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Il rapporto tra il nazionalismo politico e le diverse correnti ideologiche della sinistra socialista e socialdemocratica rappresenta uno degli aspetti più controversi dello studio della nazione e dei nazionalismi. Partendo da un approccio... more
Il rapporto tra il nazionalismo politico e le diverse correnti ideologiche della sinistra socialista e socialdemocratica rappresenta uno degli aspetti più controversi dello studio della nazione e dei nazionalismi. Partendo da un approccio multi–disciplinare, questo volume intende analizzare e approfondire la capacità del nazionalismo di combinarsi, in situazioni e casi specifici, con il pensiero socialista e le rivendicazioni dei movimenti sociali più radicali. I contributi prendono in esame un arco temporale che dalla fine del XIX secolo arriva ai primi anni del nuovo millennio, coprendo una vasta area geografica e politica che dall’Europa occidentale si estende fino al Caucaso.
La dinamica che si è venuta a creare nel corso degli ultimi anni tra Stato nazionale e regione, tra centro e periferia, tra identità nazionale e identità regionali o locali, è il tema del presente volume. Tale dinamica verrà affrontata da... more
La dinamica che si è venuta a creare nel corso degli ultimi anni tra Stato nazionale e regione, tra centro e periferia, tra identità nazionale e identità regionali o locali, è il tema del presente volume. Tale dinamica verrà affrontata da cinque diverse angolazioni, che corrispondono ad altrettante sezioni: Rappresentazioni, Isole, Città, Economie, Nazioni e Regioni. Si tratta di un volume interdisciplinare, motivato dalla necessità di adottare un approccio il più possibile eclettico, in cui trovano voce letteratura, storia economica, storia politica e storia culturale. Il progetto “Persistenze o Rimozioni” nasce nel 2010 dall’iniziativa, il confronto e il dialogo tra un gruppo di giovani ricercatori interessati alla conoscenza dell’età contemporanea.
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According to nationalistic claims, language is seen as a proof of the “historical existence” of a nation. The instrumental and symbolic value that the language assumes for the unifying nationalism is defined by its ability to establish... more
According to nationalistic claims, language is seen as a proof of the “historical existence” of a nation. The instrumental and symbolic value that the language assumes for the unifying nationalism is defined by its ability to establish the nation in authenticity and continuity. Language is also a fundamental tool to exercise power, since it allows socio-cultural and political involvement and integration.
Only after World War I, when the former European system began to disintegrate, did the principle of self-determination acquire principled advocacy through international figures as ideologically diverse as Vladimir Lenin and President... more
Only after World War I, when the former European system began to disintegrate, did the principle of self-determination acquire principled advocacy through international figures as ideologically diverse as Vladimir Lenin and President Woodrow Wilson. Despite Wilson’s goal of enshrining the principle of self-determination within the League of Nations’ Covenant, the practical difficulties of realizing the principle prevented its inclusion in the document’s final text. Self-determination was only indirectly recognized as applicable to those territories placed under the League’s mandate and to those colonies that succeeded their ruling powers after World War I. In fact, the League’s covenant essentially established the inequality of peoples, legitimizing essentially the colonial system.
Determining exactly to whom (or what) the right of self-determination applies remains its most disputed aspect. President Wilson and Lenin considered ‘peoples’ and ‘nations’ to possess this right, but they did not specify the meaning of these terms. While many studies that discuss the consequences of the Treaty of Versailles and President Wilson’s Fourteen Points, focus on the disintegration of multinational empires, they neglect calls for self-determination within the neutral and victorious states. In our comparative analysis, we will explore the social and political consequences of the principle of self-determination on peripheral nationalisms in Western Europe from 1919 till the end of 1930s. In particular, we will focus on the development of nationalist movements and separatist claims within the French, Belgian and Spanish internal peripheries, in order to bring to light how the principle of self-determination has become viral through a complex game of mutual influences.
