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o r later
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3 Routledge
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Avowing
Avowing as
as healing
healing in
in qualitative
qualitative inquiry:
inquiry:
exceeding
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constructions of
of normative
normative inquiry
inquiry and
and
confession
confession in
in research
research with
with undocumented
undocumented youth
youth
Sophia
Sophia Rodriguez
Rodriguez &
& Aaron
Aaron M.
M. Kuntz
Kuntz
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To
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qualitative inquiry:
inquiry: exceeding
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and confession
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Avowing as healing in qualitative inquiry: exceeding
constructions of normative inquiry and confession in research
with undocumented youth
Rodriguez3a
Sophia Rodriguez
Kuntzbb ©
and Aaron M. Kuntz
a
Department of Teaching, Learning, Policy, and Leadership, University of Maryland College Park, College
department
Department of Counseling, Recreation, and School Psychology, Florida International
Park, MD, USA; b‘’Department
University, Miami, FL, USA
ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
This article problematizes the role of the interview as a methodological
strategy that loses its easy replication when employed in studies with
undocumented youth. We raise questions about the contingencies of
conducting qualitative interviews with undocumented youth –- what
does it mean leverage the interview-event as a space of healing for
them? What does it mean to recognize, or potentially mis-recognize
one's identity in the context of a research interview? How might inquiry
one’s
function in exploring the uncertainties of an avowed identity and concon
tribute not to normalization but to healing and justice? To engage such
questions, we specifically examine the implications of interview practices
as a dangerous (and productive) site where concerns of confession
entangle with the potential for avowal as a resistive participatory pracprac
tice. This paper argues that the confessional interview offers a moment
of advocacy and healing through the avowal of their experience occuoccu
pying undocumented identities.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 10 August 2020
2021
Accepted 29 April 2021
KEYWORDS
Avowal; confession;
qualitative interview;
foucault; undocuundocu
mented youth
Introduction
Gabby,11 uttered, ‘I'I don’t
don't usually like to talk about my situsitu
An undocumented high school youth, Gabby,
ation. You don’t
don't know who to trust. Our conversations are helpful. They only made me realize
the importance of telling my story because [[...
… ] we’re
we're hushed. I wanted to share my experiences
I'm seeking justice –
- setting a platform, to encourage others to
in your research context because I’m
do the same’
same' (Interview, 4/2017). Gabby, among other undocumented youth in our research
(Rodriguez, 2017, 2020a, 2020b), often engage in conversations about their immigration status
with trusted adults in schools or through community-based organizations. However, the decision
to disclose their status is fraught and carries with it the weight of potential exclusion, or worse,
undocu
the fear of deportation and family separation (Jefferies & Dabach, 2014). Research about undocubar
mented students is evolving, particularly about their experiences of belonging, activism, and barriers to educational equity (Gonzales, 2016; Mangual Figueroa, 2017). Yet, less work has
addressed how research processes impact youth, potential for advocacy, and how undocuundocu
mented voices offer a unique epistemology themselves as part of the knowledge production
process through research (Aguilar, 2019).
CONTACT Sophia Rodriguez © srodrig4@umd.edu Q University of Maryland College Park, College Park, MD 207425031, USA
ß 2021
©
2021 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
S. RODRIGUEZ
RODRIGUEZ AND
AND A.
A. KUNTZ
KUNTZ
22 (g) S.
In response, this article raises questions about the role our research methods and ways of
knowing play in the lives of undocumented youth, the potential for inquiry-as-advocacy (Kuntz,
2015), and the risks that researchers take when trying to engage in forms of ethical inquiry that
do more than report personal positionalities. Instead, we utilize the interview space to center
undocuvoices22 as knowledge-producers. This article specifically problematizes the role of the
undocuvoices
interview as a methodological strategy that loses its easy replication when employed in studies
with undocumented youth; thus, we engage in a productive ‘critique’
'critique' of the interview as a methmeth
1988).33 Throughout the article, we use the term interviewiCBA
n te r v ie w odological tool often used (Foucault, 1988).
event
e v e n t to encompass the relational, reflexive, productive, and ethical dimensions of the interview
space that we explore –- the collapsing of time and space and power dynamics of an interview
in order to open up affective and ethical possibilities. We argue that this is needed when
researching undocumented, and often invisible or minoritized, populations. We raise questions
about the challenges and opportunities of conducting qualitative interviews with undocumented
youth –
- what does it mean to leverage the interview-event as a space of healing for them on
their terms? How might inquiry function in exploring the uncertainties of an avowed identity
(defined below) and contribute not to normalization but to healing and justice? To engage such
questions, we theorize the interview-event, and the role that confession and avowal (all terms
defined below; Foucault, 1978,
1978, 2014) can play as a form of resistive participatory practice, espeespe
cially for minoritized and sensitive populations. We center undocuvoices to explore the implicaimplica
tions of confession and avowing as healing.
In this article we place a large degree of theoretical emphasis on the notion of avowal,
a v o w a l , parpar
ticularly as it extends from Michel Foucault’s
Foucault's work on the confession as a means to produce govgov
ernable (and docile) subjects. Throughout, we understand avowal
a v o w a l as an enacted process that
invokes an identity claim (through avowal,
a v o w a l , one claims that one is something).
s o m e t h i n g ) . Further, as expliexpli
Foucault's work, avowal
a v o w a l is enacted at the intersection of truth claims (elements
cated throughout Foucault’s
of veridiction) and the claims of the judicial system (elements of jurisdiction). This differentiates
avowal
a v o w a l from confession
c o n f e s s i o n in that the former invokes a simultaneously individual and state-level
identity whereas the latter articulates as a series of acts that may well run counter to one’s
one's overover
arching identity. More simply put, with avowal
a v o w a l one reinscribes an identity (I am this) whereas
confession
c o n f e s s i o n recognizes actions that might not align with one’s
one's identity (I did this, but that is out
of character for me). What interests us regarding avowal
a v o w a l are the possibilities for such enactments
to bring together elements of truth and governance in ways that might be healing, even
a v o w a l enacted
empowering, for those who would otherwise be governed into docility. This is avowal
as a means to disrupt the otherwise smooth intersection of veridiction and jurisdiction such that
normative governmental claims and practices are no longer easy or all-encompassing.
Contribution
This article augments post-structural approaches to methodological inquiry in general, and to
the interview more specifically, in order to consider alternative enactments of qualitative research
for healing and social justice. For us, this begins with a reconsideration of the interview as both
an epistemological orientation and research practice. In what follows, we address the post-strucpost-struc
tural turn in qualitative inquiry, particularly its influence on the qualitative interview, and the
ways in which truth, power, and subjectivities productively emerge within select contexts.
