Anabasis

It is traditionally considered that Xenophon intentionally suppresses the image of the Theban commanders in his work "Hellenika", where even Epaminondas-the winner of The Battle of Leuctra-is not mentioned by name. The suppression of the commanders is often explained by his disaffection towards the Thebans, because of his participance in The Battle of Coronea supporting Sparta against the Thebans. Furthermore , he lost his son Gryllus fighting the Thebans at Mantinea. At our point of view, this negative judgement of Xenophon's view on Thebes and the Thebans is explained first of all by Athens' traditional education, which created a negative literary tradition towards Thebes. The literary tradition was established long before Xenophon's existence and continued after him. The tradition was established as response to the border conflicts between the Thebans and the Athenians, that continued during archaic and classical periods of the history of Greece. The anti-Theban literary tradition is also supported by evidence of material culture, namely the border system of defense. Studying these materials , allows us to conclude that at the time of Xenophon, in the first half of the 4th cent. BC, at a time when their oppositions escalated against each other, the Athenians and the Thebans literally observed each other over the fortress walls. With regard to Xenophon, his hatred against the Thebans is mostly visible in his work "Hellenika". The main argument that Xenophon uses is retelling of Pelopidas' speech that he gives at the court of the Persian king, where the first thing he mentions is the Thebans' pro-Persian attitude. Epaminondas is mentioned in the "Hellenika" only in episodes of his career as a commander where he cannot achieve his goals or develop past success.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

Symbolika miodu w świecie grecko-rzymskim, pozornie dobrze znana, odsłania ostatnimi czasy swoje nowe znaczenia: jak się okazuje, starożytni znali miody z domieszkami i wykorzystywali je jako środki halucynogenne lub trucizny. W artykule zawarto opis miodu różanecznikowego: starożytne przypadki zatrucia tymże miodem oraz historię badań nad nim. Miód ten, nazywany miodem szaleńców, został przynajmniej raz wykorzystany w starożytności jako broń biologiczno-chemiczna, kiedy to Heptakomeci mieli otruć nim armię Pompejusza podczas pościgu za Mitrydatesem. Dzisiejsze badania nad tureckim miodem z różanecznika wskazują na to, że współczesny turecki miód szaleńców "deli bal" to najprawdopodobniej ta sama substancja, a swą szkodliwość zawdzięcza on zawartości grajanotoksyny.

В конце жизни Лео Штраус (1899–1973) стал все больше внимания уделять раскрытию своей интерпретации философии ученика Сократа — Ксенофонта Афинского. В 1969–70-х годах в Колледже Св. Джона он дает курс лекций по «Экономике» и «Меморабилиям» Ксенофонта и по его следам выпускает две своих последних прижизненных книги «Сократический дискурс Ксенофонта» («Xenophon’sSocraticDiscourse. AnInterpretationofthe “Oeconomicus”», 1970), посвященный интерпретации «Экономики», и «Ксенофонтов Сократ» («Xenophon’sSocrates», 1972), посвященный интерпретации «Меморабилий», «Апологии» и «Пира». Однако на этом Штраус не останавливается. Желая завершить свое исследование, он обращается к «Анабасису», начиная готовить соответствующую статью. Однако не успевает ее опубликовать. Она выходит уже посмертно в 1975 году благодаря усилиям учеников философа. Именно ее вы видите пред своими глазами. Эта статья, в уже привычном для Штрауса стиле, выглядит словно последовательный сокращенный пересказ «Анабасиса» Ксенофонта, в который то тут, то там вкраплены ценные замечания и выводы. Однако на деле этот энигматичный стиль рассуждения Штрауса дает ключи к пониманию философии Ксенофонта, позволяющие даже в таком «историческом романе», как «Анабасис», увидеть подлинно философское произведение, поднимающее классические для античной философии проблемы человеческого правления, человеческой добродетели и божественного вмешательства.

"The last two decades have witnessed a shift in how we perceive Xenophon the Athenian. Having fallen into neglect in the twentieth century, scholars now attempt to resuscitate and ultimately ‘rehabilitate’ Xenophon. The present thesis proposes that the initial decline in interest and the continued debate over how he ought to be studied rests in part with an increased emphasis on contemporary democracy and misunderstandings of Xenophon’s ideology in its intellectual context. To this end, traditional narratives of Xenophon’s life and earlier scholarship concerned with Xenophon’s thought are outlined and deconstructed. Suppositional evidence supporting this received opinion is demonstrated to rely on uncertain reconstructions of biography and background that in reality ought to be rejected as inadequate foundations for analysing Xenophon’s oeuvre or situating Xenophon’s thought along our modern political spectrum.

