National Interest

The United States pursuing the realist prescription during the cold war helped maintain the balance of power and thus 'peace' among the competing great powers. In the post-cold war era it divorced some of realist assumptions-most importantly the prudential consideration-and pursued hegemonic policies which not only alienated its allies but also created apprehensions among other great powers about US ambitious grand designs. By pursuing such policies it has challenged not only the legitimacy of certain institutions established since Second World War (like United Nations), but also the institutions being established since Treaty of Westphalia (like state sovereignty). The study postulates that struggle for power and great power politics that had gone to the back-benches for some time during 1990s is very much alive and back in the post 9/11 era generally, and in the past decade specifically, establishing the prominence of enduring legacy of Realism.

The ability of nationalism is often questioned whether this philosophy is still significant at a time when globalization embrace by all countries in the world? Presently, there are evidence in growing of worldwide nationalism. Here in the UK, Brexit begin to attract the attention of most social scientists to study its behavior and principles. Brexit is seen as a crucial step towards the protection of security and national identity that is weakening as a result of growing for openness policies in the UK. This study therefore sees the presence of a loophole that interesting to be debated by looking Brexit from the nationalist perspective. Thus, this research have an objective of the study to be achieved which is to identify the factor of identity crisis in UK from the entry of UK into EU to examine UK's domestic politics and its influences towards re-emergence of British nationalism and how it influenced on Brexit and to examine the threat from external and its influences towards re-emergence of nationalism and how it roles in reconstructing UK's national identity. This study has used qualitative methods including library research related with this research. The area of research are UK and EU. After going through the process of debate and argument in this study, this study found that domestic and external factors have indeed influenced the emergence of the Brexit movement where this movement carries nationalism elements in it. This study also found that the re-emergence of British nationalism is due to the most dominant factors which are immigration and foreign workers. This study also found that there is an incensement in the degree of nationalism in the UK based on measurements (1) Attitudes, (2) The rise of nationalist parties (3), Nationalist policies, (4) Nationalist violence and hate crimes.

Whilst religion and collective identity have become issues of central concern to international relations scholars, dynastic concerns and national interests still dominate their analyses of early modern international politics. This analysis contributes to the constructivist emphasis on collective identity to foreign policy by examining Tudor England in light of the concept of confessionalisation. Based on the recent historiography of Tudor England, this analysis demonstrates the importance of religion in defining not only the collective identity of international actors, but also their foreign policies, choice of alliances, and, more generally, their international outlook. Through such a lens, it seeks to draw analyses of the confessional state away from their focus on domestic state  formation to the “external” dimension of confessionalisation and its importance for international politics.

Industri pertahanan Indonesia dituntut untuk dapat berkembang agar dapat mencapai kemandirian industri pertahanannya dan hal ini sesuai dengan program pengembangan industri pertahanan dalam negeri Indonesia. Untuk mencapai kemandirian industri pertahanan, Indonesia tentunya harus memiliki strategi agar dapat tercapai tujuan tersebut sehingga kebutuhan vital Indonesia dalam memodernisasi teknologi terbarunya khususnya dalam bidang pertahanan dapat terpenuhi yang mana ini ditujukan untuk keamanan nasioal dan kepentingan nasional. Dalam tulisan ini menganalisis strategi industri pertahanan yang dilakukan Indonesia dalam memenuhi kebutuhannya agar tercapainya kemandirian industri pertahanan.

INDONESIAN DEFENSE INDUSTRY STRATEGY TO REACH THE INDEPENDENCE OF DEFENSE INDUSTRY
Indonesian defense industry is required develop to reach the independence of its defense industry and this is due with Indonesia's domestic defense industry development program. To reach the independence of the defense industry, Indonesia certainly must have a strategy in order to achieve these, so Indonesia's vital needs in modernizing latest technology, especially in the field of defense can be fulfilled and which is for national security and national interests. In this paper, to disscus the defense industry strategy by Indonesia its needs to reach the independence of the defense industry.