Specifically, we engage with Foucault’s
Foucault's (1978) concept and critique of the ‘confession’
'confession' (often
invoked in criticisms of traditional formations of the interview) and differentiate it from his later
notion of ‘avowal’
'avowal' (a concept found less often within the methodological literature). We argue
that avowal becomes useful for theorizing the qualitative interview with unique populations
research.44 To this end, we
such as the undocumented immigrant youth we encounter in our research.
unpack notions of ‘confession’
'confession' (Foucault, 1978)
1978) and ‘avowal’
'avowal' (Foucault et al., 2014) in qualitative
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inquiry –- such terms take on layered importance when considered with those populations that
legitim
remain relatively hidden on the periphery of society, existing outside the visible norm of legitimate subjecthood. We do so in order to consider the complexities and possibilities inherent in
acts of confession and avowal as a relational element of inquiry practice.
After theorizing the interview-event and concepts of avowal and confession, we explore data
fromRodriguez’s
fromRodriguez's (2020a, 2020b, 2021) critical ethnography of undocumented youth perceptions
of belonging, citizenship, identity, and racialized discrimination. Through our engagement with
this data, we argue that the notion of avowal both complicates and produces an important way
of understanding healing for marginalized undocumented youth not available under the frameframe
work of the confessional. In this instance, far from a normalizing practice, the interview offers a
productive intervention into the narrative status quo, an entry point into possibilities for social
change at local and more macro-oriented levels that begin with ethical claims on necessary
change. Simply stated, the interview offered a means to heal and address the symbolic and real
violence of inequity participants encountered in our contemporary moment. That healing began
implica
with practices of avowal that articulated through the interview process. We thus offer implicaother
tions for the use of such Foucauldian concepts in methodological processes, linking the otherwise bifurcated claims of epistemology with methodology.
Background
Conventional qualitative interviews
Perhaps because of its historical alignment with cultural assumptions regarding the contained
and essential Self, the interview has gained dominant prominence within the methodological litlit
aus
erature, particularly among qualitative researchers in education (Roulston, 2010). Within the auspices of conventional research methods, the interview functions as a mechanism for uncovering
truths about human experience and as a means to represent such experiences with fidelity and
authenticity. Further, through its ubiquity, the conventional interview
interview55 serves as a prominent
bridge between theoretical orientation and methodological practice (simultaneously demonstratdemonstrat
ing a belief in individualized processes of meaning-making and as a technique for making such
meaning visible/legible). This often results in the commonsensical use of interviews as a research
method without full consideration of the theoretical assumptions implied by the practice, a cricri
tique recognized by several methodological scholars (Kuntz, 2015; Popkewitz, 1984).
1984). Indeed,
there remains no shortage of ‘how
'how to’
to' procedural manuals regarding the proper employment of
'conceptualizing' the interview within specific contexts
the interview that attempt a new spin on ‘conceptualizing’
(Brinkmann & Kvale, 2009; Roulston, 2010; Roulston et al., 2003). Despite this, uncritical uses of
the interview as a research practice continue, and scholars from all disciplines would do well to
consider the means by which this method implies normalized epistemological assumptions
regarding what can be known and how we might come to such knowledge. After all, no methmeth
odological practice is fully innocent and without a theoretical orientation or epistemological
stance, research practices are often invoked to reinscribe contemporary norms as much as to
challenge them (Popkewitz, 1984;
1984; Snow et al., 2003).
The manner in which conventional interviewing practices function to create normative views
about groups has not gone unnoticed by critical scholars who refuse the epistemological
assumptions inherent in this research method. Often, such critiques extend from a concern for
what the interview asks of participants (that they, for example, must construct a core self to
interview).66 Such criticisms often situate the interview as
reveal to the researcher through the interview).
replicating the power dynamics seen in the confessional, wherein the researcher receives the
confessed experience of the participant. In this instance, power is unequally distributed among
researcher-participants; power resides within the one who receives the articulated experience
4
S. RODRIGUEZ
RODRIGUEZ AND
AND A.
A. KUNTZ
KUNTZ
4 (g) S.
and confession. This one-sided relation remains especially problematic when researchers work
with vulnerable or underrepresented populations.
As an extension of such concerns, qualitative methodologists have come to question what
‘voice’
'voice' means and how researchers can ethically, if at all, rescue the term (Lather, 1991; Mazzei,
2013). Examples of how voice is constructed within research contexts most often point to the
interview as a research technique for manufacturing, and eventually representing, voice in often
problematic ways. Further, the commonplace critiques of interviews seem to align with parallel
arguments made about qualitative research more broadly: the binary of the ‘authentic,
'authentic, caring’
caring'
interviewer versus the ‘disinterested,
'disinterested, neo-positivist’
neo-positivist' interviewer (Roulston, 2010), for example.
This is to say that concerns regarding the interview often serve as a microcosm of debates within
2006).77
qualitative research more generally (Schwandt, 2006).
For those of us who are motivated by an ethical determination to invoke material change for
otherwise vulnerable humans through our inquiry, we remain interested in thinking differently
uni
about the often-quick critiques of interviewing as necessarily confessional and expressive of unidimensional formations of power. Further, in our own work we find value in the interview as a
means for inquiry –- we are not yet ready to do away with this research approach, despite its
problematic histories. While we are uninterested in sensationalizing the qualitative interview as a
'romantic' construction (Roulston, 2010), we remain invested in halting the often simplistic and
‘romantic’
over-utilized critique that interviews are confessions and confessions are bad. Instead, we hope
to complicate the effects of confessing practices from a post-structuralist orientation, and what
that offers interviews with populations such as undocumented immigrant youth in our research.
pro
Perhaps the interview makes possible more than procedurized confessions, revealing the productively complicated issues at work here. This article illustrates how the interview offered
moments of healing through the avowal of undocumented youth identities, extending beyond
conventional interviewing and challenging its definitions and manifestations in qualitative
research practice.
Qualitative interviewing: procedural or ethical, a false divide?
Critical methodological perspectives often refuse a clean separation between method, epistemolepistemol
ogy, and ontology that remains a hallmark of positivism. Instead of clean division, a critical perper
spective recognizes the entangled nature of research practices and the theoretical assumptions
that inform them. As noted earlier, this uniquely manifests when considered within the context
of the interview. For instance, peruse any introductory qualitative research textbook and one will
note that this methodological technique assumes a layering or excavation metaphor for knowknow
ing. That is, knowledge of experience is understood to be buried within the person and in need
of extraction. As a consequence, the conventional interview becomes a means to uncover and
make legible participant experiences for others. Here, the interview is a technique for accessing
experien
what already exists –- it does not create new knowledge but, instead, uncovers a priori experiences. To do so, the interviewer creates carefully crafted interview questions that orient from a
larger research question and are asked (in the same order) of all participants in the study.
Conventional interviews take place in environments that are ‘comfortable’
'comfortable' for participants –
meaning they lack distraction and environmental familiarity paves the way for easy articulation.
In such instances, the participant’s
participant's only role is to respond to the interviewer’s
interviewer's questions –
- to
articulate some previous experience that the interviewer seeks to uncover. This leads to a scenscen
ario in which participant experiences are ordered to ‘make
'make sense’
sense' according to the researcher’s
researcher's
frame of knowing. Through methodological translation, participant experiences are disciplined
into normalized legibility.
