- Fatih University, English Language and Literature, Faculty Memberadd
- As a graduate from Miami University, Ohio (International Relations), and Palacky University in Olomouc (Politics and ... moreAs a graduate from Miami University, Ohio (International Relations), and Palacky University in Olomouc (Politics and European studies), I previously worked as at Fatih University, Istanbul, and Palacky University, Olomouc. My main areas of interest are European integration with a special focus on Europeanization, democratization, EU decision making processes, migration processes and identity discourses. Having lived in Turkey for over 10 years, I have also studied and observed the Turkish EU accession partnership, the failure to establish a democratic regime, and the economic relations between Turkey, the EU and the rest of the world. As a mother of two small children, I try to find time for my hobbies - reading, travelling, and outdoor activities.edit
Vliv europeizace se v připadě Svedske socialnědemokraticke dělnicke strany (SAP) projevuje předevsim v rostouci miře vnitrostranicke soutěže, s niž se strana pokousi vyrovnat tzv. rozcleněnim. Cilem teto strategie je oddělit evropskou... more
Vliv europeizace se v připadě Svedske socialnědemokraticke dělnicke strany (SAP) projevuje předevsim v rostouci miře vnitrostranicke soutěže, s niž se strana pokousi vyrovnat tzv. rozcleněnim. Cilem teto strategie je oddělit evropskou integraci jako novou konfliktni linii svedskeho stranickeho systemu od tradicnich konfliktnich linii tim, že i na nejvyssich stranických mistech otevřeně toleruje odlisne pohledy na roli Svedska v Evropske unii. Hlavni otazky nejsou pak řeseny v ramci narodnich volebnich kampani, ale referendy. Tim si ma zajistit podporu i těch voliců, kteři s oficialnim postojem strany v teto oblasti nesouhlasi. Tato strategie byla využita i při referendu o jednotne měně v zaři 2003. Pravě nejednotný nazor vedeni strany na euro se vsak stal jednim z rozhodujicich faktorů odmitaveho výsledku referenda. SAP nedokazala přesvědcit sve volice, jejichž hlas byl pro výsledek referenda rozhodujici. Rozporuplne výroky celných představitelů SAP během kampaně před referendem dosvědcovaly, že i plně etablovana strana domaciho stranickeho systemu je nucena přijmout evropskou integraci jako nastupujici novou konfliktni linii.
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Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 2/2008 Articles 21 The Nordic Countries' 'Exceptionalism' in EU Environmental Policy Lucie Tunkrova Abstract: The Nordic countries have a long tradition of regional cooperation. The ...
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We have experienced a growing interest in how and why the European identity is constructed. The most tangible results of the efforts to produce some kind of common identity for all EU Member States are the symbols of European unity such... more
We have experienced a growing interest in how and why the European identity is constructed. The most tangible results of the efforts to produce some kind of common identity for all EU Member States are the symbols of European unity such as the flag, the anthem, the common currency, the .eu domain or the European passport. Most of the research evaluating the construction and impact of shared identity faces problems with the operationalisation of European identity. The paper examines the Turkish accession process and the ongoing debate on Turkish membership in the EU. It argues that the EU seeks to utilize the debate for strengthening the notion of European identity. The choice of Turkey was deliberate as it it is a controversial topic in many Member States and among them. Some consider Turkish membership as a test to European identity and/or an issue that can help to define/foster the content of European identity. As such, the question is problematic and consensus cannot be expected to appear any time soon, which makes it a topic where the EU has to show a sophisticated level of communication abilities. In turn, Turkey itself is undergoing significant changes in perceiving its new and changing identity in the post-Cold war era, where the relations with the European Union play a crucial role.
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Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 1/2007 Book reviews 69 Book Reviews ¶ Dietmar Braun and Fabrizio Gilardi (eds.) Delegation in Contemporary Democracies. Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2006, 256 pp. ISBN-13: 978-0415353434 Reviewed by... more
Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 1/2007 Book reviews 69 Book Reviews ¶ Dietmar Braun and Fabrizio Gilardi (eds.) Delegation in Contemporary Democracies. Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2006, 256 pp. ISBN-13: 978-0415353434 Reviewed by Lucie Tunkrová ...