The present thesis employs a contextualist approach to examine key themes present across Xenophon’s works and asks how an idealised fourth-century Athenian democrat could have understood Xenophon’s thought in light of democratic ideology. By privileging the period in which he was educated, lived, and ultimately wrote, rather than the successive ages in which his works were appropriated for decidedly separate ends by other political thinkers, it is demonstrated that Xenophon presented himself as advising and enhancing fourth-century Athenian democracy. Contrary to views that Xenophon favoured monarchic, autocratic, or oligarchic constitutions over democracy, it is argued that nothing in Xenophon’s corpus necessitates the rejection of democracy or the tenets of democratic ideology. Rather, Xenophon offers paradigms inspired by, and compatible with, Athenian democratic ideals. It also argues that Xenophon wrote specifically to realign the Athenian élite - whom he rebukes for undermining the overall standing, prosperity, and welfare of Athens and its democracy - with democratic expectations. In doing so, his works express a desire to help the fourth-century democracy realise its geo-political aspirations while living up to is professed ideals.
"

The graffito from Dura-Europos depicting a heavily armored cavalryman is one of the most important sources used to reconstruct the armament of Iranian cavalry units seen in the middle of the third century A.D. The graffito presents a hybrid cuirass that is composed of mail and lamellas. It was probably originally an Iranian construction. The use of hybrid armor should be connected with the process of the adaptation of mail in the Parthian empire and then adjusting this new type of body armor to the realities of cavalry combat. The new hybrid cuirass served its purpose well. It not only survived the Parthian era but also the Arabic conquest of Sasanian Iran in the middle of the seventh century A.D., which is evidently demonstrated by the fact that it was present in the military equipment of Muslim armies in the 16th and 17th centuries A.D.

Arrianus, MS 86 yılında Nikomedia’da doğmuştur. Roma vatandaşıdır; fakat Yunan kültürünün içinde yetişen bir tarihçidir. Bir süre Atina’da yüksek mahkeme yargıçlığı yaptıktan sonra yaklaşık olarak MS 180 yılında aynı zamanda emekliliğini geçirdiği Atina’da ölmüştür. Yaşadığı sürece tarih yazıcısı, devlet adamlığı, komutanlık gibi önemli sıfatları olmuştur. Büyük İskender’in siyasi faaliyetlerini kaleme aldığı Anabasis’in ardından Büyük İskender Sonrası Olaylar gibi önemli eserleri olmuştur. İsminin en çok beraber anıldığı tarihi şahsiyet Roma imparatoru Hadrianus’dur. Hadrianus, Arrianus’u Cappadocia eyalet yöneticiliğinden, Syria eyalet yöneticiliğine terfi ettirmiştir.
Bu çalışmada Arrianus’un yazınsal hayatı,  bazı eserleri ve Roma dönemine ait tarihi notları ele alınmıştır.  Arrianus arkasında birçok eser bırakmıştır. Roma dönemi askeri düzeni ve giyimi konusunda verdiği bilgilerden dolayı  Tactica; Arrianus’un eserleri arasında önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. Eserlerinin bazıları ya tamamlanmamış, yarım ya da kayıptır. Kayıp olanların varlığını diğer antik yazarların çalışmalarından öğrenmekteyiz.

This chapter focuses on Xenophon's treatment of divisions within the command structure presented in the Anabasis, and in particular on three military positions that are briefly mentioned—the taxiarch, ὑποστράτηγος, and ὑπολόχαγος. Arguing against the prescriptive military hierarchies proposed in earlier scholarship, it suggests that 'taxiarch' should be understood fluidly and that the appearance of both the ὑποστράτηγος and the ὑπολόχαγος may be due to interpolation. The chapter also includes discussion of two types of comparative material: procedures for replacing dead, absent, or deposed generals at Athens and Sparta in the Classical period, and the lexical development of subordinate positions with the prefix ὑπο- .

Ksenophon Anabasis'te kendisine bir persona yaratmaktadır. Bu sürecin enönemli ögesi söylevlerdir. Bizim amacımız söylevleri ve genel olarak eseriinceleyerek söz konusu persona'nın nasıl şekillendirildiğini göstermektir.Tezimizin birinci bölümünde Ksenophon öncesindeki tarihçilerde söylevlerinkullanımına ilişkin bilgiler verilmiş ve söz konusu etkenlerin Ksenophon'a etkilerigösterilmeye çalışılmıştır.İkinci bölüm, Anabasis'in edebi ve yapısal özelliklerinin ele alındığı, sözkonusu eserle ilgili olarak bugüne kadar yapılan çeşitli çalışmalar sonucunda ortayaçıkan fikirlerin değinildiği bölümdür.Ksenophon'un persona'sını şekillendirme süreci üç temel bölümdenoluşmaktadır. Bu sürecin ilk ayağı Ksenophon'dan önce benzer koşullarda liderliğiele alan Klearkhos'un söylevleriyle karakterinin şekillendirilmesidir. Tezimizinüçüncü bölümünde söz konusu sürecin ilk ayağı detaylı olarak ele alınmıştır.Dördüncü bölümde Ksenophon'un kendi persona'sını tanıtma süreci elealınmaktadır. Söylevlerinde kusursuz liderliğini ve karakterini gözler önüne serenKsenophon çeşitli unsurların askerleri kışkırtmaları sonucu haksız suçlamalara hedefolur ve askerlere karşı komutanlığı sırasındaki eylemlerini savunmak zorunda kalır.Ksenophon apologia'larıyla her seferinde kendini suçlamalardan aklamayı başarır veortaya koyduğu persona'sı apologia'larından sonra daha da güçlenir. Bütün bunlarKsenophon'un laudatio'sunun bir parçasıdır.
Xenophon creates a persona for himself in Anabasis. The most important element of this process is the speeches. Our goal in this study is to analyse speeches and to show how this persona is shaped out throughout the work. First chapter gives some basic information about using of speeches in the predecessors of Xenophon aiming to show the influence of historiographical tradition on him. Second chapter serves as an introductory episode for our chief goal; the main literary characteristics of Anabasis and the chain of events are given to provide the reader a better understanding of the text as a whole. Furthermore, other ancient accounts of the expedition of Cyrus is discussed to improve the study with comparative criticism. Xenophon's process of shaping out of his own character is composed of three sections. First part of this process is depicting the lesser persona of Clearchus, Spartan commander that took the initiative on similar conditions as Xenophon. Third chapter, deals with Clearchus' persona. In his words and deeds, Clearchus shows he is unable to handle the leading role of the army. Fourth chapter deals with Xenophon and his self-presentation as a crucial element of the army's retreat. Xenophon shows in his speeches that he is the perfect leader. Although being perfect, he is blamed by soldiers for various reasons. This gives him the chance of prooving himself non-guilty of all charges made to him during the course of the expedition and in the end he fortifies his persona and remains flawless as a character. All of these are the parts of Xenophon's own laudatio.

Xenophon’s Anabasis, a unique itinerant observatory of populations and territories, also allows us direct insight into
Paphlagonia and the Paphlagonians in the late 5th and the early 4th century BC. Nevertheless, Xenophon’s evidence, which is
different from what is known through other sources, raises questions which are to remain unanswered.
This paper focuses on the information, provided by Xenophon and preserved also by Diodorus, concerning the presence of a
contingent of 1000 Paphlagonian horsemen among the ranks of Cyrus’ army deployed in the battle of Cunaxa against his brother
Artaxerxes. As opposed to the belief that these horsemen were conscripted as satrapal forces, this paper aims at identifying them as
mistophoroi, coming from a region – such as Paphlagonia at that time – which was not subject to Achaemenid military and tributary
control.

Cet article offre une interprétation politique de la mutilation du cadavre de Cyrus le Jeune de la part de son frère, le Grand Roi Artaxerxès II, après la bataille de Counaxa de 401 av. J.C. L'analyse se concentre en particulier sur la symbolique de la main droite dans la Perse achéménide et l'exploitation propagandiste qu'en fut faite par le Grand Roi et par son jeune frère et adversaire, Cyrus.

The deception of friends in the Anabasis is complicated. The narrator openly condemns deceiving friends in the obituary for Menon, yet he presents Cyrus, Clearchus and Xenophon, the three most important leaders, all doing this in certain speeches. This deception does not make them into villains, however. My paper will explore this apparent contradiction by investigating the narratorial functions of their deceitful speeches, the motives of the author for including them, their actual impact on the internal audience and their intended impact on the reader. 