The aim of this research is to analyze the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, focusing on the various changes that took place in Nigerian foreign policy since Independent, and specifically upon the election of President M. Buhari. It sets out to explain these changes and classify them through the analysis of Ogidan.P. Damilola and the theoretical model developed by Charles F. Hermann in his article " Changing Course: When Governments Choose to Redirect Foreign Policy " , attempting to answer the following question: which are the most influential factors in shaping Nigeria " s foreign policy since independence? The paper holds that there is a mix of internal causes and exogenous factors determining the course of Nigerian foreign policy. Foreign policy is basically the mirror of domestic policy, but it will be insufficient, this be the only focus on analysis, as the most important factors in this analysis is both domestic and external.

Due to the Malacca Straits’ strategic centrality in contemporary
regional shipping routes, the Japanese have become very concerned
about the passage of ships through the area as they have increasingly
attracted the attention of maritime criminals such as pirates and
smugglers. This study has two objectives, namely to 1) describe the
background and the importance of the Malacca Straits to Japan; 2)
discuss Japan’s contribution and its cooperation with the littoral
states. Significantly, this study has found that, in order for Japan to
protect its own national interests, it has had to take the necessary
steps to strengthen diplomatic relations with littoral states as well
as assisting in improving maritime security in the Malacca Straits.
Based on empirical evidence, this study proposes several approaches
toward improve current regional cooperation mechanisms by
addressing common regional security issues.

This article examines and analyses Japan’s current interest in the South China Sea, by first alluding to the historical context of that country’s involvement from the mid-1930s to the end of the Pacific War, 1945. It then outlines Japan’s energy security and needs and that country’s national policy relating to securing safety for its flagged ships and those vessels assisting in promoting Japan’s export and import and the diplomatic role that Japan plays towards regional stability. Japan in their Diplomatic Bluebook stated that the priority for Japan is to guarantee the security and prosperity of the country and its people. Here, it is clear that the Japanese Government will try to do everything to give the best to ensure their survival. Japan interests in South China Sea is because it is deemed critical for the Japanese security.

Dalam suatu interaksi yang dijalin, tentunya para aktor memiliki tujuan masing-masing. Begitu halnya dalam hubungan internasional. Dalam paper ini, penulis berusaha menjelaskan negara dalam menjalin hubungan internasional memiliki tujuan-tujuan tertentu salah satunya berkaitan dengan kepentingan nasional.

Esse artigo é um trabalho de cunho teórico. Seu objetivo é estudar o conceito de política externa e interesses nacionais para entender o conceito de parceria estratégica aplicado aos Estados no cenário internacional, assim como suas implicações. Assim, é observada a influência dos interesses nacionais na ação política a nível regional ou global a partir de parcerias estratégicas, e o caráter dessas dada a coordenação entre interesses nacionais e objetivos comuns num contexto internacional em constante mudança.

- Il 14 aprile 2018 USA, Francia e Gran Bretagna hanno effettuato incursioni aeree contro obiettivi del Governo siriano appoggiato da Iran e Russia.
- Il conflitto in Siria, esploso sulla base di contraddizioni (politiche, sociali, etniche e culturali) interne al Paese, è presto divenuto un’estensione di rivalità regionali e internazionali, tra le quali spiccano quelle tra USA e Russia, Iran e Israele, Iran e Arabia Saudita, Turchia e movimento nazionale curdo. I richiami ideali e umanitari nascondono più spesso logiche di potenza da parte degli attori esterni.
- Mentre varie potenze cercano di ritagliarsi una sfera d’influenza e proteggere i propri interessi in Siria, anche l’Italia dovrebbe badare al proprio interesse nazionale. Il nostro Paese non ha velleità di espansione o egemonia, ma non può far fronte alla destabilizzazione della Siria né tanto meno della regione. Il flusso immigratorio incontrollato e l’offensiva terroristica in Europa sono esempi delle ricadute negative che pesano su di noi.
- Incentivare il dialogo, in particolare tra USA e Russia, è essenziale affinché si trovi una soluzione di compromesso che ponga fine alla guerra e scongiuri ogni escalation. L’Italia gode di una tradizione di mediazione tra Mosca e Washington, come simboleggiato dal Vertice di Pratica di Mare del 2002.