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Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without... more
Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage). Democratisation in EU Foreign Policy: The Cases of Belarus, Turkey and Ukraine
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The Gulen movement is one of the most controversial political and economic forces in Turkey, whose impact on the failed Turkish democratization in the 2000s and the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdogan to power is yet to be fully evaluated. The... more
The Gulen movement is one of the most controversial political and economic forces in Turkey, whose impact on the failed Turkish democratization in the 2000s and the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdogan to power is yet to be fully evaluated. The paper argues that the decision to stay out of active politics caused by the history of the Gulen movement as a grassroots movement, which wanted to protect its strategic interests mixing Islam with Turkish nationalism in Turkey and abroad led to the decision to support the AKP instead to establish a political party. This brought the movement substantial power and influence on the political system of the country but the failed democratisation of Turkey that remains a hybrid regime made the movement very vulnerable to the changes in the political power structure, which led to its demise. The attempt to counter the hegemony of the new political elite in the hybrid environment of Turkey failed because the movement could not claim the democratic accountab...
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Migration is a relatively new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, which has gradually become a destination country. The securitisation and politicisation of migration in the Czech domestic discourse has created a great deal of public... more
Migration is a relatively new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, which has gradually become a destination country. The securitisation and politicisation of migration in the Czech domestic discourse has created a great deal of public anxiety, especially towards Muslims. This paper focuses on the position of Turkish migrants, the single largest Muslim community in the Czech Republic, in the specific context of the Czech Republic. The objective is to define the nature of Turkish migration to the Czech Republic as part of broader migration patterns. Using data from the Czech Statistical Office and from a questionnaire survey, it investigates the Turkish community’s assessment of adaptation to the Czech environment and their position within the wider Turkish dias-pora policy. I argue that that the non-transparent Czech immigration policy and Czech Islamophobia are potential factors influencing the adaptation process of the Turkish community, which might affect their decision to remain in ...
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The impact of EU norms and practices (Europeanisation) on the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SAP) in Sweden predominantly manifests in the growth of intra-party competition. In reaction, the party has compartmentalised to separate... more
The impact of EU norms and practices (Europeanisation) on the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SAP) in Sweden predominantly manifests in the growth of intra-party competition. In reaction, the party has compartmentalised to separate the new divide over European integration from the more traditional divisions. This means open toleration of the divergence between top repre- sentatives' views on Europe. Subsequently, major issues are decided not in elections, but in referen- da. This approach allows it to retain some voters who disagree with the official party line on the EU. The party used this strategy for the Euro referendum in September 2003. However, the split in the party leadership became a key factor in the rejection of the common currency. The SAP failed to convince its voters, whose vote was decisive. The inconsistency of prominent party members' state- ments during the campaign showed that even fully established political parties must face up to Eu- ropeanisatio...
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This paper focuses on framing as a social movement’s transnational strategy. Applying the cultural approach to framing analysis, it investigates how the Gülen movement, as a social group with restricted access to national gatekeepers,... more
This paper focuses on framing as a social movement’s transnational strategy. Applying the cultural approach to framing analysis, it investigates how the Gülen movement, as a social group with restricted access to national gatekeepers, uses discourse to internationalise a domestic power struggle with a powerful opponent. Moving the struggle to the international arena presents a discursive opportunity that determines which ideas become visible and legitimate both internationally and nationally. The importance of such internationalization increases in times of conflict and the media play a vital role in this process. The paper argues that the editors of the pro-Gülen movement foreign online platforms established after the movement was forced into exile following the failed 2016 coup, use strategic framing to tailor their frames for the host context and culture. That increases the resonance of their frames and the potential of the discursive opportunity. The article confirms the previou...
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Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 2/2008 Articles 21 The Nordic Countries' 'Exceptionalism' in EU Environmental Policy Lucie Tunkrova Abstract: The Nordic countries have a long tradition of regional cooperation. The ...