In such an instance, an epistemological practice (a means of coming to know) determines an
ontological event (an experience that links to an identity). It is through the blurring of
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epistemological practice with an ontological event that confessional concerns often arise. Yet,
what remains perhaps most telling is that such engagement (whether critical or complimentary)
with the interview pinpoints the means by which assumptions of knowing become procedurized
techniques; that is, where epistemology meets method. It is as though methodological scholars
are looking for interviews in all the wrong places, missing the interaction (of the epistemic with
the ontic) that holds the most promise for sustained change in favor of an unfortunate fixation
on technique (where the epistemic manifests method). Further, those methodological scholars
who do question the implication of research practices on ontological levels often seem to favor
an erasure of inquiry practices (such as the interview) all together.
In what follows, we champion a different approach –- one in which ontological assumptions of
being, epistemological concerns of knowing, and methodological engagements with coming to
know are more productively entangled at the site of the interview-event (defined below). What
remains interesting about the conventional use of the interview within the field of qualitative
research is that while it is often embraced for the means by which it accesses some ‘authentic’
'authentic'
or ‘pure’
'pure' experience or identity, its technical use as a research method actively works against
such claims. That is, employing the interview draws on a ‘logic
'logic of extraction’
extraction' (Kuntz, 2015) that
distances confected data and analyses from any ‘real
'real event.’
event.' In short, far from uncovering or
making visible some a priori event or identity (assumptions regarding the excavating metaphor
noted above), the interview process remains a technical creation: it produces something that
was not there before. For example, a conventional interview process in which a participant’s
participant's
responses are reduced to an audio recording, then a written transcription and subsequently
coded and categorized to fit within a broader collection of evidence (as examined in
Kuntz, 2015).
Thus, it remains important to refuse claims of the interview as some type of innocent techtech
nique or technology (brought to bear as an external and ordering apparatus upon some experiexperi
enced event) and to, instead, situate the interview as, itself, a relationally-bound event. Doing so
shifts the nature of the questions asked of the interview from those of revelation (what does the
interview reveal; what does its ordering make visible?) and to those of creation (what does an
interview make possible; what phenomena come to be through the interview?). More than mere
wordplay, this shift posits that engaging in the interview process is an element of work, of strivstriv
ing to make possible that which did not exist before its enactment. Herein
Flerein lies the productive
danger of the interview –- it might challenge the status quo (what currently is) in order to genergener
ate a different future (what has yet to be). It is in this transition that we find such promise for
articu
the interview as an inquiry practice where healing might occur; a repairing and renewing articucircumstan
lation of what it means to operate within otherwise socially unjust contexts. Yet such circumstances are only available if the interview process is oriented away from confessing norms and
conceptu
towards the potential of avowal. As such, we reimagine the interview-event and then conceptualize confession and its link to this notion of avowal as an entry point for discussing how avowal
functions to exceed the normative functions of procedural interviewing.
Reimagining the interview-event
Our claim regarding the interview-event and moments of avowal in our interviews (describe
later) intend to (re)assert the ontology of the interview as entangled with epistemological
assumptions and methodological techniques. Conventional uses of the interview tend to collapse
epistemology and method, as the interviewee’s
interviewee's articulation of self and experience is taken as
both an expression of what is
iCBA
s and can
c a n be
b e known
k n o w n as well as a technique for making such knowknow
ledge legible. In this conflation, the interview is made into a procedural act, with the researcher’s
researcher's
role performed by extracting the knowledge possessed by the interviewee. By posing the interinter
view as an ontological event, we argue that the conventional perspective obscures the
S. RODRIGUEZ
RODRIGUEZ AND
AND A.
A. KUNTZ
KUNTZ
66 (g) S.
complexities of the interaction between interviewer and interviewee as it unfolds. Further, by
foregrounding the interview-event, we locate the productive potential of its enactment not in
'voice' but rather in the actual
the representation, liberation, or empowerment of a silenced ‘voice’
exchange of questions, responses, assertions, and rebuttals that play out in real time. This perper
spective gives interview techniques new meaning –- not as procedures for revealing hidden
truths, but as moves which actively open and close possibilities for response and understanding
within the relational encounter of the interview itself.
Theoretical perspective(s)
Confession
perspectives,88 specifically Foucault’s
Foucault's notions of confession and
We engage with poststructural perspectives,
avowal in order to reimagine the interview-event as a space of healing for undocumented youth
contempor
in our research. As Kvale (2006) has noted, the confession plays a significant role in contemporary culture, particularly when aligned with the power asymmetries inherent in interview projects.
In this sense, the interview replicates the power dynamics of the traditional confession as
'participants' verbalize their experiences to a knowing ‘researcher’
'researcher' who, in turn, recreates the parpar
‘participants’
ticipants’
ticipants' subjecthood through the technical processes of data analysis and dissemination.
Indeed, in this instance, ‘participants’
'participants' are subjected to the apparatus of the confession. In concon
trast, we explicate this notion of confession as an enacted research practice and subsequently
differentiate such practices from the notion of avowal. We then argue for avowal’s
avowal's productive
undocu
and transformative potential for the subject-making of marginalized groups such as undocumented immigrant youth in our research, and focus on the collective voices of undocumented
youth and on Gabby’s
Gabby's (from the outset of the article) ongoing refusal to be integrated into a
conventional narrative of confession.
H
CBA
i s t o r y of
of S
e x u a l i t y Foucault (1978) situates the confession as one of the ‘main
'main rituals in
In the History
Sexuality
the production of truth’
truth' (p. 56). This orientation of the confession in relation to truth remains
important as confessing practices aim not to change the self but to reveal it (Taylor, 2009). Thus,
b e f o r e the actual act of confession. As such,
it is that the confessing self is believed to exist before
through confession the self is made visible to governing apparatuses of power –- the confessed
self is the governed self. Foucault (1978) thus critiques the central role of confession as a techtech
nology for governance in Western society. Further, Foucault argues that confessing cultures
remain obsessed with ‘the
'the infinite task of extracting from the depths of oneself, in between the
mirage' (p. 59).
words, a truth which the very form of the confession holds out like a shimmering mirage’
In this understanding, individuals confess not because they are interested in social change or
individual growth, but to reveal a truth about their aa ppriori
r i o r i selves; they confess to reveal the
truth of their timeless identities. Relatedly, confession might be read to assume an outcome –perhaps one where individuals are absolved, pardoned, freed or liberated of guilt or other feelfeel
ings that were hidden within the confessed. In this way, confession manufactures a response to
subjective truth, calling forth the feeling that one must speak a certain set of self-truths in order
to dissolve the very emotions that confession manufactures. As a consequence, the one who
receives the confession remains in the power-laden position to both interpret the confession
and point to possibilities for absolving others of their confessed identity.
