Anna Philippa-Touchais
Université Paris 1 - Panthéon-Sorbonne, Archéologie, Department Member
A. THE SANCTUARY THROUGH TIME The analysis of the votive material found on the Aspis leaves no doubt as to the existence of a sanctuary at the top of the hill. Here an attempt is made to outline the history of this sanctuary, by... more
A. THE SANCTUARY THROUGH TIME
The analysis of the votive material found on the Aspis leaves no doubt as to the existence of a sanctuary at the top of the hill. Here an attempt is made to outline the history of this sanctuary, by investigating on the one hand the fluctuations in the intensity of cultic activities, and on the other the possible changes in cult practices over time. This investigation is based on the analysis of all catalogued votive finds, as well as the Archaic architectural terracottas and the few architectural remains that can illuminate the configuration of the sanctuary space. Based on these aggregated data, the history of the sanctuary can be delineated through four chronological phases: 1) from the mid-8th to the early 7th century, the early phase of worship at the site, 2) from the mid-7th to the first quarter of the 6th century, the peak of the sanctuary’s activity, 3) the 6th century, the period when the temple is built but worship begins to decline, and 4) the 5th and 4th centuries, when worship is severely limited.
B. IDENTIFICATION OF THE SANCTUARY
In the light of the meagre evidence available, the discussion about the identification of the sanc- tuary on top of the Aspis hill cannot be conclusive. In a previous, preliminary article on the Aspis sanctuary, we had argued that it was more likely to be identified with the sanctuary of Athena Oxyderkes, while we had also mentioned other possibilities, predominant among which was the identification with the sanctuary of Hera Akraia. Today, after the completion of the study of the votive material, and based on new data as well as the re-examination of the old evidence, we believe that it is more likely that the sanctuary was dedicated to Hera Akraia.
C. THE ASPIS SANCTUARY IN LOCAL, REGIONAL, AND INTERREGIONAL CONTEXTS
As we have said, the Aspis sanctuary does not seem to have been a central sanctuary of the Argolid, at least based on the findings unearthed so far on the hill. The votive offerings of all categories have mainly a local character – that is, they are connected with material produced at Argos, which in any case does not differ substantially from the production of other Argolic sites. However, although the sanctuary is clearly part of a local or regional cultural network, the presence of some votive objects from more distant areas suggests that it was not totally cut off from supra-regional networks. What is not possible to know is whether these imported votive offerings came with pilgrims who travelled from afar, or whether they arrived indirectly through trade transactions.
The analysis of the votive material found on the Aspis leaves no doubt as to the existence of a sanctuary at the top of the hill. Here an attempt is made to outline the history of this sanctuary, by investigating on the one hand the fluctuations in the intensity of cultic activities, and on the other the possible changes in cult practices over time. This investigation is based on the analysis of all catalogued votive finds, as well as the Archaic architectural terracottas and the few architectural remains that can illuminate the configuration of the sanctuary space. Based on these aggregated data, the history of the sanctuary can be delineated through four chronological phases: 1) from the mid-8th to the early 7th century, the early phase of worship at the site, 2) from the mid-7th to the first quarter of the 6th century, the peak of the sanctuary’s activity, 3) the 6th century, the period when the temple is built but worship begins to decline, and 4) the 5th and 4th centuries, when worship is severely limited.
B. IDENTIFICATION OF THE SANCTUARY
In the light of the meagre evidence available, the discussion about the identification of the sanc- tuary on top of the Aspis hill cannot be conclusive. In a previous, preliminary article on the Aspis sanctuary, we had argued that it was more likely to be identified with the sanctuary of Athena Oxyderkes, while we had also mentioned other possibilities, predominant among which was the identification with the sanctuary of Hera Akraia. Today, after the completion of the study of the votive material, and based on new data as well as the re-examination of the old evidence, we believe that it is more likely that the sanctuary was dedicated to Hera Akraia.
C. THE ASPIS SANCTUARY IN LOCAL, REGIONAL, AND INTERREGIONAL CONTEXTS
As we have said, the Aspis sanctuary does not seem to have been a central sanctuary of the Argolid, at least based on the findings unearthed so far on the hill. The votive offerings of all categories have mainly a local character – that is, they are connected with material produced at Argos, which in any case does not differ substantially from the production of other Argolic sites. However, although the sanctuary is clearly part of a local or regional cultural network, the presence of some votive objects from more distant areas suggests that it was not totally cut off from supra-regional networks. What is not possible to know is whether these imported votive offerings came with pilgrims who travelled from afar, or whether they arrived indirectly through trade transactions.
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The votive assemblage examined here is composed of 261 clay artefacts, which are classified into three main categories. Figurines prevail notably, especially the anthropomorphic ones; then follow the pottery, mainly of miniature size,... more
The votive assemblage examined here is composed of 261 clay artefacts, which are classified into three main categories. Figurines prevail notably, especially the anthropomorphic ones; then follow the pottery, mainly of miniature size, succeeded by a series of various, small clay objects. Of the entire assemblage, 224 artefacts are comprised in the catalogue and will be analysed here. In the analysis of the material that will follow, pottery will be presented first (1), mainly because this category of the archaeological material can be dated more accurately and, therefore, offers a safer chronological framework. We will then present the anthropomorphic figurines (2), the zoomorphic figurines (3), and finally the various clay objects (4).
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This article explores aspects of the human geography of early Middle Helladic communities to underline their dynamics against existing assessments of their alleged socio-economic and cultural regression. Through a brief examination of... more
This article explores aspects of the human geography of early Middle Helladic communities to underline their dynamics against existing assessments of their alleged socio-economic and cultural regression. Through a brief examination of data from two regions in mainland Greece, the Argolid and Attica, some proposals will be formulated on how the natural landscape of each region affected site distribution, modes of habitation, interaction, economic conditions, and socio-political formation processes.
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The figurines to be discussed are part of votive material linked to the meagre remains of an Archaic sanctuary recently identified on the Aspis hill, which overlooks the city of Argos. It is not very abundant (150 figurines, comprising... more
The figurines to be discussed are part of votive material linked to the meagre remains of an Archaic sanctuary recently identified on the Aspis hill, which overlooks the city of Argos. It is not very abundant (150 figurines, comprising 132 human and 18 animal ones; a slightly higher number of small objects, and some pottery). However, it is interesting both from a chronological and technological point of view, as well as for its significance. The first manifestations of worship on the hill date back to the Late Geometric (last quarter of the 8th century) and the last in Hellenistic times, with the period of the sanctuary's prosperity spanning the second half of the 7th and the first half of the 6th centuries BC.
The vast majority of the figurines (human and animal) are entirely hand-made (122 out of 150, i.e. 81.3%), the figurines made in a mixed technique (moulded face and modelled body) are much rarer (11.3%), and completely moulded figurines (7.3%) even more so. A major focus of interest in this study is the distinction between two technological traditions. The older (characterized by a fine, well-fired buff fabric and a glossy paint) was apparently used until the late 7th century. From the early 6th century - or perhaps from the very end of the 7th – a new technique appeared (red fabric, less fine and less well fired, matt paint on white slip). Interestingly, this technological change is associated with innovations in the typological repertoire of the female figurines. To the late 7th century the female figurines are almost exclusively standing, but the new tradition marks the appearance of seated figurines that will prevail throughout the 6th century.
The vast majority of the figurines (human and animal) are entirely hand-made (122 out of 150, i.e. 81.3%), the figurines made in a mixed technique (moulded face and modelled body) are much rarer (11.3%), and completely moulded figurines (7.3%) even more so. A major focus of interest in this study is the distinction between two technological traditions. The older (characterized by a fine, well-fired buff fabric and a glossy paint) was apparently used until the late 7th century. From the early 6th century - or perhaps from the very end of the 7th – a new technique appeared (red fabric, less fine and less well fired, matt paint on white slip). Interestingly, this technological change is associated with innovations in the typological repertoire of the female figurines. To the late 7th century the female figurines are almost exclusively standing, but the new tradition marks the appearance of seated figurines that will prevail throughout the 6th century.
In the past few years a multi-disciplinary research project based in Athens and aiming at a step-by-step reconstruction of main and secondary Mycenaean goldworking techniques has been conducted by the authors. The material examined is... more
In the past few years a multi-disciplinary research project based in Athens and aiming at a step-by-step reconstruction of main and secondary Mycenaean goldworking techniques has been conducted by the authors. The material examined is held at the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, while the research team consists of archaeologists, conservators and chemists, the main role being held by an experienced craftsman, specialised in traditional goldworking techniques, ancient tools and tool traces on the jewellery itself.
Here, we present the experimental reconstruction of a 15th century BC granulated conical bead from the Mycenaean cemetery of Argos (Deiras). Based on microscopic observations and the results of analytical tests, the experiment helped us to identify the stages of production and to test various hypotheses concerning the moulds used for shaping the bead, the binders used to affix the granules on the metal surface and the tools used to make the suspension holes.
Here, we present the experimental reconstruction of a 15th century BC granulated conical bead from the Mycenaean cemetery of Argos (Deiras). Based on microscopic observations and the results of analytical tests, the experiment helped us to identify the stages of production and to test various hypotheses concerning the moulds used for shaping the bead, the binders used to affix the granules on the metal surface and the tools used to make the suspension holes.
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In the steep and rocky coastal zone south of the Kato Zakros bay lies a series of small fjords. The first one, called Mavro Avlaki, lies at a distance of around 1 km from the Minoan palace complex. In the innermost corner of Mavro Avlaki... more
In the steep and rocky coastal zone south of the Kato Zakros bay lies a series of small fjords. The first one, called Mavro Avlaki, lies at a distance of around 1 km from the Minoan palace complex. In the innermost corner of Mavro Avlaki is located the homonymous cave consisting of two chambers (total length is 26 m, width 1 to 5 m). A brief rescue excavation was conducted under N. Platon’s direction inside the cave in August 1962. The brief preliminary report, as well as the excavations notebooks, mentions fragments of larnakes and pithoi, numerous fragments of various vessel types, murex shells, fragments of two tritons, three obsidian cores, as well as human bones. On the basis of an assessment of this material it was concluded that the cave was used for burials and was dated to the late Prepalatial period and in the EM III-MM IA.
However, the detailed study of the material, comprising some 1700 sherds and a few small finds, revealed that the cave had been used in two different phases: during the Final Neolithic and again in the Middle Minoan period. The chapter here is concerned with human activity in the cave during MM times. On the basis of the number of reconstructed vessels and fragments from the rims, it is estimated that the MM ceramic material must have comprised an assemblage of ca 140 vessels.
The shape repertoire is not extensive. Drinking vessels (cups and tea-cups, shallow bowls) and pouring vessels (beaked, wide-mouthed and bridge-spouted jugs) are dominant; tripod cooking pots, tripod trays and miniature vessels follow; transport and storage vessels (amphorae, pithoi, small pithoid jars, basins and buckets) are few. About two thirds of the vessels are plain; most of the decorated ones bear only traces of black slip, and in a few cases, very poorly preserved painted decoration, mostly ‘Light-on-Dark’. On the basis of the chronology of the pottery, after its Final Neolithic use, the cave was reused in the MM IB-MM IIIA period, corresponding to ‘Zakros III’ in the chronological system devised for the Zakros area.
The archaeological evidence fully justifies a funerary use for the cave, mostly in the early phases of ‘Zakros III’, i.e., MMIB/IIA-MM IIB. The site topography seems to provide further support to this argument since burial caves, unlike caves used as cult sites, are usually found at a close distance to settlements, in non-conspicuous locations. However, the evidence does not exclude the use of the cave as a shelter by fishermen, but also by farmers and shepherds, more probably during the final ‘Zakros III’ phase, namely MM IIIA.
However, the detailed study of the material, comprising some 1700 sherds and a few small finds, revealed that the cave had been used in two different phases: during the Final Neolithic and again in the Middle Minoan period. The chapter here is concerned with human activity in the cave during MM times. On the basis of the number of reconstructed vessels and fragments from the rims, it is estimated that the MM ceramic material must have comprised an assemblage of ca 140 vessels.
The shape repertoire is not extensive. Drinking vessels (cups and tea-cups, shallow bowls) and pouring vessels (beaked, wide-mouthed and bridge-spouted jugs) are dominant; tripod cooking pots, tripod trays and miniature vessels follow; transport and storage vessels (amphorae, pithoi, small pithoid jars, basins and buckets) are few. About two thirds of the vessels are plain; most of the decorated ones bear only traces of black slip, and in a few cases, very poorly preserved painted decoration, mostly ‘Light-on-Dark’. On the basis of the chronology of the pottery, after its Final Neolithic use, the cave was reused in the MM IB-MM IIIA period, corresponding to ‘Zakros III’ in the chronological system devised for the Zakros area.