Research Interests:
Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 1/2007 Book reviews 69 Book Reviews ¶ Dietmar Braun and Fabrizio Gilardi (eds.) Delegation in Contemporary Democracies. Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2006, 256 pp. ISBN-13: 978-0415353434 Reviewed by... more
Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 1/2007 Book reviews 69 Book Reviews ¶ Dietmar Braun and Fabrizio Gilardi (eds.) Delegation in Contemporary Democracies. Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2006, 256 pp. ISBN-13: 978-0415353434 Reviewed by Lucie Tunkrová ...
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Countries of Central Europe were characterised by high support of membership in the European Union in the early 1990s. The attitude of the public and the political elites started to change in the second half of the 1990s. The discourse... more
Countries of Central Europe were characterised by high support of membership in the European Union in the early 1990s. The attitude of the public and the political elites started to change in the second half of the 1990s. The discourse grew into a more structured one. Negative assessments of the impacts of membership appeared. It was predominantly the Czech Republic but also other countries in the region of Central Europe that eurosceptic opinions emerged, which has been projected into the programmes of the main political parties. When studying the eurosceptic formations in Central Europe, several conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, eurosceptic positions are expressed mainly by opposition parties. Secondly, European integration has not yet evolved into a fully-fledged cleavage. Thirdly, most of these subjects represent europragmatic positions. Fourthly, the impact of membership on these countries has a high potential to further influence the stances of political parties and voters to European integration and consequently develop this cleavage in the future.
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The question of Turkish membership in the European Union is highly controversial and subject to many misperceptions and misunderstandings on both sides. This book examines the politics of EU accession which have evolved during the... more
The question of Turkish membership in the European Union is highly controversial and subject to many misperceptions and misunderstandings on both sides. This book examines the politics of EU accession which have evolved during the expansion of the EU, from more ...
All EU Member States strive to use EU leverage in order to have their national and/or regional interests implemented in the international arena, but it is particularly important to small Member States, which observe the potential to... more
All EU Member States strive to use EU leverage in order to have their national and/or regional interests implemented in the international arena, but it is particularly important to small Member States, which observe the potential to increase their power internationally. Th e Northern Dimension Initiative (NDI) is a rather illustrative example of how small states can successfully utilise their coalition potential for pursuing a policy that they consider part of their key national interest. Th is paper discusses the process of the formation of the policy with special attention paid to the notable role that Finland, supported by the other Nordic countries, played in its institutionalisation and revitalisation in 2006. It concludes with a discussion of sub-regional cooperation as a means of increasing small state infl uence in an enlarged European Union arguing that Central European countries have a good potential for forming sub-regional cooperation in the future if several requirement...
Research Interests:
This paper focuses on framing as a social movement's transnational strategy. Applying the cultural approach to framing analysis, it investigates how the Gülen movement, as a social group with restricted access to national gatekeepers,... more
This paper focuses on framing as a social movement's transnational strategy. Applying the cultural approach to framing analysis, it investigates how the Gülen movement, as a social group with restricted access to national gatekeepers, uses discourse to internationalise a domestic power struggle with a powerful opponent. Moving the struggle to the international arena presents a discursive opportunity that determines which ideas become visible and legitimate both internationally and nationally. The importance of such internationalization increases in times of conflict and the media play a vital role in this process. The paper argues that the editors of the pro-Gülen movement foreign online platforms established after the movement was forced into exile following the failed 2016 coup, use strategic framing to tailor their frames for the host context and culture. That increases the resonance of their frames and the potential of the discursive opportunity. The article confirms the previous findings that media are a crucial resource for transnational social movements because policymakers are sensitive to public opinion, which is shaped by media frames.
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Page 1. Contemporary European Studies 1/2008 Articles 5 Articles ¶ The Power of Small States in the European Union: the Case of Finland and the Northern Dimension Policy Lucie Tunkrova Abstract: All EU Member States ...