"The concepts of national interest or raison d’etat continue to be fundamental elements in the foreign policies of states. Making direct reference to these concepts is crucial for making the arguments employed in political discussions efficient. The paper presents theoretical considerations on the issue of raison d’etat or national interest. It attempts to distinguish between the meanings of these two concepts, presents the changes in how they have been understood and tries to approach them theoretically. It also refers to how the raison d’etat and national in- terest are understood by N. Machiavelli, C. Le Bret and a range of contemporary authors. The theoretical approach to national interest makes use of V. Udalov’s theory, which discusses this concept as understood by researchers from the two opposing blocs at the time of the Cold War – the USA and the USSR. The paper also refers to the concept of interest in the context of international relations."

"""Pojęcia racji stanu i interesu narodowego w dalszym ciągu stanowią zasadniczy element polityki zagranicznej państw. Bezpośrednie odwoływanie się do tych kategorii stanowi o skutecznej argumentacji w dyskusji politycznej. Artykuł przedstawia teoretyczne rozważania na temat racji stanu i interesie narodowym. W artykule podjęto próbę rozróżnienia znaczeń tych dwóch pojęć. W artykule przedstawiono rozwój rozumienia wyżej wymienionych kategorii, jak i próbę ich teoretycznego ujęcia. Ponadto odniesiono się do rozumienia racji stanu i interesu narodowego m.in. w koncepcji N. Machiavellego, C. Le Breta i różnych współczesnych autorów.

W teoretycznym ujęciu interesu narodowego pomocna była koncepcja V. Udalova, która wprowadzała podział ze względu na rozumienie tej kategorii w dorobku badaczy z dwóch przeciwstawnych bloków podczas zimnej wojny – USA i ZSRR. Według niego kategoria interesu narodowego u badaczy amerykańskich sprowadzona została do potrzeb, teleologicznych determinantów oraz nie poddających się negocjacji przyczyn ludzkich zachowań (na każdym poziomie od indywidualnego do międzynarodowego). Na interes składają  się – w tych ujęciach – takie pojęcia, jak przetrwanie, bezpieczeństwo i tożsamość. W przypadku badaczy wywodzących się z ZSRR interes rozważany był jako podstawowy element motywacji, gdzie w centrum było ludzkie myślenie i działanie, które to formułują postawy, cele i intencje.

Dodatkowo w artykule odniesiono się do kategorii interesu w kontekście stosunków władzy w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Wynika to z faktu, że relacje siły w społeczności międzynarodowej w swej podstawie mają różne interesy. Możemy, więc mówić o wykorzystywaniu różnie definiowanej siły do realizacji własnych interesów przez podmioty państwowe. Na tak kształtowane interesy narodowe mogą mieć wpływ interesy różnych grup nacisku (działających zarówno w skali globalnej, jak i lokalnej) i sama rywalizacja polityczna wewnątrz państwa, która przybiera postać różnych interesów politycznych. Różność interesów po stronie wszystkich wymienionych podmiotów wykazuje, że relacje między nimi muszą charakteryzować się pewnym poziomem konfliktowości. Tak jak dla K. Marksa kategoria interesu była punktem wyjścia dla analizy procesów kształtowania się społeczeństw i konfliktów.   
"""

Keamanan suatu negara merupakan simbol penting bagi setiap negara, apabila negara tersebut dinyatakan aman oleh negara lainnya maka negara tersebut akan memperoleh keuntungan yang besar, karena berdampak pada investasi dari negara lain dan apabila negara tersebut dinyatakan tidak aman, maka negara tersebut tidak akan mendapatkan kepercayaan dari negara lain untuk berinvestasi dinegara tersebut. Kebijakan luar negeri merupakan strategi atau rancangan yang dilakukan suatu negara dan dibentuk oleh para pembuat keputusan negara tersebut untuk menghadapi negara lain ataupun uni politik internasionalnya. Kebijakan luar negeri itu sendiri dirancang berdasarkan untuk mencapai kepentingan nasioanal suatu negara.

This work addresses the central points of the construction process of the Ecuadorian Armed Forces to the new challenges, perceptions and responses related to the present environment of security and defense, from a structural and long-term historical perspective, which allows the understanding of this institution as key component of the complex Ecuadorian State-society, and its relations with different moments in the world and regional order. As an introductory point, a historical reading is presented, addressing the period between the conformation of the Republic to the culmination of the delimitation of its land border; in a second moment, the Pre and Pos scenario of the Peace Treaty with Peru from 1998 to 2007 will be analyzed; later it reviews the scenarios, perceptions and responses of Ecuador in the face of changes in the security environment in the decade 2008-2019.

In this essay, we use the implementation of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in developing countries (specifically, the implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity in Ghana) to illustrate why and how States can implement international agreements and for that matter comply with international law without necessarily compromising on equally implementing effective policies to meet their domestic responsibility, particularly when such MEAs may be deemed by some as instruments that curtail the enjoyment of benefits from a State's natural resources and endowments. The essay examines the nexus between compliance with international law (international obligation) and meeting domestic responsibility (particularly when the international treaty or agreement to be complied with seems to have some negative implications for the domestic population or State policy). Do States always have an incentive to comply with and execute their international obligations? Should the need for or argument against an international agreement or treaty necessarily lead to its abandonment by States? Can States effectively balance the execution of international obligation with meeting domestic responsibility? Should the effective implementation of a State's international obligation be regarded as a zero sum for the State's domestic responsibility? What should be the basis for compliance in international law? These are some of the few questions that this essay seeks to address.

ABSTRAKSI
Skripsi ini menjelaskan mengenai kepentingan Turki dalam Shanghai
Cooperation Organization periode 2012-2013. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk
menganalisa faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan Turki berkeinginan untuk menjadi
anggota penuh dalam SCO. Kerangka pemikiran yang digunakan dalam penelitian
yang bersifat deskriptif analitis ini adalah konsep kepentingan nasional yang
dijelaskan oleh Morgenthau dan kebijakan luar negeri dari Howard Lentner.
Kedua konsep tersebut digunakan untuk menjelaskan faktor-faktor dan tujuan
Turki dalam meningkatkan statusnya dalam SCO.
Dari hasil analisis, dapat disimpulkan bahwa keputusan Turki untuk
meningkatkan statusnya menjadi anggota penuh dalam SCO didorong oleh
beberapa faktor, sebagai faktor utama dari hal tersebut adalah nilai strategis Asia
Tengah bagi Turki dan perubahan identitas politik Turki di bawah AKP. Selain
itu, terdapat juga beberapa faktor internasional seperti potensi Turki untuk
menjadi energy hub transcontinental dan adanya ketidakpastian status
keanggotaan Turki di Uni Eropa. Beragam faktor tersebut menyebabkan Turki
ingin meningkatkan status keanggotaannya dalam SCO.
Kata Kunci :Turki, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Kebijakan Luar Negeri

Most scholars are inclined to assume that the diplomatic practices of the European Union’s member states
remain fundamentally unchanged. The EU’s Council of Ministers is accordingly seen as a setting where sovereign states speak with one another. Yet if state interaction in the EU is only viewed from this perspective, a number of important qualitative changes will remain underexposed. Th is article argues that leading
political forces in the European states have come to view their nations as anchored so deeply within the supranational institutions of the EU that their diplomats merge the promotion of national interests with those of the Union. In this late sovereign phase of diplomacy, political and legal authorities overlap,
territorial exclusivity is replaced with functional boundaries, and states begin to speak with one voice. The article explores three interlinked aspects of late sovereign diplomacy: the teleological interpretation of the EC and EU treaties; the intense socialization of state representatives; and the negotiation process, which promotes national positions as part of a European cause, thereby delocalizing the national interest.
While the EU has not rendered national diplomacy obsolete, it has profoundly changed its meaning and consequences.

