, Kosovo, and Eritrea but reject those by Chechnya, Somaliland, and others? Paquin's object is find the unifying rationale that underlies these apparently contradictory decisions.Paquin turns to the principles of defensive realism to solve the puzzle. On this basis, he presents a two-pronged theory. First, he asserts that the US will support whichever party is able to ensure the stability of international borders. If the extant central government can provide this guarantee, Washington will not recognize the secessionist claims. However, if the government cannot do so but the secessionists can, the US will side with the latter.In order to test this thesis, Paquin examines Croatia and Slovenia, Macedonia, Kosovo, Eritrea, and Somaliland. To his credit, he also considers two rival theses. The first focuses on the influence of diasporic lobby groups within the United States and the second on business interests. Paquin's research is laid out clearly and follows a straightforward logic. His case studies are well-documented and his use of elite interviews lends gravitas to the analysis. Despite occasional logical jumps in which he appears to have inaccurately extrapolated his observations (87), the depth ofthe case studies is refreshing.Given the book's realist lens, one might expect the author to pay little attention to either the internal dynamics of the US policy process or the domestic politics of states facing secessionist claims. But Paquin's coverage of these very issues situates each case in its own unique context. He clearly opens the "black box." He also resists realism's conceptual trappings and explores US interagency conflict quite effectively. …

Ethnic separatism often has consequences for countries other than tra-ditional homelands. The Kurdish separatist movement presents a prime example of the diffusion of contention as hunger strikes, protest marches, and terrorist bombings in Germany indicate there is a mobilized ...

It is hard to imagine a world without the United Nations. Despite many ups and downs over more than sixty-five years, the UN has not only endured but also played a key role in reshaping the world as we know it. It has embodied human-kind's hopes for a better world through the prevention of conflict. It has promoted a culture of legality and rule of law. It has raised an awareness of the plight of the world's poor, and it has boosted development by providing technical assistance. It has promoted concern for human rights, including the status of women, the rights of the child, and the unique needs of indigenous peoples. It has formulated the concept of environmentally sustainable development. It has contributed immensely to making multilateral diplomacy the primary way in which international norms, public policies, and law are established. It has served as a catalyst for global policy networks and partnerships with other actors. It plays a central role in global governance. Along the way, the UN has earned several Nobel Peace Prizes, including the 2005 award to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and its chief, Mohamed ElBaradei; the 2001 prize to the UN and Secretary-General Kofi Annan; the 1988 award to UN peacekeepers; and the 1969 honor to the International Labour Organization (ILO). In the many areas of UN activity, we can point to the UN's accomplishments and also to its shortcomings and failures. More than sixty-five years after its creation , the UN continues to be the only international organization (IO) or, more correctly, international intergovernmental organization (IGO) of global scope and nearly universal membership that has an agenda encompassing the broadest range of governance issues. It is a complex system that serves as the central site for multilateral diplomacy, with the UN's General Assembly as center stage. Three weeks of general debate at the opening of each fall assembly session draw foreign ministers and heads of state from small and large states to take advantage of the opportunity to address the nations of the world and to engage in intensive diplomacy.

Pope Francis overturns the applecart of many classificatory schemes. He genuinely confuses most political observers because his papacy does not fit neatly into any such scheme. To gain a deeper appreciation of Francis’s complicated papacy, this volume proposes that an interdisciplinary approach, fusing the concepts derived from the fields of moral theology and the social sciences, may properly situate Pope Francis. It starts with a brief literature review of both the popular and the scholarly work on Francis, and then moves on to a general overview of the key characteristics of his papacy in thought, word, and deed. First, in thought: in his encyclicals and his apostolic exhortations, Francis challenges Catholics and, indeed, all people of good will to morally engage and care for the poor, the environment, the neighbor, and the other. Second, in word: through speeches, twitter, and other social media, this pope has gone public and seeks out audiences beyond the global Catholic commu...

It is hard to imagine a world without the United Nations. Despite many ups and downs over more than sixty-five years, the UN has not only endured but also played a key role in reshaping the world as we know it. It has embodied human-kind's hopes for a better world through the prevention of conflict. It has promoted a culture of legality and rule of law. It has raised an awareness of the plight of the world's poor, and it has boosted development by providing technical assistance. It has promoted concern for human rights, including the status of women, the rights of the child, and the unique needs of indigenous peoples. It has formulated the concept of environmentally sustainable development. It has contributed immensely to making multilateral diplomacy the primary way in which international norms, public policies, and law are established. It has served as a catalyst for global policy networks and partnerships with other actors. It plays a central role in global governance. Along the way, the UN has earned several Nobel Peace Prizes, including the 2005 award to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and its chief, Mohamed ElBaradei; the 2001 prize to the UN and Secretary-General Kofi Annan; the 1988 award to UN peacekeepers; and the 1969 honor to the International Labour Organization (ILO). In the many areas of UN activity, we can point to the UN's accomplishments and also to its shortcomings and failures. More than sixty-five years after its creation , the UN continues to be the only international organization (IO) or, more correctly, international intergovernmental organization (IGO) of global scope and nearly universal membership that has an agenda encompassing the broadest range of governance issues. It is a complex system that serves as the central site for multilateral diplomacy, with the UN's General Assembly as center stage. Three weeks of general debate at the opening of each fall assembly session draw foreign ministers and heads of state from small and large states to take advantage of the opportunity to address the nations of the world and to engage in intensive diplomacy.

The goal of this study is twofold. First, it seeks to move beyond the exploration of motivations for understanding why the United States launches some humanitarian interventions and avoids others. Second, it initiates a theory building process to map the complex international and domestic environment that frames American humanitarianism. To explain the selectivity of U.S. engagement, the article establishes a typology of actors, restraints, and concerns involved in the humanitarian policy-making process. It then presents a theory of coevolution that serves as a framework for understanding the interactive and diffusive dynamics between policy makers and their broader operating environ-ment. With illustrative case studies on Operation Provide Comfort in Iraq (1991), Operation Allied Force in Kosovo (1999), and Operation Unified Assistance in response to the Asian Tsunami (2004), this study suggests that U.S.-led humanitarian interventions are part of larger episodes of engagement that...