The power of nationalism, according to Anthony Smith, does not reside merely in its political structure and principles, but above all in the large patrimony made of symbols and myths that the intellectual elites have often used, or... more
The power of nationalism, according to Anthony Smith, does not reside merely in its political structure and principles, but above all in the large patrimony made of symbols and myths that the intellectual elites have often used, or invented, to confer a mass dimension onto political nationalism. This paper will explore two cases at the turn of the 19th and 20th century, the Irish and the Occitan, which resulted in completely different outcomes. Despite different ideological orientation of the movements under consideration, both recur constantly to an imaginary chockfull of references to a mythical past and to ancient events.
Consider, for instance, the relevance assumed within the Irish nationalism by ancient myths (the Brehon Laws; the clannish society) or memories of certain historical events (the Rebellion of 1789; the Easter Rising). Myths, symbols and memories have also provided the basis to the (re)emergence of the Occitan cultural movement in the 19th century, such as the crusade against the Albigenses (1209-1229) or the legends surrounding the troubadours. However, unlike the Irish case, the political and social gap between the Occitan cultural elites and the common people whom claimed to represent, has compromised any possibility for the nationalist movement to turn into a mass movement.
The paper proposes to investigate the persistence of symbolic and mythological baggage within both Irish and Occitan nationalism, and the effectiveness of myths and symbols in unifying members of the same "ethnic community" thus making possible its transformation into a nation.
Shared Memories and National Movements in Modern Europe International Conference Congress Centre, Ohrid, Republic of N. Macedonia, 25 – 27 June 2020 While defining the identity of nation, nationalists and protagonists need to convey... more
Shared Memories and National Movements in Modern Europe
International Conference
Congress Centre, Ohrid, Republic of N. Macedonia, 25 – 27 June 2020

While defining the identity of nation, nationalists and protagonists need to convey a narrative and the evocation of a shared memory which relates to the relevance of the formation of that nation. Reconstructing a collective memory is, as Maurice Halbwachs already stated, however a socially constructed notion. Elites and protagonists supporting the genesis of nations use shared memories as a vehicle for transmitting a 'national history' as it was perceived in different contexts and by succeeding generations. Adherents of national movements rely on shared memories and their recreation as a resource of their specific interests: for example to emphasize the uniqueness of the community, its culture, its unique history of strive for political autonomy or its specific territoriality. Shared memories refer therefore often to unique events from the past and are associated with traditions that are canonized as being particular to that specific community. In the recreation of collective memories the notion of a supposed shared past and the recollection of a golden age come to the fore, which even might bear characteristics of living myths. Shared memories find their expression in symbols (anthems, hymns, festivals, customs and linguistic codes), in the consciousness of a shared history, in the commemoration of events and protagonists, in the membership of nationalistic associations or in the creation of imagined communities (Anderson) that preceded the nation. Bearing all this in mind, this conference aims to gather researchers from relevant fields within the humanities and social studies who are invited to elaborate on various aspects related to the issues mentioned above starting from the 19th century and continuing on to the 1940s. Papers and proposals might amongst others relate to
– Memory and its role in creation and recreation of the past as a mobilizing factor, as well as for propaganda purposes;
– References to a unique and inspiring past in program documents of cultural and social associations, as well as of organizations striving for political autonomy and of national political parties;
– Мemory reflected in folklore, literature and other cultural expressions
– Shared memories regarding protagonist and historical key events
– The nurturing of traditions and shared memories
Since it is important to differentiate between the universal traits and the characteristic particularities within distinctive national movements, comparative analyses on the role of shared memories are especially welcomed.

Paper submission
Deadline for submitting abstracts (max. 250 words) and CVs (max. 200 words): 30 November 2019
Notification of acceptance of the applicants: 15 December 2019
Please send your application forms to dr. Liljana Gushevska and dr. Natasha KotlarTrajkova at:
lgusevska@gmail.com
kotlarn@yahoo.com
Research Interests: