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- Archaeology, Classics, Ancient History, Classical philology, Achaemenid Persia, Greek Epigraphy, and 26 moreGreek Literature, Ancient Greek History, Greek Archaeology, Homer, Social Interaction, Prosopography, Plutarch, Politeness, Ancient Greece and Rome, Ancient Athens, Ancient Diplomacy, Philosophy, Anthropology, Achaemenid History, Archaic Greek history, Xenophon, Athenian Democracy, Ancient Greece (History), Greek Law, Ancient economy, Ancient Greek Law, Greek History, Greek Epic, Homeric poetry, Ancient Persia, and Classics: Ancient History and Archaeologyedit
- DRS Postdoctoral Fellow at TOPOI, Freie Universität Berlin Post-Doc at Polis - The Jerusalem Institute of Languages a... moreDRS Postdoctoral Fellow at TOPOI, Freie Universität Berlin
Post-Doc at Polis - The Jerusalem Institute of Languages and Humanities
PhD in Ancient Greek History (Universities of Strasbourg and Genoa)
Master Degree in Ancient History (Université Paris - Sorbonne)
Bachelor Degree in Classics (Università di Genova)
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-0158-4947edit
The instauration of a bond of good faith between the parties played a crucial role in ancient diplomatic agreements. On the one hand, ancient authors often highlight the multi-faceted character of good faith and the ambiguities that... more
The instauration of a bond of good faith between the parties played a crucial role in ancient diplomatic agreements. On the one hand, ancient authors often highlight the multi-faceted character of good faith and the ambiguities that marked many of the ritual practices used to create it. Yet it is precisely this complexity of good faith that paves the road for modern historians to enquire on aspects such as its legal implementation, its effectiveness in creating lasting bonds or its moral implications. Forms of ancient diplomacy were often meaningful, and so were breaches of the diplomatic etiquette. The code of diplomatic communication was an extremely important channel for shaping policy (and good faith) and is therefore a fruitful heuristic tool for analysing interstate encounters in antiquity.
The contributions collected in this volume offer a multifaceted, if preliminary, illustration of ancient diplomatic good faith, focusing primarily on Greek, Persian-Achaemenid, and Roman cultures, but also on the Hellenistic kingdoms and the Parthian Empire.
The contributions collected in this volume offer a multifaceted, if preliminary, illustration of ancient diplomatic good faith, focusing primarily on Greek, Persian-Achaemenid, and Roman cultures, but also on the Hellenistic kingdoms and the Parthian Empire.
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Les Grecs anciens ont-ils conçu un code de politesse pour régler leurs relations en fonction du contexte social ? La question n’est pas simple, car, s’ils prenaient soin de leurs manières, la notion de politesse date des époques moderne... more
Les Grecs anciens ont-ils conçu un code de politesse pour régler leurs relations en fonction du contexte social ? La question n’est pas simple, car, s’ils prenaient soin de leurs manières, la notion de politesse date des époques moderne et contemporaine, dont elle reflète l'organisation sociale. Dès lors, pour parler d’un code de politesse grec, il faut interpréter les interactions sociales des Grecs à la lumière des principes culturels spécifiques qui orientaient leurs jugements sociaux. Ce livre repose sur le pari audacieux qu’il est possible de mener une telle enquête en adoptant l’épopée homérique comme un « manuel de politesse » des Grecs et en l’étudiant à la lumière de la sociologie contemporaine de la politesse. Pendant des siècles, les Grecs ont tenu Homère pour leur meilleur éducateur. Véritable réservoir chanté des savoirs traditionnels, l’épopée proposait des modèles de comportement qui permettaient aux Grecs d'évaluer leurs propres codes de conduite. L’Iliade et l’Odyssée fourmillent de ces modèles, que l'on interprète ici à l’aide de catégories empruntées à la sociologie de l’interaction d’Erving Goffman et remaniées pour s’adapter à l’épopée avec un double enjeu. Il s’agit d’abord d’enquêter sur les formes de l’interaction dans la société homérique et, au-delà, d’ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives de recherche sur les valeurs sociales des Grecs anciens.
Research Interests: Homer, Linguistic Politeness, Linguistic Impoliteness, Face and Facework Theory, Social Behaviour, and 11 moreArchaic Greek history, Politeness theory, Ancient Greek History, Homeric poetry, Erving Goffman, Odyssey, Ancient Greek Language, Ancient Greek Literature, Iliad, Politeness strategies, and Homeric society
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After Darius III’s defeat at Issus, a letter from the Persian King reached Alexander (early 332 BC). This paper examines this letter that and the response that Alexander sent to Darius. The aim is to shed light on how monarchic ideology... more
After Darius III’s defeat at Issus, a letter from the Persian King reached Alexander (early 332 BC). This paper examines this letter that and the response that Alexander sent to Darius. The aim is to shed light on how monarchic ideology could have influenced the diplomatic discussion, including its outcomes. The paper focuses in particular on the accounts of Diodorus, Curtius Rufus and, above all, Arrian, the author who provides us with the most extensive narrative.