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Migration is a relatively new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, which has gradually become a destination country. The securitisation and politicisation of migration in the Czech domestic discourse has created a great deal of public... more
Migration is a relatively new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, which has gradually become a destination country. The securitisation and politicisation of migration in the Czech domestic discourse has created a great deal of public anxiety, especially towards Muslims. This paper focuses on the position of Turkish migrants, the single largest Muslim community in the Czech Republic, in the specific context of the Czech Republic. The objective is to define the nature of Turkish migration to the Czech Republic as part of broader migration patterns. Using data from the Czech Statistical Office and from a questionnaire survey, it investigates the Turkish community's assessment of adaptation to the Czech environment and their position within the wider Turkish dias-pora policy. I argue that that the non-transparent Czech immigration policy and Czech Islamophobia are potential factors influencing the adaptation process of the Turkish community, which might affect their decision to remain in the country. Furthermore, the small size of the Turkish community can hamper the migrants' social life, who might wish to maintain strong ties with the homeland and the diaspora community in Europe.
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The Gülen movement is one of the most controversial political and economic forces in Turkey, whose impact on the failed Turkish democratization in the 2000s and the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdogan to power is yet to be fully evaluated. The... more
The Gülen movement is one of the most controversial political and economic forces in Turkey, whose impact on the failed Turkish democratization in the 2000s and the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdogan to power is yet to be fully evaluated. The paper argues that the decision to stay out of active politics caused by the history of the Gülen movement as a grassroots movement, which wanted to protect its strategic interests mixing Islam with Turkish nationalism in Turkey and abroad led to the decision to support the AKP instead to establish a political party. This brought the movement substantial power and influence on the political system of the country but the failed democratisation of Turkey that remains a hybrid regime made the movement very vulnerable to the changes in the political power structure, which led to its demise. The attempt to counter the hegemony of the new political elite in the hybrid environment of Turkey failed because the movement could not claim the democratic accountability through elections as the AKP did. The movement represents an example of a new social movements, which missed the opportunity window of a favourable political moment, which will require its significant retransformation in the future.
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Human rights are defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 as an integral part of the shared heritage of the human race and as an indispensable condition for achieving a lasting peace. Human rights’ protection became... more
Human rights are defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 as an integral part of the shared heritage of the human race and as an indispensable condition for achieving a lasting peace. Human rights’ protection became increasingly subject to international scrutiny in the 20th century and subsequently the international law of human rights has evolved. Gradually, the proliferation of international human rights’ norms has also been reflected in the external policies of the European
Communities. The growing level of recognition of common interests between the Member States have led to the growing politicisation of European integration. In the last fifteen years the political dimension “spilled over“ to the issues of human rights at both the internal and external levels. The aim of this paper is to examine the external
dimension of human rights’ protection and promotion in the European Union’s (EU) development and foreign policies. I will argue that despite some persisting obstacles the EU contributes by the promotion of human rights, democracy, and rule of law, to the consolidation, promotion and enforcement of the body of international law of human rights.
Communities. The growing level of recognition of common interests between the Member States have led to the growing politicisation of European integration. In the last fifteen years the political dimension “spilled over“ to the issues of human rights at both the internal and external levels. The aim of this paper is to examine the external
dimension of human rights’ protection and promotion in the European Union’s (EU) development and foreign policies. I will argue that despite some persisting obstacles the EU contributes by the promotion of human rights, democracy, and rule of law, to the consolidation, promotion and enforcement of the body of international law of human rights.
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This paper focuses on the coalition behaviour of the European Union member states in the Council of Ministers. The negotiation process and the coalition behaviour have been considered crucial elements of integration theories. Every... more
This paper focuses on the coalition behaviour of the European Union
member states in the Council of Ministers. The negotiation process and the coalition behaviour have been considered crucial elements of integration theories. Every member state endeavours to bring the negotiations outcomes close to its national interest. One possible way of promoting the state interest is to look for coalition partners. Generally, there are no stable coalitions in the EU. The different sectors characterise various coalitional patterns and the diverse coalitions overlap depending on the area discussed. Hence the factual weight of the votes of individual member states fluctuates. Nevertheless, we can identify groups of countries that have a higher tendency to form correlate grouping than others. In case of smaller countries, i.e., countries with a smaller weight of their vote, the main concern is to build up blocking coalitions. However, the Nordic countries have a high tendency to construct coalitions, mainly in the fields of social policy, environmental policy, liberal external trade policy, and indirect taxation.