The archaeological evidence fully justifies a funerary use for the cave, mostly in the early phases of ‘Zakros III’, i.e., MMIB/IIA-MM IIB. The site topography seems to provide further support to this argument since burial caves, unlike caves used as cult sites, are usually found at a close distance to settlements, in non-conspicuous locations. However, the evidence does not exclude the use of the cave as a shelter by fishermen, but also by farmers and shepherds, more probably during the final ‘Zakros III’ phase, namely MM IIIA.
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Early Mycenaean funerary practices are often approached in a retrospective manner. The widespread belief that the initial phases of the LBA represent the formative stages of the complex palatial phenomenon of the 14th and 13th century BC... more
Early Mycenaean funerary practices are often approached in a retrospective manner. The widespread belief that the initial phases of the LBA represent the formative stages of the complex palatial phenomenon of the 14th and 13th century BC has led many scholars to approach 16th or 15th century BC burial assemblages through the lens of subsequent developments, instead of trying to explain them as the outcome of earlier historical processes. The relation of Early Mycenaean burial practices to pre-existing funerary traditions is rarely discussed. What is more, Mycenaean cemeteries are usually examined as self-contained entities, with minimum reference to evidence from corresponding settlements – which, although not abundant, is not lacking altogether.
We suggest that a refined picture of the centuries that preceded the rise of Mycenaean palaces can be obtained if we adopt a more holistic approach, which takes into account both funerary and settlement data and includes the late MBA in the discussion. Argos is one of the few sites in mainland Greece that preserve remains of both domestic and funerary character for the periods in question. This rare luck allows for a detailed contextualization of the local Mycenaean cemetery (Deiras) and a study of its evolution through time, alongside other contemporary processes in the local community (Argos) and the wider region (Argolid). This is the primary purpose of this paper. The second one is to reassess the overall importance of Deiras, a cemetery of considerable size, which, although documented in detail, has been largely ignored in literature – perhaps because the seeming lack of ‘wealthy’ tombs does not allow for elaborate quantitative analyses.
We suggest that a refined picture of the centuries that preceded the rise of Mycenaean palaces can be obtained if we adopt a more holistic approach, which takes into account both funerary and settlement data and includes the late MBA in the discussion. Argos is one of the few sites in mainland Greece that preserve remains of both domestic and funerary character for the periods in question. This rare luck allows for a detailed contextualization of the local Mycenaean cemetery (Deiras) and a study of its evolution through time, alongside other contemporary processes in the local community (Argos) and the wider region (Argolid). This is the primary purpose of this paper. The second one is to reassess the overall importance of Deiras, a cemetery of considerable size, which, although documented in detail, has been largely ignored in literature – perhaps because the seeming lack of ‘wealthy’ tombs does not allow for elaborate quantitative analyses.
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The Aspis or Prophitis Ilias is one of the two hills – the other being the Larissa – that dominate the town of Argos. Both were fortified in the Bronze Age. The Aspis hilltop was first excavated by Vollgraff (1902–3) who uncovered... more
The Aspis or Prophitis Ilias is one of the two hills – the other being the Larissa – that dominate the town of Argos. Both were fortified in the Bronze Age. The Aspis hilltop was first excavated by Vollgraff (1902–3) who uncovered numerous Middle Helladic buildings and sections of two successive enceintes. Fortified sites of the MBA, although well known in the Aegean islands, were particularly rare in Mainland Greece. Therefore, one of the main interests of the Aspis is precisely that it provides a rare example of a Middle Helladic fortified settlement. Another interest is the re-use of the outer enceinte, of Cyclopean masonry, in the fortification wall of the historic times. Recent excavations conducted by the French School brought to light new evidence on the exact dating, course and function of the MBA circuit walls, as well as their relationship to the historic fortification.
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Ο σημερινός ναός των Αγίων Κωνσταντίνου και Ελένης στεγάζεται στο μοναδικό σωζόμενο οθωμανικό τέμενος του Αργους. Αν και υπήρξε ένα από τα δύο σημαντικότερα τζαμιά της πόλης, τόσο η τουρκική ονομασία του όσο και ο χρόνος ανέγερσής του... more
Ο σημερινός ναός των Αγίων Κωνσταντίνου και Ελένης στεγάζεται στο μοναδικό σωζόμενο οθωμανικό τέμενος του Αργους. Αν και υπήρξε ένα από τα δύο σημαντικότερα τζαμιά της πόλης, τόσο η τουρκική ονομασία του όσο και ο χρόνος ανέγερσής του παραμένουν άγνωστα. Η μετατροπή του σε χριστιανικό ναό έγινε λίγα χρόνια μετά την ελληνική επανάσταση, χωρίς να προκληθούν ιδιαίτερα σοβαρές αλλοιώσεις στην αρχική του μορφή. Το μνημείο, αντίθετα από πολλά άλλα, καθώς και το κεντρικό τζαμί της αγοράς, είχε την τύχη να διασωθεί πιθανότατα χάρη στην απόκεντρη θέση του και τη μετατροπή του, μετά από διάφορες χρήσεις, σε χριστιανικό ναό.