Research Interests:
EN: This article re-examines the sources on the exile period that the Athenian family of the Alcmaeonids spent in Delphi after the murder of Hipparchus in 514 BC. The ancient tradition on this episode is contradictory (especially with... more
EN: This article re-examines the sources on the exile period that the Athenian family of the Alcmaeonids spent in Delphi after the murder of Hipparchus in 514 BC. The ancient tradition on this episode is contradictory (especially with regard to the construction of the new temple of Apollo and the “corruption” of the Pythia). Therefore, it can be rather difficult to tell Alcmaeonid propaganda apart from that of their Athenian adversaries. Another hypothesis, however, deserves to be assessed: rather than in Athens, the charge of corrupting the Pythia might itself have been elaborated within a Delphic environment.
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FR: Cet article reprend les sources concernant l’exil des Alcméonides à Delphes suite au meurtre d’Hipparque en 514 av. J.-C. La tradition antique sur l’épisode est contradictoire (notamment en ce qui concerne la réfection du temple d’Apollon et la « corruption » de la Pythie). Il n’est donc pas aisé, pour les chercheurs, de distinguer la propagande politique des Alcméonides de celle de leurs adversaires athéniens. Il y a pourtant une autre hypothèse qui mérite d’être explorée : il se peut en effet que les accusations concernant la corruption de la Pythie aient été élaborée non pas à Athènes, mais dans des milieux delphiens eux-mêmes.
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FR: Cet article reprend les sources concernant l’exil des Alcméonides à Delphes suite au meurtre d’Hipparque en 514 av. J.-C. La tradition antique sur l’épisode est contradictoire (notamment en ce qui concerne la réfection du temple d’Apollon et la « corruption » de la Pythie). Il n’est donc pas aisé, pour les chercheurs, de distinguer la propagande politique des Alcméonides de celle de leurs adversaires athéniens. Il y a pourtant une autre hypothèse qui mérite d’être explorée : il se peut en effet que les accusations concernant la corruption de la Pythie aient été élaborée non pas à Athènes, mais dans des milieux delphiens eux-mêmes.
Research Interests:
This paper focuses on poetic mobility throughout the Greek world down to the middle of the fifth century BC. The aim of the enquiry is to ascertain the importance of a singer’s social promotion as a reason for traveling, and to account... more
This paper focuses on poetic mobility throughout the Greek world down to the middle of the fifth century BC. The aim of the enquiry is to ascertain the importance of a singer’s social promotion as a reason for traveling, and to account for the different forms that this social promotion could take. Under the term ‘singers’ I shall comprehend the two overlapping categories of the poets performing their own compositions and the rhapsodes interpreting pieces from the traditional repertory.
Part of “Social mobility as a consequence of the spatial mobility from sixth to fourth-century Greece”, edited by Laura Loddo.
Part of “Social mobility as a consequence of the spatial mobility from sixth to fourth-century Greece”, edited by Laura Loddo.
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ENGLISH: Starting from the judgement on Themistocles’ political plans that Plutarch formulates while accounting for the naval law proposal of 483/2 BC, this paper aims to exploit some pieces of information drawn from the "Life of... more
ENGLISH: Starting from the judgement on Themistocles’ political plans that Plutarch formulates while accounting for the naval law proposal of 483/2 BC, this paper aims to exploit some pieces of information drawn from the "Life of Themistocles" to suggest links within the scanty evidence for Athenian politics during the 480s. Such a political interpretation of Themistocles’ war strategy enlightens the new features of the Athenian political leadership after Clisthenes’ reform, which had remained obscure to many contemporaries.
ITALIAN: A partire dal giudizio sui progetti politici di Temistocle formulato da Plutarco in concomitanza col resoconto della proposta di legge del 483/2 a.C., questo contributo cerca di sfruttare alcune informazioni contenute nella biografia plutarchea per mettere in relazione tra di loro i pochi dati trasmessi dalle fonti riguardo alla politica ateniese del decennio 490-480 a.C. Tale lettura politica della strategia bellica di Temistocle mette in luce i nuovi caratteri della leadership politica in Atene dopo le riforme clisteniche, ancora oscuri per molti contemporanei.
ITALIAN: A partire dal giudizio sui progetti politici di Temistocle formulato da Plutarco in concomitanza col resoconto della proposta di legge del 483/2 a.C., questo contributo cerca di sfruttare alcune informazioni contenute nella biografia plutarchea per mettere in relazione tra di loro i pochi dati trasmessi dalle fonti riguardo alla politica ateniese del decennio 490-480 a.C. Tale lettura politica della strategia bellica di Temistocle mette in luce i nuovi caratteri della leadership politica in Atene dopo le riforme clisteniche, ancora oscuri per molti contemporanei.
Research Interests:
This paper focusses on the role of women within the Homeric household (“oikos”) as related to politeness. The social balance of the household has its fulcrum in the relation between the householder and his wife, and the latter has a... more
This paper focusses on the role of women within the Homeric household (“oikos”) as related to politeness. The social balance of the household has its fulcrum in the relation between the householder and his wife, and the latter has a crucial role in preserving the face of her husband and hence his authority on the “oikos”. In practice, to preserve his public image within the oikos, householders delegate a core part of their authority to their wives, and in exchange of this wife-characters such as Penelope or the goddess Hera are keen to always stage the subaltern role which women have in the Homeric society. The paper compares some examples of similar politeness strategies to the behaviour of Helen in Book 6 of the Iliad (321–356). Helen enacts a reverse politeness strategy aiming to make her husband Paris’s face collapse in front of Hector. By combining Erving Goffman’s concepts of “face” and “social situation” and the Homeric values of “timē” and “aidōs” into a framework for studying politeness in the epics, it becomes possible to enlighten the real power balance that—underneath the veil of politeness — characterises the relation between the householder and his wife in the Homeric “oikos”.
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Available online: http://www.qro.unisi.it/frontend/node/206 This paper proposes an analytical framework to study politeness in the Homeric epics, and applies it to a famous scene of the Iliad: the assembly during which Agamemnon, the... more
Available online: http://www.qro.unisi.it/frontend/node/206
This paper proposes an analytical framework to study politeness in the Homeric epics, and applies it to a famous scene of the Iliad: the assembly during which Agamemnon, the leader of the Achaean expedition to Troy, is heavily insulted by Thersites, a simple soldier. My interpretation of both Thersites’ behaviour and Ulysses’ reaction in defence of Agamemnon is based on the categories developed by Erving Goffman to understand the codes of everyday behaviour. I take into consideration two main variables: the social density which characterises the Achaeans’ ἀγορή (defined as the degree to which people are under each other’s surveillance), and the distribution of authority within it. A close analysis of these variables within the social situation is helpful in defining its members’ social expectations towards each other, and, through the analogy between Goffman’s concept of face, allows a new understanding of the Homeric τιμή and the behavioural ideology which this latter underpins.
This paper proposes an analytical framework to study politeness in the Homeric epics, and applies it to a famous scene of the Iliad: the assembly during which Agamemnon, the leader of the Achaean expedition to Troy, is heavily insulted by Thersites, a simple soldier. My interpretation of both Thersites’ behaviour and Ulysses’ reaction in defence of Agamemnon is based on the categories developed by Erving Goffman to understand the codes of everyday behaviour. I take into consideration two main variables: the social density which characterises the Achaeans’ ἀγορή (defined as the degree to which people are under each other’s surveillance), and the distribution of authority within it. A close analysis of these variables within the social situation is helpful in defining its members’ social expectations towards each other, and, through the analogy between Goffman’s concept of face, allows a new understanding of the Homeric τιμή and the behavioural ideology which this latter underpins.
Research Interests:
Available online: https://www.persee.fr/doc/ktema_0221-5896_2018_num_43_1_1541 *********** Abstract–. This article deals with the handshake in the Archaic and Classical ages of ancient Greece. The gesture is studied from different points... more
Available online: https://www.persee.fr/doc/ktema_0221-5896_2018_num_43_1_1541
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Abstract–. This article deals with the handshake in the Archaic and Classical ages of ancient Greece. The gesture is studied from different points of view, including its symbolic meanings, its different uses in daily life, and its value as a diplomatic practice. The enquiry focuses mainly on literary sources, among which the Homeric epics and Athenian fifth-century plays prove to be particularly relevant. The analysis enlightens the polysemous character of the Greek handshake (especially as a symbol of welcome, attention or good faith) and its diachronic evolution.