Many view the crisis in Ukraine as the most dangerous challenge to European security since the end of the Cold War. While almost all other European countries condemned the Russian annexation of the Crimea, Serbia chose to remain neutral. Serbia’s decision makers have explained their policy as a rational pursuit of national interests. In this article I argue that this account is incomplete without an analysis of Serbia’s various identities. In particular, I suggest that the ongoing crisis in Ukraine has amplified an existing conflict between two powerful collective identity narratives in Serbia: the one of belonging to Europe and the other of brotherhood with Russia. To cope with this internal identity conflict and to reduce the cognitive dissonance thus created, Serbia adopted a neutral policy as a form of avoidance.

Th e Nordic countries have a long tradition of regional cooperation. Th e end of the Cold War and the subsequent accession of Finland and Sweden to the European Union created the necessity to redefi ne the nature of this collaboration model. Th e traditional pattern of Nordic 'exceptionalism' could no longer be applied and the Nordic countries have gradually turned to the European Union as the main arena for not only the promotion of their national but also regional interests. While the Europeanisation of Nordic cooperation has, to some extent, diluted the original model of Nordic 'exceptionalism,' defi ned as being better than the others but also a model that could be applied elsewhere, it has also aff ected the European Union, where the Nordic countries have to some extent 'nordicised' the EU. Th e paper uses the example of Nordic countries' eff ect on the EU environmental policy to show how sub-regions in the EU might shape European policies.

This book questions, for the first time, the assertion of Russia's status as a great power in a sharpened form. Moreover, it proves based on extensive material that Russia has lost the qualities of a structure-forming subject of international relations altogether. The author reveals the contradiction between the real potential of contemporary Russia and the foreign policy objectives formulated by official Moscow. The book also criticizes politicians and scientists of all trends, especially those professing the principle of "ifism" in their research and forecasts.
Among other things, it outlines the laws of "pole", "center of power" and "force" formulated by the author, and introduces some new concepts in the theory of international relations (foreign policy potential of the state, the law of optimal ratio of costs of domestic and foreign policy).  The author's views on almost all of the issues raised do not coincide with generally accepted interpretations and approaches.
The book is intended for teachers and students of international profile, as well as for all those who are interested in the theories of international relations and the foreign policy of the leading powers of the world.

This paper aims to see the shift of Indonesia's foreign policy from diplomacy to a confrontation during the Soekarno era from 1945 to 1965. The change of foreign policy orientation become a spotlight on this paper that explores the issue based on historical chronology, national interest, and the dynamics of international politic that shaped the goal of Indonesia's international politics, that is to defend its independence and gaining recognition as an independent and sovereign country. The analysis used to study this shift of foreign policy of Indonesia, from diplomacy to confrontation is described using the qualitative method through a historical approach. The data and information used for analysis in this study are sourced from secondary data obtained from the literature study.

Diplomasi secara praktis dan teoritis merupakan aktivitas politik yang dimainkan oleh suatu negara dalam rangka mencapai kepentingan nasional. Terlepas dari kontestasi pemikiran dalam studi hubungan internasional antara kaum realis dengan liberalis, serta positivis dengan pasca positivis, diplomasi sendiri memainkan peran vital sebagai pengejawantahan politik luar negeri suatu negara. Republik Indonesia, sejak memproklamasikan kemerdekaan pada tahun 1945 hingga saat ini, mengalami pergantian rezim dari masa ke masa. Masing-masing rezim memiliki corak sendiri dalam memainkan diplomasi sebangun dengan tantangan serta lingkungan strategik yang dihadapi. Kerapkali pelaksanaan diplomasi mampu menyokong pencapaian kepentingan nasional, namun tidak mempertimbangkan aspek ketahanan nasional. Tapi tak sedikit yang mampu menyelaraskan keduanya.Tulisan ini dibuat dengan maksud untuk mencapai beberapa objektif, yakni penelaahan ke masa lampau mengenai pola-pola diplomasi yang dimainkan oleh sebuah rezim, membaca pola-pola diplomasi yang dimainkan oleh rezim yang sedang berkuasa, serta ekspektasi diplomasi yang seharusnya dijalankan pada masa yang akan datang dengan penekanan pada keselarasan antara pencapaian kepentingan nasional dengan kukuhnya ketahanan nasional. Adapun metode yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif dan analitik dengan merujuk pada pendekatan historis dan futuristis.