member states in the Council of Ministers. The negotiation process and the coalition behaviour have been considered crucial elements of integration theories. Every member state endeavours to bring the negotiations outcomes close to its national interest. One possible way of promoting the state interest is to look for coalition partners. Generally, there are no stable coalitions in the EU. The different sectors characterise various coalitional patterns and the diverse coalitions overlap depending on the area discussed. Hence the factual weight of the votes of individual member states fluctuates. Nevertheless, we can identify groups of countries that have a higher tendency to form correlate grouping than others. In case of smaller countries, i.e., countries with a smaller weight of their vote, the main concern is to build up blocking coalitions. However, the Nordic countries have a high tendency to construct coalitions, mainly in the fields of social policy, environmental policy, liberal external trade policy, and indirect taxation.
Research Interests:
Countries of Central Europe were characterised by high support of membership in the European Union in the early 1990s. The attitude of the public and the political elites started to change in the second half of the 1990s. The discourse... more
Countries of Central Europe were characterised by high support of membership in the European Union in the early 1990s. The attitude of the public and the political elites started to change in the second half of the 1990s. The discourse grew into a more structured one. Negative assessments of the impacts of membership appeared. It was predominantly the Czech Republic but also other countries in the region of Central Europe that eurosceptic opinions emerged, which has been projected into the programmes of the main political parties. When studying the eurosceptic formations in Central Europe, several conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, eurosceptic positions are expressed mainly by opposition parties. Secondly, European integration has not yet evolved into a fully-fledged cleavage. Thirdly, most of these subjects represent europragmatic positions. Fourthly, the impact of membership on these countries has a high potential to further influence the stances of political parties and voters to European integration and consequently develop this cleavage in the future.
Research Interests:
All EU Member States strive to use EU leverage in order to have their national and/or regional interests implemented in the international arena, but it is particularly important to small Member States, which observe the potential to... more
All EU Member States strive to use EU leverage in order to have their national and/or regional interests implemented in the international arena, but it is particularly important to small Member States, which observe the potential to increase their power internationally. Th e Northern Dimension Initiative (NDI) is a rather illustrative example of how small states can successfully utilise their coalition potential for pursuing a policy that they consider part of their key national interest. Th is paper discusses the process of the formation of the policy with special attention paid to the notable role that Finland, supported by the other Nordic countries, played in its institutionalisation and revitalisa-tion in 2006. It concludes with a discussion of sub-regional cooperation as a means of increasing small state infl uence in an enlarged European Union arguing that Central European countries have a good potential for forming sub-regional cooperation in the future if several requirements are met.
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The fight with climate change caused by human activity is the main priority in the document titled The State Environmental Policy of the Czech Republic, 2012-2020. While climate protection requires a global approach, it requires specific... more
The fight with climate change caused by human activity is the main priority in the document titled The State Environmental Policy of the Czech Republic, 2012-2020. While climate protection requires a global approach, it requires specific local and regional activities in individual countries. This chapter explains the reasons why climate change needs attention in the Czech Republic, the commitments the country follows and their implementation status, and in the conclusion compares the programmes of the Czech centre-right parliamentary parties and the movement ANO 2011, which held the post of Minister of Environment from 2013-2017.
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We have experienced a growing interest in how and why the European identity is constructed. The most tangible results of the efforts to produce some kind of common identity for all EU Member States are the symbols of European unity such... more
We have experienced a growing interest in how and why the European identity is constructed. The most tangible
results of the efforts to produce some kind of common identity for all EU Member States are the symbols of European unity
such as the flag, the anthem, the common currency, the .eu domain or the European passport. Most of the research evaluating
the construction and impact of shared identity faces problems with the operationalisation of European identity. The paper
examines the Turkish accession process and the ongoing debate on Turkish membership in the EU. It argues that the EU
seeks to utilize the debate for strengthening the notion of European identity. The choice of Turkey was deliberate as it it is
a controversial topic in many Member States and among them. Some consider Turkish membership as a test to European
identity and/or an issue that can help to define/foster the content of European identity. As such, the question is problematic
and consensus cannot be expected to appear any time soon, which makes it a topic where the EU has to show a sophisticated
level of communication abilities. In turn, Turkey itself is undergoing significant changes in perceiving its new and changing
identity in the post-Cold war era, where the relations with the European Union play a crucial role.