'true'
Relatedly, qualitative researchers are no strangers to the practice of excavating the ‘true’
selves of their participants, often asking others to confess the deeply held beliefs, desires, and
values of their experiences in order to achieve some researched end. This assumed confessing
relation has led scholars such as Tuck and Yang (2014) to condone practices of ‘rescue
'rescue research’
research'
–- that is, research conducted to rescue some marginalized or otherwise silenced subject group
from their culturally-absent position (the simplistic assumption critiqued by Tuck and Yang being
that the creation of a subject-self is, as a matter of course, always emancipatory). As an
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extension, Foucault situates confession as entangled in a larger set of power relations veiled as
liberatory. Similarly, we situate the researcher as complicit in these power relations since it matmat
ters who one is confessing to, towards what end, and for whose expressed purposes. Aligned
with Foucault’s
Foucault's critique of the confession for its coercive mechanisms, we recognize that the
interview can be a risky space for the participant and the researcher, especially if researchers fail
to problematize the processes and power relations engendered in the interview-event. As such,
we find additional risk and promise in considerations of inquiry, as ensconced in processes of
avowal –- practices that perhaps destabilize the traditionally-power laden practice of qualitative
inquiry through an enacted confession. Avowal occurs within confession; a productive moment
of change that is often glossed over in cursory engagements with the confessing subject in
research. Therefore, it is to avowal that we turn our attention next.
Avowal
a
CBA
v o w a l as a process that shifts from claiming
Following Foucault et al. (2014), we recognize avowal
d i d this or that) to one of enacted identity (I am
a m this or that). In this way,
actions or practices (I did
avowal breaks from confession through a focus on identity over practice (one can confess, for
one's prior identity
example, a series of illicit practices, be absolved of such acts, and go on with one’s
intact –- such circumstance is not possible in avowal). Further, the revelatory identification of
avowal is necessarily bound within the judicial system wherein one avows transgressive acts (as
('I am a criminal in need of reform’).
reform'). Here,
Flere, assertions
an identity) in need of immediate correction (‘I
preemp
of past actions necessitate legitimated present-day claims of identity in order to legalize preemptive acts of the state to foreclose a possible future. Perhaps more simply stated, I identify past
illicit actions as substantiating my avowal as a criminal, in order to allow the state to invoke corcor
rective action on the avowed self. The truth of the subject is thus given a determined relation to
Foucault's language, veridiction becomes intimately linked with
governmental forms of justice (in Foucault’s
jurisdiction). Traditional forms of research play no small role in such normalizing processes.
Foucault's work also contends that
And yet, the process of avowing that we explore through Foucault’s
once individuals avow, they create the potential for both punishment and healing. Thus, while
avowing can be a powerful moment and a movement towards justice and healing (in our case
for participants and researchers alike), we also question whether this process and the power relarela
tions embedded in the researcher bearing witness to such moments (effects of their creation)
might play out in a similar process as we critiqued the process of confession. In other words, we
underscore that these moments when undocumented youth avow their undocumentedness.
u n d o c u m e n t e d n e s s . To
point out the liminality and contingency of this avowed identity, Sophia has defined undocuundocu
mentedness
m e n t e d n e s s as ‘a
'a status they occupy due to institutional racism, profiling, racialization, and sursur
veillance; not one that ought to overdetermine their being –- that enables them to powerfully
critique immigration policy and schools’
schools' roles in perpetuating deficit discourses about the
“problems”
"problems" the undocumented subjectivity presents’
presents' (Rodriguez, 2020b, p. 4). The avowed identiidenti
ties become useful as part of their strategy to seek justice through research acts. We do not
claim that this is the only
o n l y way that they can reclaim identities or selves, though. Instead, we
observe how youth in this research engage in the interview-event to disrupt perceptions about
their immigration status and personhood.
Avowal remains somewhat enigmatic as it develops through an ongoing and entangled interinter
change among all elements of the interview-event. That is, though at times seemingly concrete,
acts of avowal are also necessarily contingent and ongoing. Indeed, Foucault established the
internalization of avowing practices as emblematic of a cultural collapse of truth and justice (as
we avow our identities, we situate them within a cultural ethic of right and wrong). How
Flow might
that very collapse (of truth with justice) reconfigure conventional identities along new ethical
lines? That is, might the act of avowal animate new relations among identity and ethics
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previously unavailable before the avowing act? It is in this possibility that we locate promise for
avowal to play a productive role in issues of inquiry and social justice. This remains especially
important as we witness an ongoing normalization of avowing acts within political discourse.
The proliferation of avowal leads to its ordinary repetition –
- acts of avowal no longer only
take place in the courtroom or some other dramatic locale, they are constituted in the mundane.
On the one hand, the mundane evocation of avowal makes it all the more difficult to escape:
avowal thus becomes a principal element of governance (of the self, by the self). On the other
m
CBA
i s t a k e n proclamaproclama
hand, the ubiquity of avowing practices marks the potential for productively mistaken
tions of the self (a mis-characterization of who one is, in that moment, at that time). It is in this
uncertain element that we find avowal as both dangerous and imbued with productive potential.
After all, to disclose and undocumented identity marks youth and places them potentially at risk
in a U.S. society that criminalizes and targets this population. What is one to do, for example,
when another avows an identity with no certain or determined link to some judicial outcome?
That is, might the promise of avowal extend from breaks in the previously determined relation
of veridiction (truth-telling) and jurisdiction (claims of legality or legitimacy)? What truths are
possible, then, if avowing undocumentedness functions to disrupt normative understandings of
their personhood in hopes of healing? How might inquiry itself be a mechanism for provoking
such breaks, for exploring the contingent possibility of avowal? In this sense, contingent avowal
might present opportunities not for the normalization of identity (as is so often the case with
confession) but for a healing rupture situated within an avowal. That is, perhaps recognizing an
avowed identity as never fixed can offer a strategic engagement with identity-construction that
is both healing (not requiring a disavowal that can be repetitively painful) and disruptive to the
normative order. With the populations we work, these strategic engagements were evident as
undocumented youth sought opportunities to ‘share
'share their story’
story' and promote justice for others
in their community.
Linking avowal in the interview-event with undocumented youth
To explore the productive possibility of avowing within a broader interview-event, we turn now
to our research with undocumented youth. While our article is primarily conceptual in nature,
we explicated Foucault’s
Foucault's critique of the confession in order to advance our claim that the notion
of avowal is useful for methodological events such as the qualitative interview with undocuundocu
mented youth. We thus discuss how avowal might promulgate healing in complicated yet propro
ductive ways through integrating conceptual and empirical data.
data.99
A collection of
of interview-event(s)
This section shares undocuvoices to ground how their immigration status, as piece of their ideniden
tity, shapes their life course, and how they shared their stories through the interview-event to
disrupt the systemic inequity and forms of exclusion they face, and open up spaces of healing
through our research encounters. These youth were selected from the larger project because
Sophia's fieldwork (Rodriguez, 2020b). Then,
they were each interviewed multiple times during Sophia’s
we return to Gabby from the outset of the article to deepen our exploration of avowal
as healing.
Avowing in these instances took different forms and we unravel a few examples through
undocumented youth Olivia, Julia, and Gwen below, including: acknowledging the challenges of
the avowed identity as undocumented and the possibilities for disrupting damaging narratives
about it while experience healing through connection and solidarity with the researcher and
additional undocumented youth.
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Olivia, an undocumented youth, called me (Sophia) to discuss postsecondary aspirations, chalchal
lenges and fears. The minute I heard her voice, ‘Um,
'Urn, Hi, Miss?’;
Miss?'; ‘Olivia’??