I conclude that deceitful speech in the Anabasis has several roles. Firstly, they characterise the speakers. This characterisation specifically develops the picture of the characters as leaders, because their particular type of deceit is representative of their wider leadership style and aims. These speeches furthermore indicate that the author is interested in what deceitful speeches can show about the realities of war and moral justification in wartime. Xenophon appears to indicate that some forms of deceit are acceptable under certain conditions. These speeches also partially justify to the reader certain decisions made by Xenophon and the Greeks. Additionally, the author uses deceitful speeches as a dramatic device for playing with the reader’s expectations. These speeches also reveal a general interest on the part of the author in persuading others. Comparison with the presentation of deceit in other works by Xenophon reveals that these interests extend further than the Anabasis. These conclusions about the role of deceitful speeches may indicate the function of other speeches in the Anabasis, which may in turn help to reveal the genre of the work.

Where my work differs from prior scholarship is that I aim to ascertain more fully what place deceitful speech has on a narratological level.

This paper examines Xenophon's Anabasis, and it argues for compositional balance by looking at two minor characters--Proxenus of Thebes and Heracleides of Maronea--and showing how the later is an sort of "Anti-Proxenus" within the narrative. This paper further examines how Xenophon uses these two characters to make larger points about leadership.

The problem of time, causes, and ways of penetrating peltasts into Hellenic militaries continues to raise more questions than answers. The analysis of the historical composition of Xenophon "Anabasis" provides an opportunity to explore the role of the peltasts in the Hoplite troops and the reasons for their recruitment by the Hellenic strategoi. Describing the march of the Hellenic mercenaries recruited by the Persian contender for the throne, Cyrus Young, the Athenian historian details the military operations, in which they participate, and in this connection details the role of the peltasts in them. The analysis of these battles makes it possible to shed more light on the reasons why the Hellenic strategoi are forced to recruit peltasts in their troops. The march of the "Ten Thousands" shows that the peltasts are extremely necessary and even invaluable to the hoplites in mountainous conditions and in the cases in which the opponent has military contingents similar to the peltasts. This military campaign demonstrates to us, undoubtedly, the increased significance of the peltasts in the armies of the hoplites.

This paper focuses on two counter-examples for which highly valuable coins issued to pay Greek mercenaries were poorly used on the markets. Either – and that is a radical motive indeed – because soldiers were not or poorly paid in coins (as it was the case with the Anabasis of the Ten-Thousands, 401-399 BC), or – and that must not be underestimated as well – because the vast amount of precious coins issued and given to them were brought back in contexts leaving few opportunities to make a monetary use of these coins, which are thus better understood as special purpose money (as with the bulk of the Thasian type tetradrachms struck at the end of the 2nd and the first half of the 1st c. BC).

ANABASIS
Studia Classica et Orientalia

2 (2011)



REVIEWED BY
Prof. Jacek Rzepka (Warsaw University)



EDITOR
Marek Jan Olbrycht
email: saena7@gmail.com

EDITORIAL BOARD
Daryoush Akbarzadeh (Iran, National Museum, Tehran)
Agustí Alemany (Spain, Autonomous University of Barcelona)
Touraj Daryaee (USA, Irvine University, California)
Jangar Ilyasov (Uzbekistan, Academy of Sciences of the Republic Uzbekistan)
Ryszard Kulesza (Poland, University of Warsaw)
Jeffrey D. Lerner (USA, Wake Forest University)
Sabine Müller (Germany, University of Kiel)
Ruslan Muradov (Turkmenistan, National Department for Protection, Research and Restoration, Ashgabad)
Valery P. Nikonorov (Russian Federation, Russian Academy of Sciences, Sankt-Petersburg)
Tomasz Polański (Poland, Jan Kochanowski University)
Karolina Rakowiecka (Poland, Jagiellonian University)
Eduard V. Rtveladze (Uzbekistan, Academy of Sciences of the Republic Uzbekistan)
Martin Schottky (Germany)


ISSN 2082-8993




CONTENTS

Malcolm Davies, Sabine Müller
Deioces the Mede - Rhetoric and Reality in Herodotus 1.99

