2012 London Games

During the Victorian era the Royal Docks emerged as the hub of Britain’s imperial trade, the final destination as it were for the plundered wealth of Empire. It had closed in the 1960s when the Empire dissolved. Recently it has been earmarked for commercial redevelopment by Mayor Boris Johnson to become nothing less than London’s third financial district, and likely its most powerful in the twenty-first century. Accommodated there presumably will be an equally powerful class of global individual whose lauded occupancy signals the future of commercial expansion, wherein luxury emerges alongside technology and industry as the drivers of cultural and economic progress. The borough of Newham, where the Royal Docks are situated, is the most ethnically diverse borough in London with white Britons composing only 17 percent of the population. The budget priority for Newham Council is to subsidise private developers to construct blocks of luxury flats, and as a result they are effectively promoting the abandonment and demolition of social housing schemes that formerly served the needs of the multiethnic area’s working classes. Once they are forced out of the borough based on this lack of housing, it is anticipated that prominent foreign property buyers and investors from Russia, China and the Gulf will come to occupy it in their place. This situation is creating a kind of diasporic hierarchy within the Royal Docks where once more it becomes the destination of flight capital homed toward London.

Mega-event strategies and their impact on the development of host cities have drawn increasing interest as they have become part of wider city development strategies. However, many city leaders are challenged by a gigantic and complex task after the events: how to deal with the post-use of large event venues and facilities? How to use the events as a catalyst to facilitate urban development? Mega-event strategies may provide a stimulus for wider urban investments and change. They help to provide host cities an engine for economic growth, facilitating city revitalisation and even urban physical restructuring, enhancing city image, and transforming a city into a globally competitive city. Whereas every host city expects to experience some form of short- and long term impact, the so-called ‘legacy’, it is however difficult for most host city organisers to think beyond the Games in any systematic fashion due to the pressing nature and planning complexities involved. Therefore, although the post-Games period is by far the longest period that stretches for decades after the Games to affect a host city, it is “clearly the least-planned period”. Due to time pressure, poor consideration of the long-term impact may make Olympic venues ‘white elephants’ after the Games have taken place, isolated in their city landscapes. These possible negative impacts raise the following questions: 1) what strategies can help a host city improve post-event usage of event-related facilities? 2) What strategies should a host city follow to facilitate post-event development in a more sustainable way? Based on the examination of legacy creation strategy of a number of Olympic host cities, with Beijing and London in particular, the research aims to identify what urban strategies lead to the improvement of the post-event usage of event-related facilities and long-term benefits for the city development of host city.

In 2008 a group of volunteers came together to form No Games Chicago (www.nogameschicago.com) for the purposes of defeating Chicago's bod for the 2016 Summer Olympics. Despite having no budget, office or even a telephone, and despite opposing some of the most powerful people in America - they managed to influence the members of the IOC! The results came out on October 2, 2009 when Chicago was rejected in the first round of voting at the Bela Center in Copenhagen - receiving just 18 votes! A virtual news blackout was placed on the organizers and their work by major local media and remains in place ten years later. No local media outlet has ever bothered to tell the story of what the organizers of No Games did and why and how they know their work paid off. This self-published work is an attempt to fill in the record and was published in 2011 by one of the lead organizers, Tom Tresser (www.tresser.com), tom@tresser.com.

"The reasons for proposing a London 2012 bid are outlined in the light of London city planning over the past sixty years. The processes influencing the bid for the London 2012 Olympics are
investigated in respect of the lessons from Barcelona and Sydney. The role of environmental and landscape improvement is examined and the importance of legacy is described and analysed. The cost of Olympiads since Sydney 2000 are described and compared. Then progress of the London 2012 Olympics development is described relative to regeneration of East London. Finally the effects of current proposals to cut back the costs of the 2012 Olympics are considered. Olympic Games play significant roles in host city’s economy as well as other outcomes such as tourism, culture, unemployment, infrastructure. However the economy can never describe the whole picture of Olympic Games’ gainnings, it is one of the most significant sign before, during and after the event. All of the expenditures have different values at different legacy levels. Although post election budget cut-backs in the United Kingdom have placed a question mark on the costs; the proposed urban legacy is to make the city beautiful and London East End livable."

This report summarises major projects and proposals related to the social legacy of the London Olympic Games in East London, identifying the main parties involved and the progress of any plans. Also included are reactions from civil society as well as Community Links' recommendations for the London Legacy Development Corporation. The report focuses on three principal areas: housing; employment, skills and business; community resources and connections.

Pennine Street is a cartographic art experiment, twinning High Street 2012 in London with the Pennine Way, a long-distance footpath running between the Peak District and the Scottish Borders.