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The present paper focuses on the life cycle of Argos during the Early Mycenaean period (MH III/LH I – LH II), also taking into consideration the back-history of the settlement from the beginning of the Middle Helladic (MH). On the basis... more
The present paper focuses on the life cycle of Argos during the Early Mycenaean period (MH III/LH I – LH II), also taking into consideration the back-history of the settlement from the beginning of the Middle Helladic (MH). On the basis of new evidence from the Aspis MH settlement, and using the Adaptive Cycle (AC) model for Argos and for nearby settlements (Lerna, Mycenae), we propose the existence not only of varied life paths for the different sites but also of important potentials existing in MH period that led Argos to great prosperity during the MH II phase, completing a whole AC by the end of the MH period. During the transitional phase (MH III/LH I), and despite a rather illusory image of continuous growth, as reflected in new buildings in the fortified acropolis of the Aspis, Argos enters a critical phase that then becomes apparent through the abandonment of certain residential areas and the relocation of some population groups within and probably beyond its borders. According to one possible scenario, a group of people moved, at the very beginning of MH III, from the Aspis acropolis to Mycenae participating thus in its spectacular rise from the late MH period and onwards. In LH I-ΙΙΑ Argos is still in a phase of release and reorganisation, marked by the definite abandonment of the acropolis and changes in the social and economic domains. It is only in LH IIB that Argos enters a phase of substantial renewal, as reflected in both the burial/ideological and the residential spheres through the respective establishment of a new burial ground at the Deiras ravine, and the gradual expansion of the settlement in the Lower Town, upon the vestiges of the old cemetery.
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In 2021 and 2022 research focused mainly on the study of unpublished geometric-archaic votive material from old excavations on the two acropolises of Argos: on the one hand, the votive deposit excavated by Vollgraff in 1902 on the summit... more
In 2021 and 2022 research focused mainly on the study of unpublished geometric-archaic votive material from old excavations on the two acropolises of Argos: on the one hand, the votive deposit excavated by Vollgraff in 1902 on the summit plateau of Aspis, on the other hand, the similar deposit explored inside the Larissa fortress, first by Vollgraff in 1928-1930 then by Courbin in 1954.
l'âge du Bronze à l'âge du Fer : les dépôts votifs d'époque géométrique et archaïque » [notice archéologique], Bulletin archéologique des Écoles françaises à l'étranger [En ligne], Grèce, mis en ligne le 26 avril 2023, consulté le 24 mai 2023. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/baefe/7901 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 24 mai 2023.
l'âge du Bronze à l'âge du Fer : les dépôts votifs d'époque géométrique et archaïque » [notice archéologique], Bulletin archéologique des Écoles françaises à l'étranger [En ligne], Grèce, mis en ligne le 26 avril 2023, consulté le 24 mai 2023. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/baefe/7901 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 24 mai 2023.
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The four prehistoric tumuli excavated by Spyridon Marinatos in the early 1970s at Vranas, in the Marathon plain, are considered to be one of the most important burial complexes of the Aegean Bronze Age for many reasons: they are probably... more
The four prehistoric tumuli excavated by Spyridon Marinatos in the early 1970s at Vranas, in the Marathon plain, are considered to be one of the most important burial complexes of the Aegean Bronze Age for many reasons: they are probably part of an extensive tumulus cemetery, and are distinguished for their monumental dimensions and their elaborate construction; they include a wide variety of types of tombs, from large cists with individual burials to spacious, complex constructions with side entrances and remains of numerous burials. Moreover, they cover an unusually long period of use from the beginning of the Middle to the end of the Late Bronze Age. Two of the burial mounds are preserved in a very good condition. Finally, it is worth noting that the tumuli were built in a prominent area where tombs of the Early Bronze Age pre-existed.