results of the efforts to produce some kind of common identity for all EU Member States are the symbols of European unity
such as the flag, the anthem, the common currency, the .eu domain or the European passport. Most of the research evaluating
the construction and impact of shared identity faces problems with the operationalisation of European identity. The paper
examines the Turkish accession process and the ongoing debate on Turkish membership in the EU. It argues that the EU
seeks to utilize the debate for strengthening the notion of European identity. The choice of Turkey was deliberate as it it is
a controversial topic in many Member States and among them. Some consider Turkish membership as a test to European
identity and/or an issue that can help to define/foster the content of European identity. As such, the question is problematic
and consensus cannot be expected to appear any time soon, which makes it a topic where the EU has to show a sophisticated
level of communication abilities. In turn, Turkey itself is undergoing significant changes in perceiving its new and changing
identity in the post-Cold war era, where the relations with the European Union play a crucial role.
Research Interests:
The impact of EU norms and practices (Europeanisation) on the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SAP) in Sweden predominantly manifests in the growth of intra-party competition. In reaction, the party has compartmentalised to separate the... more
The impact of EU norms and practices (Europeanisation) on the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SAP) in Sweden predominantly manifests in the growth of intra-party competition. In reaction, the party has compartmentalised to separate the new divide over European integration from the more traditional divisions. This means open toleration of the divergence between top repre-sentatives' views on Europe. Subsequently, major issues are decided not in elections, but in referenda. This approach allows it to retain some voters who disagree with the official party line on the EU. The party used this strategy for the Euro referendum in September 2003. However, the split in the party leadership became a key factor in the rejection of the common currency. The SAP failed to convince its voters, whose vote was decisive. The inconsistency of prominent party members' statements during the campaign showed that even fully established political parties must face up to Eu-ropeanisation as an impending divide. Postavení a vliv Evropské unie (EU) na stranický systém jejích členských států jsou často řešeny v rámci konceptu europeizace. Cílem je najít a zhodnotit možné důsledky do-padu evropské integrace na politické strany a na národní stranické systémy. Literatura, za-bývající se europeizací, se v tomto kontextu zaměřila na dvě hlavní oblasti. Jedna z nich se zabývá aktivitami politických stran na evropské úrovni, především pak v Evropském parlamentu (EP); druhá sleduje vliv evropské integrace na domácí stranické systémy a na jednotlivé politické strany. Velmi důležitým aspektem je v tomto směru míra vlivu, kterou má evropská integrace na formulaci stranických programů jednotlivých stran, a nakolik ta-to problematika v národním prostředí " zdomácněla ". Jelikož proces evropské integrace ovlivňuje národní stranické systémy členských států EU a může vést až k destabilizaci, zá-niku etablovaných či vzniku nových stran, je nutné tento faktor neopomíjet. Evropská integrace ovlivňuje nejen původní členské státy EU, ale i země usilující o vstup do této organizace. Právě případ Švédské sociálnědemokratické dělnické strany (SAP) je z tohoto pohledu velmi zajímavý. SAP byla od okamžiku podání švédské žádosti o vstup do EU v otázce podpory vstupu značně rozdělena. Toto vnitřní rozpolcení přetrva-lo až dodnes. Postupně se však postoj oponentů integrace měnil. Dnes již nestojí proti člen-ství jako takovému, ale spíše usilují o minimální politickou integraci. V poslední době se potom zaměřili především na kampaň proti společné evropské měně – proti euro. Poměr
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Th e Nordic countries have a long tradition of regional cooperation. Th e end of the Cold War and the subsequent accession of Finland and Sweden to the European Union created the necessity to redefi ne the nature of this collaboration... more
Th e Nordic countries have a long tradition of regional cooperation. Th e end of the Cold War and the subsequent accession of Finland and Sweden to the European Union created the necessity to redefi ne the nature of this collaboration model. Th e traditional pattern of Nordic 'exceptionalism' could no longer be applied and the Nordic countries have gradually turned to the European Union as the main arena for not only the promotion of their national but also regional interests. While the Europeanisation of Nordic cooperation has, to some extent, diluted the original model of Nordic 'exceptionalism,' defi ned as being better than the others but also a model that could be applied elsewhere, it has also aff ected the European Union, where the Nordic countries have to some extent 'nordicised' the EU. Th e paper uses the example of Nordic countries' eff ect on the EU environmental policy to show how sub-regions in the EU might shape European policies.
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The fast progress of economic integration in the late 1980s and early 1990s spurred a debate on what constituted Europeanness and whether it was important for the success of the economic integration project. The debate further intensified... more
The fast progress of economic integration in the late 1980s and early 1990s spurred a debate on what constituted Europeanness and whether it was important for the success of the economic integration project. The debate further intensified with the opening of accession negotiations with first the former socialist countries and then also Turkey where the latter spurred particularly intensive discourse in the EU's member states and institutions. The effect of the images evoked and arguments presented have a significant impact on the structure and the outcome of the debate on Europe's identity. As negative statements received more attention, they became more influential in shaping the outcome of the debate and contributed to the slowdown of the accession process. The last year's efforts on both sides to revive the process held the promise that the debate could become more realistic and objective but recent events in Turkey undermine these hopes.
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Turecko je v současné době domovem téměř tří milionů uprchlíků ze Sýrie a mnoha dalších zemí, hlavně Iráku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. V reakci na uprchlickou krizi se turecká vláda a Evropská unie dohodly na plánu koordinace aktivit, které... more
Turecko je v současné době domovem téměř tří milionů uprchlíků ze Sýrie a mnoha dalších zemí, hlavně Iráku, Íránu a Afghánistánu. V reakci na uprchlickou krizi se turecká vláda a Evropská unie dohodly na plánu koordinace aktivit, které mají výměnou za finanční pomoc Turecku zabránit exodu uprchlíků do Evropy přes turecké hranice. Největší překážkou pro úspěch dohody jsou velmi dobře organizované mezinárodní sítě pašeráků. Z pohledu turecké veřejnosti má dohoda relativně malou podporu, protože roste domácí znepokojení nad početně velkou skupinou syrských uprchlíků a nad propojením konfliktu v Sýrii s obnovením teroristických aktivit Kurdské strany pracujících (PKK) a s útoky Islámského státu (Daeš) na území Turecka. Bez spolupráce EU a Turecka uprchlickou krizi nelze vyřešit. Jestliže EU pochybuje o skutečné snaze Turecka dostát svým slibům a dokud v Turecku panuje stejný postoj k EU, je možnost účelné dohody značně malá. Společné zvládnutí tohoto těžkého úkolu je přesto jedinou možností, jak posílit stabilitu regionu, a tím i bezpečnost vnější hranice EU.
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The issue we are facing at present is not a lack of information but a lack of reliable information. We are witnessing the growing transformation of Czech society into a post-truth society with a vast plurality of information and opinions... more
The issue we are facing at present is not a lack of information but a lack of reliable information. We are witnessing the growing transformation of Czech society into a post-truth society with a vast plurality of information and opinions but with a certain resignation on actual truth. The media are the primary tool of political communication and have undergone a major change wherein a number of them have been taken over by powerful businessmen. Additional factors affecting the media include the rise of social media and the introduction of new communication strategies and tools, including so-called " infoganda ". The primary current threat seems to come from the pro-Russian influence which is aimed at undermining democratic institutions in the country. Czech right-wing parties have repeatedly warned against the Russian influence and have available several tools to resist it including support for higher media literacy and fact-checking projects and the implementation of a better communication policy.
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While both the European Commission and the European Parliament point to the urgent need to increase the size of the EU budget there has not been any long term support to significantly increase it above 1% of the EU’s GNI. The Eurozone... more
While both the European Commission and the European Parliament point to the urgent need to increase the size of the EU budget there has not been any long term support to significantly increase it above 1% of the EU’s GNI. The Eurozone debt crisis could – and should - be used as an opportunity to improve the stabilization capacity of the EU budget according to fiscal federalism theory recommendations, moving the EU closer towards a political union. We argue that the current crisis opened an opportunity window that needs to be fully utilised and examine how the ‘political power’ of the EU’s institutions (Parliament, Commission, Presidency) and member states can be utilized in securing favourable negotiations outcomes in the context of the new financial perspective negotiations
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The attitude of the public to immigrants represents one of the key factors in their successful integration. The current debate and perspectives have been greatly affected by a selective negative media coverage. The rise of the various... more
The attitude of the public to immigrants represents one of the key factors in their successful integration. The current debate and perspectives have been greatly affected by a selective negative media coverage. The rise of the various anti-immigration groups and parties has shown the limited ability of traditional political parties to address the issue effectively and has provided the former with leverage to affect public opinion especially through the (social) media. Successful immigration and integration policies require a public discourse encompassing many citizens including the immigrants. Shortage of reliable information on immigration is the greatest challenge today; EU citizens also need the possibility to discuss their concerns about immigration openly. The chapter proposes an information and communication policy, which could provide the basis for a more balanced political discussion about immigration and integration.
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The question of Turkish membership in the European Union is highly controversial and subject to many misperceptions and misunderstandings on both sides. This book examines the politics of EU accession which have evolved during the... more
The question of Turkish membership in the European Union is highly controversial and subject to many misperceptions and misunderstandings on both sides.
This book examines the politics of EU accession which have evolved during the expansion of the EU, from more procedural conditions to provisions of substantive democracy. With a particular focus on the challenges Turkey faces to join the EU, the authors examine the experiences of the newly-democratised and acceded Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia to provide insight and to identify the best possible solutions.
Combining the Turkish and Central European perspectives in one volume, and using a social constructivist approach, the authors address issues including Euroscepticism, EU absorption capacity, women’s rights, democratisation, Turkish Kamalism, the desecuritisation of Turkish politics and the problem of Northern Cyprus. This volume establishes the challenges the EU, its member states and the candidate countries need to face and successfully address in order to contribute to both their democratization and the European integration process.
This book will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics, Turkish politics and international politics.
This book examines the politics of EU accession which have evolved during the expansion of the EU, from more procedural conditions to provisions of substantive democracy. With a particular focus on the challenges Turkey faces to join the EU, the authors examine the experiences of the newly-democratised and acceded Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia to provide insight and to identify the best possible solutions.
Combining the Turkish and Central European perspectives in one volume, and using a social constructivist approach, the authors address issues including Euroscepticism, EU absorption capacity, women’s rights, democratisation, Turkish Kamalism, the desecuritisation of Turkish politics and the problem of Northern Cyprus. This volume establishes the challenges the EU, its member states and the candidate countries need to face and successfully address in order to contribute to both their democratization and the European integration process.
This book will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics, Turkish politics and international politics.
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Tato publikace sleduje různé aspekty této turbulentní doby a jejich dopad na českou a evropskou společnost se zvláštním důrazem na střední třídu. Na střední třídě, kterou „život v karanténě“ zasáhl nejvíce, protože se jí nejčastěji týkal,... more
Tato publikace sleduje různé aspekty této turbulentní doby a jejich dopad na českou a evropskou společnost se zvláštním důrazem na střední třídu. Na střední třídě, kterou „život v karanténě“ zasáhl nejvíce, protože se jí nejčastěji týkal, jsme viděli, co je potřeba změnit, aby se jí dařilo lépe i mimo čistě ekonomické incentivy. Autoři ukazují rizika i příležitosti spojené se současnou situací v létě 2020 a navrhují doporučení pro středopravé strany, které nejčastěji zastupují zájmy střední třídy, jež je v této chvíli koronavirovou krizí nejvíce ohrožená.