Ryszard Kulesza
Marathon and Thermopylae in the mémoire collective

Sabine Müller
Onesikritos und das Achaimenidenreich

Marek Jan Olbrycht
First Iranian military units in the army of Alexander the Great

Franca Landucci Gattinoni
Diodorus 18. 39.1-7 and Antipatros’s Settlement at Triparadeisos

Jeffrey D. Lerner
A Reappraisal of the Economic Inscriptions and Coin Finds from Aï Khanoum

Eduard V. Rtveladze
Parthians in the Oxus Valley. Struggle for the Great Indian Road

Michał Marciak
Seleucid-Parthian Adiabene in the Light of Ancient Geographical and Ethnographical Texts

Leonardo Gregoratti
A Parthian port on the Persian Gulf: Characene and its trade

Martin Schottky
Sanatruk von Armenien

Tomasz Polański
A Collection of Orientalist Paintings in the Imperial Private Gallery  in Naples

Massimiliano Vitiello
The “Light, Lamps, and Eyes” of the Persian Empire and the Gothic Kingdom in Justinian’s Time: A Note on Peter the Patrician and Cassiodorus


REVIEWS
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ABBREVIATIONS

Résumé
Le sujet de l'alimentation dans VAnabase est abordé en tant que forme de
communication entre des cultures différentes. Le regard de Xénophon sur les
nourritures de l'altérité, tout en étant fondé sur le contact direct avec les barbares, est
en réalité constamment conditionné par son propre code alimentaire; ce regard est par conséquent caractérisé par un remarquable ethnocentrisme, présenté également comme exotisme. L'ethnocentrisme alimentaire de Xénophon s'inscrit parfaitement dans le modèle culturel hellénique qui a été élaboré au cours du Ve siècle. La taxonomie anthropologique de ce modèle, fondée sur la primauté des Grecs, reléguait les barbares dans une condition de marginalité et d'infériorité naturelle et culturelle à la fois.

Summary
In this paper the food theme in the Anabasis is considered as a means of
communication between different cultures. In spite of Xenophon's direct approach to
the barbarians, actually his account of their food is constantly conditioned by his own
food code, and is marked by a strong ethnocentrism also passed off as extocisim.
Xenophon's alimentary ethnocentrism is a perfect expression of the Hellenic
cultural pattern worked out during the 5th century, whose anthropological taxonomy
- based on the Greek leadership - sentenced the barbarians to a condition of alienation and inferiority, both natural and cultural.

In the Anabasis, his autobiographical account on the retreat of the Greek mercenary army after the defeat of the Persian prince Cyrus the Younger, Xenophon mentions a significant number of sacrifices.
This paper deals with the analysis of the ritual, pragmatical, and narratological functions of these references as well as of their lexis and complexity. Therefore also a short overview of the role of sacrifices in the ancient Greek religion with a focus on military contexts is given.

Resumen: En la discusión sobre la constitución de la expedición de los diez mil generalmente se aducen motivos socioeconómicos. Con el fin de desmitificar lo anterior en el presente trabajo se presenta una aproximación a la influencia que tuvo el nuevo modelo de relaciones exteriores surgido a fines de la guerra del Peloponeso y las relaciones de hospitalidad en la conformación de la expedición de los diez mil. Abstract: In the discussion on the establishment of the ten thousand generally arguesocioeconomicrea sons. To demystify this, in this paper presents an approach to the influence that the new foreign model emerged at the end of the Peloponnesian War and hospitality relationships and their importance in in the constitution of the ten thousand.

Le charisme suffit-il à faire oublier les dettes ? C’est la question que l’on peut se poser à la lecture de l’Anabase de Xénophon : les mercenaires ont accepté de suivre Cyrus le Jeune, frère cadet du roi achéménide, en échange d’une solde non négligeable. Cependant, Cyrus puis ensuite ceux qui commandent les mercenaires ne fournissent quasiment jamais cette solde et les mercenaires se considèrent lésés de ce qui leur est dû. La dette unit alors cette communauté originale et permet – c’est notre hypothèse – la constitution d’un groupe avec son fonctionnement propre sans qu’il y ait pour autant de véritables institutions. Le corpus proposé permettra de tester cette hypothèse dans plusieurs situations de crise pour l’armée de l’Anabase. Nous chercherons alors à articuler le don et la dette et faire jouer les divers sens du terme dans ce contexte bien particulier : dette économique et dette symbolique, qui peuvent se confondre, mais pas de manière systématique.