'Olivia'?? ‘Yes,
'Yes, yes, it’s
it's me,’
me,' I
laughed and said how good it was to hear her voice and that she surprised me with her call.
She continued, ‘Do
'Do you have a minute to talk about something?’
something?' I knew she was on the verge of
recom
graduating from college because we stayed in contact after the study. I wrote letters of recommendation for her to secure a scholarship. As I listened to her, I had a flashback of the first time
I met her as a high school freshman and learned that she had recently arrived to the U.S. with
her family. Interrupting my remembering, she said, ‘I'I have been accepted to graduate school
don't know what to do because of my immigration status and the financial part.’
part.'
and I don’t
By centering Olivia here, we recall the fears and challenges that accompany pieces of the
poten
undocumented identity, a marker that shapes their life course and mobility in addition to potentially risking their lives and families through separation and deportation (Gonzales, 2016). When
Olivia, or any other youth calls me to discuss school or family situations, the flood of memories
return. I think simultaneously as a researcher and advocate about how I began interviews and
observations with them as part of the research and the resources I tried to secure on their behalf
over the years. As a researcher, I encountered many moments of fumbling through interview
protocols, sticking to the ‘procedural’
'procedural' aspects of the research process in order to ensure ‘good’
'good'
research (Tracy, 2010) while recognizing the need for organic moments, such as phone calls or
urgent texts about ICE or deportation encounters, to emerge as they grappled with everyday
uncertainty. Despite the ‘best’
'best' (read: scientific, objective) intentions, ethical dilemmas emerged in
pro
moments that I had to make decisions about sticking to the procedural-technical interview protocols or opening up spaces to discuss things that were more urgent for youth. At times, this
warranted meandering through conversations during ‘interviews
'interviews or questioning whether or not
"interview data.”’
data.'" In the research space, stories like Olivia’s
Olivia's were comcom
organic conversations were “interview
'tell their story’
story' while remainremain
mon, and so was the tension of leveraging the interview-event to ‘tell
ing an excluded or hidden population. Coming out as undocumented could present risks to
activ
their livelihood or families, or provoke opportunities for solidarity, knowledge-sharing, and activothers' avowals of their undocumentedness enabled
ism (Rodriguez, 2020a). Yet, Olivia and others’
deeper connection with each other and me.
Another example of how youth avowed their identity was when Julia avowed, ‘You’re
'You're probprob
ably gonna want to interview me since I am undocumented’
Many
youths,
in
expressing
their
undocumented'
desire to be understood in schools and describe their exclusion and isolation, engaged in avowavow
ing an undocumented identity. For example, Julia, said: ‘People
'People don’t
don't understand the isolation
we feel. That’s
you.’ As part of the research process, Julia explained that
That's why I like talking to you.'
Latinx groups are misrepresented in society and naming herself undocumented could help disdis
rupt the perceptions of them. She shared: ‘We
'We need more of our voices to break down the
close-mindedness in society. Sharing our stories is part of that.’
that.'
Similarly, Gwen upon meeting me shared about her and her family’s
family's status as undocumented
in order to showcase positive perceptions of immigrants. She explained: ‘I'I think we need to think
or dream higher. This is why I give a shit. Both of my parents did not get educated. My mom
had to share pencils with her siblings. Like, they would break a pencil to share, how could they
college?'
afford to go to college?’
These examples of Olivia, Julia, and Gwen avowing reveals how their undocumentedness
iden
posed challenges to their educational aspirations but also how avowing an undocumented identity allowed them to share a platform about the challenges they faced and the opportunities to
disrupt negative perceptions about this population.
'People in society don’t
don't realize how we Latinx immigrants
Similarly, Gabby further explained: ‘People
contribute to the economy because they just don’t
don't want us here. It’s
It's racism. We gotta break
down boundaries.’
boundaries.' Across these avowals were signs of hope and fear, and inspiration and unceruncer
tainty. Each of these avowals during interview-events revealed how youth use
uCBA
s e interviews as
spaces to resist negative perceptions about immigrants, both confessing and avowing their
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undocumentedness as a challenge and refusal to deficit-based discourses. Centering these colcol
lective avowals reveal the ongoing educational process offered by youth. These youth saw interinter
views as strategic points for intervention in the normative framing of their lives.
Within the context these interview-events with the youth above, we question the role of researchresearch
ers and producers of knowledge about the undocumented community and continually center their
experience through the lens of avowal (Foucault, 1982). Thinking through the process of interviewing
undocumented youth in relation to the realities of their lives, it became critical to reconsider how the
interview-event was troubling and productive. Despite reservations, and of course limitations, about
collecting and telling stories through these ‘confessional’
'confessional' interviews, we posit that the knowledge
that is generated from inquiries that center their experiences through avowing show the political pospos
sibilities and examples of local resistance to larger oppressive structures, policing, and politics. These
undocumented youths'
youths’ avowals become the material made possible through a reconception of the
‘confessional’
'confessional' interview-event, which carries with it awareness of power and possibility but does not
fully erase traditional articulations of interviews.
Interview-event with a singular story of
of the multiple
To explore the utility of avowing as healing in our reconceptualization of the interview-event, we
Gabby's experience of avowing her identity as undocumented, and in
return to Gabby. We link Gabby’s
doing so the productive possibility for justice and healing from her perspective.
Gabby attends a rural Title I high school that has a decreasing population of students,
160 in a building that could hold up to 1000 students. Over 80% of the students
approximately 160
are Hispanic with most being undocumented. This is an anti-immigrant state with restrictive laws
toward undocumented populations and risky for youth to self-report their undocumented status
(Rodriguez, 2018; Rodriguez & Monreal, 2017). I (Sophia) spent several months at the school with
minimal interactions with Gabby. In the first meeting, along with additional undocumented
youth that came together for a youth leadership coalition, Gabby said nothing. A month later,
with the help of the social worker, I met Gabby and three other students who spent the twohour focus group sharing their experiences of discrimination and fear of deportation. Again,
Gabby was silent. I proceeded to set up an individual interview with Gabby for later that week.
'What do you want to know?’
know?' We share this recollection
During the first meeting, Gabby uttered, ‘What
to illustrate that avowing does not always happen immediately or willingly; rather, Gabby chose
when to avow her undocumented identity and explained over the course of several encounters
what it meant to her and how it shaped her everyday reality. Next, we share three additional
moments of Gabby’s
Gabby's avowing journey in the research.
Moment one
Moment one revealed that Gabby recognizes her position as an outsider to society as a non-citinon-citi
zen. Avowing her identity-marker here as undocumented was critical because it is how society
positions her rather than how she defines herself. She understands her racialized identity as an
undocumented immigrant despite these categories not being racial ones (Telles et al., 2011).