The Chinese naval power is often portrayed as a force which wants to conquer other maritime provinces. More than that military asset modernization by China was often cited as another pointer to the country's intent to dominate and become a unipolar power in Asia. But to what extent does the rise and the modernization of the Chinese military bear negative implications to other countries? Using primary and secondary data between 2001 and 2014, this study examined the reasons for both the modernization of the Chinese navy and that of its assets in the Asian region. The primary data were collected from structured interviews involving informants specialized in international relations. Secondary data were collected from scientific material, theses, journal articles, or online data. The findings revealed that China modernize its naval assets mainly to secure its national interests. China has no ambition to be a unipolar power in Asia or the world.

The published chapter focuses on international economic themes in the discipline of international relations. It examines the explanatory power of neorealism, neomerchantilism, and regime theory addressing the issue of Soviet integration into the “multilateral global-economic regimes.” It synthesizes those theories into a broader construct so as better to explain Soviet conduct and evaluates what this analysis in turn tells us about Western theories of international relations. The chapter not only studies the Soviet and Eastern European experience with the GATT, IMF, and World Bank, but also examines major political and economic developments in the Soviet Union with respect to those international economic organizations. Thus it dissects the links between the multilateral institutions of international political economy on the one hand, and, on the other hand, ruble convertibility, macroeconomic stabilization, and direct foreign investment in the USSR under Gorbachev. The theoretical synthesis undergirding the analysis also clarifies the empirical issues needing further study.

This article evaluates the importance of US international oil
companies (IOCs) for US energy security and is particularly important given the absence of scholarly analysis of the subject area in both the energy security and international business literature. The analysis suggests that the interests of US IOCs and the US Government have not been exclusively aligned and that the two sides have historically, in most cases, acted independently in pursuit of their interests. The IOCs act in harmony with the US foreign and energy security policy only when their interests are congruent, or under severe threat,
such as that of legal action. The US IOCs have historically played a very limited role in enhancing US energy security. In recent years, to the extent that they have been unable to secure access to new oil reserves and increase their oil production, they are not supporting US energy security interests.

The 'Occupy Movement' took many people by surprise with both its scope, as well as with the manner in which it resonated with the deep sense of discontentment that appears to be felt by many people in the United States concerning the economic. legal and political character of American life. This book is intended to help bring a sharper focus to the concerns that are inherent in the dissatisfaction people feel concerning the idea of 'politics as usual' by offering a clear differentiation between the way of power (i.e., politics as usual) and the way of inalienable sovereignty that gives expression to a very different notion of democracy ... one that is constructive, not destructive.

This course discusses the concept of national interest in government and international relations using agenda setting approach which enables the analysis of the (changing) power relationships between political parties, institutions and other societal stakeholders in determining national and foreign policy goals. The first part of the course examines the concept and types of national interests. It explores the structures, motivations, and major objectives of foreign policy-making in both developed and developing countries (such as US, Myanmar). The aims of this first part are to determine how national interests in foreign policies affect national development, and to identify avenues in which the former contribute to the latter. The second part of the course explores major trends that shape the role of national interests in foreign policymaking, such as regional integration, the rise of non-state actors and emerging donors in development cooperation , non-traditional security threats including climate change, the global financial and debt crisis. Through the application of agenda-setting approach, students will consider the types of interests that shape development and foreign policy goals as well as what factor influences what issue and how important such issue is on the national agenda. Students will familiarize themselves with the mechanisms of national political sovereignty and control, along with other tools available to policy-makers for pursuing developmental goals. Assigned readings provide in-depth analysis of the concepts, review the political agenda-setting process and compare different contexts. Class discussions focus on applying the tools to an analysis of current events, drawing on recent case studies and new issues emerging from media reports. Through a series of mini cases, students will address the issues as if they were professionals from the National Development Agency working for the President (or the Prime Minister depending on the case studies). In response to specific assignments, students will write Strategic Options Memos that require analyzing the challenge, assessing the current strategy, and identifying alternative strategies for protecting and advancing national interests.