The project involved three walks in April, May and June 2012.

Seeking to ape some of the procedures of cartography, it is now also a written piece of work, a fiction made of quotations of many authors, in the form of a guide book such as one might take on a long walk in the Pennines.  It is an account of a journey, a walk, that becomes a procession of characters, authors, critics, poets, gaining some sort of revolutionary momentum in the progression eastwards.  For me, it is a meditation, and a painful and hopeful one, on the struggle to live in capital, as it reorganises our homes, our places, our social relations and our intimate inner lives; on how I might understand ‘my’ country, ‘my’ city, who I am now, and the terrible, vital question, ‘what is to be done?’

In this seminar, I critically examine how the use of comedy – drawing specifically from the British sitcom, The Office – can help to reframe discussions on, but also, interpretations of, British multiculturalism. Through examining UK media coverage of the ‘Team GB’ athlete, Mo Farah, it is highlighted that newspaper discourses served to frame Farah as a celebrated symbol of Britain’s multicultural inclusivity and cultural diversity.

In contrast to this framing, and with specific critique being given to the notion of ‘inclusivity’, it is argued that Farah reflected a multicultural subject whose ‘otherness’ was minimalized or ignored, instead being used to promote some idealized form of harmonious British multiculturalism. Accordingly, by exploring the ‘antagonisms’ which remain integral to multiculturalism, diversity and cultural difference, this seminar proposes new ways of approaching ‘difference’, as reflected in cultural formations. For this, two terms are drawn upon: ‘parallax’ and ‘parapraxis’.

Notably, through the practice of comedy, Zizek’s ‘parallax view’ and Elsaesser’s ‘parapraxis’, are used to highlight how the ‘working through’ of cultural differences as well as their associated tensions, can help draw attention to those moments of cultural miscommunication, where such tensions are revealed as faux pas or performed failures.

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During the Victorian era the Royal Docks emerged as the hub of Britain's imperial trade, the final destination as it were for the plundered wealth of Empire. It had closed in the 1960s when the Empire dissolved. Recently it has been earmarked for commercial redevelopment by Mayor Boris Johnson to become nothing less than London's third financial district, and likely its most powerful in the twenty-first century. Accommodated there presumably will be an equally powerful class of global individual whose lauded occupancy signals the future of commercial expansion, wherein luxury emerges alongside technology and industry as the drivers of cultural and economic progress. The borough of Newham, where the Royal Docks are situated, is the most ethnically diverse borough in London with white Britons composing only 17 percent of the population. The budget priority for Newham Council is to subsidise private developers to construct blocks of luxury flats, and as a result they are effect...

Abstract: The reasons for proposing a London 2012 bid are outlined in the light of London city planning over the past sixty years. The processes influencing the bid for the London 2012 Olympics are investigated in respect of the lessons from Barcelona and Sydney. The role of ...

A presente contribuição parte da constatação comum de que governos de cidades e países têm buscado a justificativa de sediar megaeventos com propósitos
de regeneração urbana. O argumento inicial é que este processo no caso do Reino Unido, mais especificamente no East London, já havia começado nos anos de 1990 na zona de West India Docks na Isle of Dogs, atual distrito de negócios de Tower Hamlets, em virtude do deficiente funcionamento da área portuária. Esta região é denominada Canary Wharf e, aproveitou o processo de regeneração já iniciada em razão do desenvolvimento da cidade, muito antes da candidatura aos Jogos Olímpicos. Logo depois de ganhar o direito de sediar os Jogos, o governo local encampou a regeneração dessa área ao planejamento Olímpico de Londres.

In recent decades ceremonies stood in Olympiads as both vehicles of cultural values and shows embracing the banal and the everyday. But how much do we understand them as forms of public art? This book examines the London 2012 opening and closing ceremonies and the handover event to Rio for the 2016 Olympics as articulations of national and cosmopolitan belonging. It is argued that embodied and projected performances of Britishness and Brazilianness embraced both artistic styles and the contemporary digital turn, refinement and banality. Combinations of art and technology reflected a vision of humanity in motion complying with the Olympic values of fairness, beauty and embodied well-being. The three ceremonial performances supported imaginative travel on stage, on big screens and in musical genres. This travel, at once mediated, embodied and experiential, created an ideal form of 'human': a tornadóros. A creative worker and a tourist, the tornadóros manipulates audio-visual narratives of culture and identity for global Olympic audiences. Spanning Sociology, Sports Studies, Culture and Media Studies, Performance Studies and Tourism Studies, this is a highly interdisciplinary and original perspective on the Olympics