Gabby said:
they're not going to even take that into consideration what it’s
it's like
People are just so closed-minded that they’re
to not be a citizen, and be like, ‘Oh,
'Oh, really?’
really?' They think you’re
you're just another one trying to game the system
or whatever. But that’s
that's a real problem. II live that every single day. It’s
It's like my parents pay taxes, which I
don't even understand. How are we outside the community but still pay into a system where there’s
there's money
don’t
flowing, and we contribute to the community, to the economy, and stuff. They just don’t
don't like us. There’s
There's no
logical reason. They’re
They're just …
... Racism, you just don’t
don't give a shit, and they’re
they're just going to say no. They’re
They're
the ones with power. (3/2017)
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Moment two
In moment two, Gabby speaks to the unstable nature of this avowal –- her naming herself as
10
undocumented.10
undocumented –- and explains the layered identities even within the status of undocumented.
In other words, avowing means attaching herself to the legal status and its limitations but also
connects her with a group of undocumented students that aids in solidarity. Gabby processes
the challenges of becoming ‘DACAmented’
'DACAmented' (Gonzales et al., 2014) and disagrees with the stratifistratifi
cation it causes in the Latino undocumented immigrant community. Avowing identities as
undocumented and with/out DACA adds complexity because DACA is a label that can legitimize
(i.e. help gain access to resources in society and to higher education) one’s
one's personhood (Abrego,
n-Gonzales, 2020). She rejects how policies stratify and reproduce inequity
2008; Abrego & Negr
o
Negron-Gonzales,
among undocumented young people. Her avowing reflects the tenuous aspects of being
attached to the governing mechanisms that accompany the undocumented label, such as laws
and policies that promote temporary, if any, relief for some undocumented youth. She discusses
this tension:
They say life in the United States is great. They came from Mexico. Most of them are the same; they’re
they're like,
'we're DACA,’
DACA/ or this and that. But, then there’s
there's me or my brother and sister who are like, well ok good
‘we’re
for you.
Moment three
Gabby's avowal of an undocumented ideniden
Moment three illustrated the complicated aspects of Gabby’s
tity and her continued feelings of being troubled by her status in society while also grappling
with the political, relational power of becoming a part of a larger social movement of undocuundocu
mented youth organizers. She said, ‘I'I feel like for society, it’s
it's like, Who’s
Who's a different color? Oh,
you’re Hispanic, and then that’s,
you’re probably not a citizen. Even if you are, you're
you’re still
you're
that's, Oh, you're
going to be pointed as if you're
you’re not, you know?’
know?' She explains the racism and discrimination she
observes in her community toward Latinx immigrants broadly and the social isolation she and
her family feel at times. Gabby’s
Gabby's reflection here speaks to what we will argue is the healing
power of avowing, despite its contingent and unstable features. Gabby said:
I didn’t
family’s situation before because I was scared of risking my family’s
didn't talk about my family's
family's legal case and
fear of being deported. I also didn’t
didn't have anyone to talk about my family’s
family's situation and when you’re
you're put
through something so traumatic as that it’s
it's hard to trust anyone, so I didn’t
didn't trust anyone but I also didn’t
didn't
see anyone who truly desired to seek justice with my story as much as I did. Though that fear and trust
issues –- I guess you can say –- became less of a problem as II grew older and started to see more situations
like mine and only to come to find out that their stories were being hushed just like mines. Our
conversations are helpful. They only made me realize the importance of telling my story and the rush to get
it out there because with all the injustices happening around us and it only being hushed, that just couldn’t
couldn't
keep on happening and that’s
that's when I understood I had to step up and speak up and step up as a role
it's ok to
model for others to help them understand that we need to speak up but most importantly that it’s
do so. I feel like the main reason II wanted to share my experiences in your research context was because
I’m
I'm seeking justice –
- setting a platform, to encourage others to do the same because that way we are
bound to make great changes!
Gabby avows her undocumented identity in each of these moments. Her undocumentedness
links her to the judicial and institutional systems that govern undocumented lives (Foucault et
al., 2014) on the one hand while also tapping into a set of relationships that she imagines and
iden
rejects negative attitudes toward Latinx immigrants. Through claiming an (admittedly risky) iden('undocumented' as a legal status), Gabby
tity that is normatively read within a judicial frame (‘undocumented’
potentially disrupts such fixity and productively invokes her position differently (‘undocumented’
('undocumented'
as ‘justice’),
engaged
in
‘setting
a
platform’
for
change,
and
enacting
the
relational
solidarity as
'justice'),
'setting
platform'
part of her undocumentedness. In this instance, veridication and jurisdiction still, as Foucault
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notes, entangle. However, Gabby’s
Gabby's enacted avowal points to different effects from such relations
–- effects that are potentially healing through their disruptive enactment. This is evidenced when
she said, ‘I'I wanted to step up and speak up’
up' for others in her community. Next, we consider
these moments in relation to the productive and precarious dimensions of avowal as a practice
of truth-telling about selves in troubled political times.
Discussion
First, we return to notions of confession and avowal, which open ways of thinking about the
interview-event as an entanglement of ontological, epistemological, and methodological assumpassump
tions and practices. As we stated at the outset of this article, both complementary and critical
scholarship about the interview tend to focus on how epistemological assumptions are manifest
in procedural techniques. Notions of confession and avowal shift our gaze instead to ontological
concerns as well as the production of truths, power, and subjectivities which unfold in the interGabby's interviews highlight the productive potential as well as the
view-event. Moments from Gabby’s
risks of these complex entanglements. Second, we turn more directly to the notion of avowal
inter
and its use in understanding the complexities and potential for healing embedded in the interGabby's interview, we suggest that avowal can unsettle
view. Turning again to moments from Gabby’s
con
both the researcher and interviewee, making inquiry a risky activity while destabilizing the coneth
ventional interview from normative tendencies. We argue that engaging in interviews as an ethical and justice-oriented act requires inviting risk and de-stabilization, acknowledging that
theoretical assumptions and practices of meaning making are never innocent but instead have
material effects for those involved.
'risky activity’
activity' of the interview-event is the potential for such enacted
Of course, part of the ‘risky
frame
de-stabilizations to be reinscribed (by participants of all types) within the normalizing frameworks that we perhaps most hope to challenge or disrupt. In other words, there always remains
the potential for any inquiry practice to replicate the very systems one hopes to change.
However, to our minds this is not a reason to discount the potential to invoke slippages away
trad
from normative processes through our inquiry work. Indeed, it seems the very epitome of a tradact
itional liberal and non-progressive frame to refuse radical reconceptualizations of living and acting simply because they might reproduce what already exists. Thus, it is that in this discussion
we address notions of interview-events and avowal in the spirit of philosophical experimentation
(a critical orientation that we hope is shared by our readers).
Notions of confession and avowal are useful in the assertion of the interview-event, as they
link epistemological assumptions with the production of truths and subjectivities which consticonsti
litera
tute individual experiences and identities. While avowal is rarely utilized in methodological literature, we acknowledge the risk in stating that the confession may contain productive potential. In
confes
doing so, our intent is not to dismiss the exercise of power and knowledge embedded in confessional interviews, but rather to complicate the oversimplified critique that interviews are confesconfes
sions and confessions are bad. In the confessional interview, the participant enacts a procedural
revelation of an authentic self or experience in what is purportedly a liberating process, although
such liberation is only conceived as possible in the presence of the researcher (i.e. when a parpar
ticipant ‘shares
'shares their story’).
story'). What we have sought to do through (re)introducing the notion of
avowal and sharing interview-events with undocumented youth here, especially Gabby, is to
question the belief that such power is totalizing and entirely one-sided. The interview does not
exist in a binary of dominance and subjugation, or as purely confessional. Instead, the interview’s
interview's
potential for disruptive possibility lies in the recognition that ‘those
'those with less power are not simsim
ply trapped within the totalization of an asymmetrical power relation; the less powerful find
innumerable, creative, even powerful ways to resist inequity’
inequity' (Scheurich, 1997,
1997, p. 71). Gabby’s
Gabby's
interviews in particular contain instances of confession (I am this, but that does not mean I am
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other or bad) and avowal –- her expression of an undocumented identity exposes her to normalnormal
izing practices and interventions of governance (i.e. being identified and governed by her immiimmi
gration status and subjected to racism), and, at the same time, opens a possibility for
transgressing and contradicting such practices (rejecting society’s
society's perceptions of undocumented
immigrants, racism toward immigrants broadly, and questioning the contradictions in U.S. society
such as being excluded as undocumented while paying taxes, Rodriguez, 2020b). In other words,
by avowing her undocumented identity (rather than rejecting or ignoring it) Gabby risks the simsim
ultaneity of governance, transgression, and healing.
Arguing for Gabby’s
Gabby's moments as ontological events, our focus lies not on how to extract
knowledge but instead on exploring the contingencies and ambiguity of the interview itself, and
what became possible through her expressions of identity and experience; the potential that is
the enacted interview-event. As Scheurich (1997) explains, the interview occurs in ‘radical,
'radical, indeinde
terminate ambiguity or openness
… at the lived intersection of language, meaning, and commuopenness...
commu
nication’
nication' (p. 74). The interview is relational, as the questions being asked, the tone and context
of the interview are all inscribed in the constitution of the moment, as interviewer and interinter
viewee work through tensions, recollections, formulations, and performances. These interviewevents began not with convention interview protocols and questions such as: ‘How
'How old are you?
Tell me about your school experiences?’
experiences?' but rather with youth avowing and wrestling with their
undocumentedness. What stands out then, in the interviews with Gabby, are the ways in which
both interviewer and interviewee are unsettled and the processes of meaning making are indeinde
terminate. Gabby’s
Gabby's avowal of an undocumented identity shifts across each moment, as she recrec
ognizes the legal, political, and social relations of power which are caught up in the way she
articulates her subjectivity. These moments expose her to legal structures which intervene in the
'undocumented,' but also provide opportunities for her to assert her own
lives of those who are ‘undocumented,’
agency and capacity to transgress against those same disciplining powers –- ‘With
'With all the injustiinjusti
ces happening around us and it only being hushed, that just couldn’t
couldn't keep on happening.’
happening.'
Risk and potential in avowal
The uncertainty and ambiguity of the interview-event comprises both its risk and positive potenpoten
tial. For the interviewer, the risk is situated in inciting confession or resorting to paternalistic
notions of empowerment and ‘rescuing
'rescuing voice.’
voice.' This is the risk of normalization. In the case of an
interview with an undocumented youth, these risks contain the possibility for harm by maintainmaintain
ing or exacerbating existing inequities, but also misusing the responsibility and trust which are
so precariously situated in such interactions. For the interviewee, the risk is in the violence of
having their voice extracted or captured, but also in being made an object of normalizing and
disciplinary techniques. Yet, we have argued throughout this paper that avowal contains the
possibility of healing. Avowal provokes breaks in the pre-existing relations of veridiction and jur
jurisdiction –- of disrupting Gabby’s
Gabby's recognition of herself as undocumented and its relation to
unjust legal system. It disrupts how Olivia, Julia, Gwen are viewed in society because of the
undocumented status. As they engaged in activism and knowledge-sharing, they also reported
by learning about each other’s
other's struggle. This possibility relies on the unsettling of both interinter
viewer to not insert themselves and interviewee at the center of the interview-event, as each
must recognize avowal as contingent and ongoing.
These youths’
youths' avowals opened up productive possibilities. In the first moment, Gabby calls
out the experiences, trauma, and political conditions which have led to her identification as
undocumented; she holds them up, examining if and how they relate, interact, and make sense
when placed alongside one another. What she finds are deep contradictions which unsettle and
frustrate her: ‘it’s
'it's like my parents pay taxes, which I don’t
don't even understand. How are we outside
the community but still pay into a systeAdditionally, she finds further fault with the essentialized
14 (g) S.
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14
notion of ‘undocumented’
'undocumented' which is embedded in her social interactions. In the third moment,
she expresses a sense of healing and progress, suggesting that ‘our
'our conversations are helpful.’
helpful.'
Each moment is unmistakably confessional. Sophia’s
presence
as
a
witness
to
these
moments
is
Sophia's
not incidental, but we argue that Gabby’s
Gabby's avowal is also not immaterial. Her avowed identity
took on different meanings as it unfolded during encounters with the interviewer, both respondrespond
ing to the frame of knowing of the interviewer but also transgressing in conscious and unconuncon
scious ways that altered her future possibilities. We can disentangle our use of these quotes
from Gabby as saying something about who she ‘is,’
'is,' but rather imagine them within an indeterindeter
minate process of becoming. In each interview-event, Gabby expresses an unfixed identity that is
avowed only to be exposed as contradictory and incomplete, so that new possibilities for justice
and healing open up. In short, throughout the interview-event Gabby enacts the relation
between identity, truth, governance, and ethics as necessarily entangled and incomplete. And,
she does so through acts of avowal that refuse normative claims on what that avowed identity
is and how it is to be interpreted by conventional judicial and veridictory discourses.
Theorizing in this way enables us to disrupt and reengage the utility of the interview. Fejes
and Nicoll (2015) contend that confessional approaches to interviews can orient participants
toward particular insights, and once avowing identities, even if contingent, participants can
undocu
become self-advocating. In these complex political and cultural times, research with undocumented young people is particularly fragile, and both researchers and youth can feel ‘divided’
'divided'
and uncertain (Foucault, 1982).
1982). In these moments, however, we contend are opportunities for
resistance, healing and possibility. These moments reveal words, tears, pauses, silences not
reflected on the inquirer’s
inquirer's publication or even the transcript –
- but we ‘take
'take care’
care' of these stories
as part of our ethical dilemmas as our researcher selves are ‘torn
'torn up’
up' and incomplete
(Childers, 2012).
Regarding the interviewer, we did not forget about her; rather, we attempted to de-center
the subject/author/interviewer in a similar way to centering Gabby’s
Gabby's avowal –
- which both concon
straints and liberates. Judith Butler (1990), along with Foucault and Derrida, have discussed how
identity, considered as ‘an
'an effect’
effect' of knowledge production or discursive practice, becomes a pospos
sibility. This paradox initiates an understanding that any ‘identity
'identity is neither totally determined
nor fully arbitrary’
arbitrary' (p. 140).
140). Despite the drive in qualitative inquiry to be ‘reflexive,’
'reflexive,' and focus on
‘positionality,’
'positionality,' –
- which are often engagements relegated to a paragraph in the methods sections
of articles without deeper dissecting of the very power relationships and differentials that enable
academic representation of research –- we aim instead to not recenter ourselves in the article.
Instead, we attempted to display the tenuous and paradoxical avowals of undocumented youth
–- where the researcher subjectivity necessarily dissolves in the interview-event.
Undocumented youth strategized how to avow their identity marker of undocumented. They
knew that in doing so, they were governed by the juridical meanings of the status. However,
avowing also allowed them to reclaim themselves in relation to the communities they inhabit.
They are involved in an ‘on-going
'on-going process of differentiation,’
differentiation,' which we argue occurs through
these contingent moments of avowing parts of themselves in the interview-event. These
moments of avow are critical for interrupting and resisting the historically and institutional concon
ferred definitions of undocumented (Butler, 1990).
Concluding thoughts
In some ways, we are conflicted about sharing the moments with Gabby and the additional
youth in this study in this format. It is impossible not to ask, as we write about the risks of concon
ventional interviews and the disciplinary techniques which essentialize and reduce identity, ‘are
'are
we participating in those very acts in this paper?’
We
remain
uncertain
and
unsettled
about
the
paper?'
use of Gabby’s
Gabby's voice here with additional youth voices, so far removed from the time and place
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of its actual articulation and detached from the interaction between two individuals –- full of hishis
tories and contingencies –- from which it emerged. Our hope is that by emphasizing the unceruncer
tainty and ambiguity of the transcription and representation, we have made clear that the
moments with Gabby cannot be fully captured or categorized, but that the use of her words,
others' words, in this context do not detract from her claims that ‘the
'the main
and the collection of others’
reason I wanted to share my experiences in your research context was because I’m
I'm seekseek
ing justice.'
justice.’
In the end, scholars have certainly been correct to question the multiple means by which
research practices simultaneously demand and reveal confessing subjects. Most often, such
scholars do so with the intent of challenging the normative subject-positioning of participants in
con
static and/or linear ways. At the same time, scholars of qualitative inquiry would do well to conrecog
sider the means by which a shift towards avowal affords participants the opportunity to recognize subjectivities that shift and change, exceeding normative claims. In this way, avowal
perhaps opens the possibility of hope and the potential to become otherwise. Situating inquiry
within practices of avowal perhaps generates a productive risk that affords all participants
(inquirers and participants alike) the possibility for generating new formations, ways of alignment
not previously possible in relations of the confessional. Such circumstances require inquiry in
education with an emphasis on intervening in productions of the normalized subject.
Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
All names in this article are pseudonyms.
We thank Alonso Reyna Rivarola for introducing this term to us, which refers to the specific grassroots
knowledge of undocumented scholars and persons.
We aim here to use terms such as problematize and critique in a productive manner aligned with our
Foucauldian orientation. For
For example, Foucault (1988) explains, ‘A
'A critique is not a matter of saying that
are'. It is a matter of pointing out on what kinds of assumptions, what kinds of
things are not right as they are’.
familiar, unchallenged, unconsidered modes of thought, the practices that we accept rest. Criticism is a
matter of flushing out that thought and trying to change it: to show that things are not as self-evident as we
believed, to see that what is accepted as self-evident will no longer be accepted as such. Practising criticism
is a matter of making facile gestures difficult (p. 154).
Certainly, authors from an array of fields, especially queer theory have engaged with the notion of avowal
(Sifuentes-Jauregui, 2014 is an excellent example of this), many of whom employ the work of Michel Foucault
Foucault
in their analysis. However,
Flowever, our interest here lies in examining avowal within the auspices of an interviewevent and extending questions regarding inquiry practices more specifically.
'conventional interview’
interview' as a means to register notions of
Throughout, we invoke the moniker of the ‘conventional
interview techniques and assumptions most often displayed in textbooks and taught in classes that are
procedural. These techniques and assumptions are thus replicated in research studies, becoming normative
and invoked without question in empirical articles, especially within the field of education.
For obvious reasons, such a scenario remains problematic for those cultures that do not adhere to claims of a
pure or complete Self, i.e. transnational migrant identities (Aarsand & Aarsand, 2017).
One example of more recent debates relates to posthuman approaches to inquiry. While beyond the scope of
this article, we note that these larger debates in the field will eventually impact conducting research. Some in
the field of qualitative research have even turned to consider nonhuman/post human objects on par with
human participants, a move that most often champions a flattened ontological orientation that remains
puzzling to scholars who foreground the ethical dimension of their inquiry among human populations. This
post-human approach potentially displaces ethical stances that foreground consideration of humans (or,
‘the
'the human’).
human').
'interview subjects’
subjects' and not ‘participants’
'participants' –
- in a
In this sense, it might be more honest to revert to referencing ‘interview
conventional sense one is subject-to the interview-confession.
Since this article is primarily conceptual, we do not provide a traditional empirical format for the article.
However,
Flowever, data were collected from 2015 to 2018, and the sources included participant-observations
(þ700
(+700 hours), semi-structured interviews (N ¼
= 63), and focus groups with undocumented youth (see,
Rodriguez, 2020b). The undocumented youth in this article were interviewed by Sophia three-six times during
the study. Interviews
Interviews were initially semi-structured, and subsequently open-ended and responsive to youths
16 (g) S.
S. RODRIGUEZ
RODRIGUEZ AND
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A. KUNTZ
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16
desires, experiences, and aspirations. Interviews occurred in school and community spaces, under trees,
driving to appointments, and ranging from brief check-ins between classes to longer two hours discussions.
10. Since
Since our
our focus
focus here
here isis to
to theorize
theorize the
the interview-event
interview-event space
space through
through Foucault's
Foucault’s notions
notions of
of confession
confession and
and
avowal, we elected not delve into the intricacies of the immigration literature. However, for an understanding
of current issues related to undocumented youth, see, Gonzales, 2011, 2016; Gonzales & Chavez, 2012). While
all immigrant students, regardless of their immigration status have a right to K-12 education form the
Supreme Court case Plyler
P
CBA
l y l e r v.
v . Doe
D o e (1982), not all students are eligible for Obama’s
Obama's initiative of Deferred Action
for Childhood Arrivals (D.A.C.A.).
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes on contributors
Sophia Rodriguez is an assistant professor in the College of Education at the University
University of Maryland, College Park.
Her research examines immigration policy and its effect on undocumented youth in K–12
K-12 settings, and how
school-based personnel such as educators and school social workers promote equity for undocumented students.
Aaron M. Kuntz is the Frost Professor of Education and Human
Human Development
Development at Florida International University. His
research focuses on developing “materialist
"materialist methodologies”
methodologies" through engaged deliberation with critical theory, relarela
tional materialism, and poststructuralism.
ORCID
Rodriguez^ http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3261-1944
Sophia Rodriguez
Aaron M. Kuntz
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3088-9133
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