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Résumé–. Cet article étudie la pratique de la poignée de main dans la Grèce d’époque archaïque et classique. Le geste est envisagé sous l’angle de sa symbolique, de ses usages divers lors des relations quotidiennes et de sa valeur dans des circonstances officielles, y compris dans la diplomatie. L’enquête se concentre sur les sources littéraires, parmi lesquelles les poèmes homériques et les pièces théâtrales du ve siècle athénien ont un rôle prépondérant. L’analyse met en lumière à la fois la polysémie de la poignée de main en Grèce (notamment en tant que symbole d’accueil, d’attention et de confiance) et son évolution diachronique.
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Abstract–. This article deals with the handshake in the Archaic and Classical ages of ancient Greece. The gesture is studied from different points of view, including its symbolic meanings, its different uses in daily life, and its value as a diplomatic practice. The enquiry focuses mainly on literary sources, among which the Homeric epics and Athenian fifth-century plays prove to be particularly relevant. The analysis enlightens the polysemous character of the Greek handshake (especially as a symbol of welcome, attention or good faith) and its diachronic evolution.
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Résumé–. Cet article étudie la pratique de la poignée de main dans la Grèce d’époque archaïque et classique. Le geste est envisagé sous l’angle de sa symbolique, de ses usages divers lors des relations quotidiennes et de sa valeur dans des circonstances officielles, y compris dans la diplomatie. L’enquête se concentre sur les sources littéraires, parmi lesquelles les poèmes homériques et les pièces théâtrales du ve siècle athénien ont un rôle prépondérant. L’analyse met en lumière à la fois la polysémie de la poignée de main en Grèce (notamment en tant que symbole d’accueil, d’attention et de confiance) et son évolution diachronique.
Research Interests:
This paper focuses on the first ancient tradition known about the theme of the translatio imperii, i.e. the succession of the Assyrian, Mede and Persian empires. The ancient Greek evidence concerning it (and Herodotus above all) is... more
This paper focuses on the first ancient tradition known about the theme of the translatio imperii, i.e. the succession of the Assyrian, Mede and Persian empires. The ancient Greek evidence concerning it (and Herodotus above all) is studied in the light of the debate that has recently brought into question the very existence and the nature of the Median “empire”. The paper enquires about the possibility that the concept of translatio imperii derive not from the Greek thought (as it has often maintained) but from an oral Near-Eastern tradition.
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EN: Ulysses’ final identification in the Odyssey is not a univocal event: the recognition involves several steps, some more symbolic than others. This paper deals in particular with the scene of the bow competition in Od. XXI, after which... more
EN: Ulysses’ final identification in the Odyssey is not a univocal event: the recognition involves several steps, some more symbolic than others. This paper deals in particular with the scene of the bow competition in Od. XXI, after which the hero kills the suitors. Data drawn from both textual analysis and archaeological surveys from the Aegean Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages allow us to distinguish different symbolic facets of the bow: hunting weapon, Penelope’s avatar, “double” of the cithara and, as such, even a feature of royalty.
IT: L’articolo esamina i modi in cui, nell’Odissea, avviene il riconoscimento di Ulisse. L’analisi dei dati testuali ed il loro confronto con la documentazione archeologica dell’Egeo fra Tardo Età del Bronzo e Antica Età del Ferro, in particolare, permettono di cogliere alcuni interessanti aspetti dell’episodio della gara del canto XXI, al termine della quale l’eroe uccide i Proci. L’arco, infatti, presenta una simbologia complessa su piani diversificati: arma da caccia, avatar di Penelope, “doppio” della cetra e, in quanto tale, attributo della regalità.
IT: L’articolo esamina i modi in cui, nell’Odissea, avviene il riconoscimento di Ulisse. L’analisi dei dati testuali ed il loro confronto con la documentazione archeologica dell’Egeo fra Tardo Età del Bronzo e Antica Età del Ferro, in particolare, permettono di cogliere alcuni interessanti aspetti dell’episodio della gara del canto XXI, al termine della quale l’eroe uccide i Proci. L’arco, infatti, presenta una simbologia complessa su piani diversificati: arma da caccia, avatar di Penelope, “doppio” della cetra e, in quanto tale, attributo della regalità.
Research Interests:
The aim of this paper is to study the semantic evolution of the concepts of “Asia” and “Asiatic” in both the archaic Greek lyric poetry and Aeschylus’s works. Particular attention is devoted to the process through which the term Ἀσία –... more
The aim of this paper is to study the semantic evolution of the concepts of “Asia” and “Asiatic” in both the archaic Greek lyric poetry and Aeschylus’s works. Particular attention is devoted to the process through which the term Ἀσία – initially used to designate the Anatolian norther-western region – ended up indicating what the Greeks considered to be the Asiatic continent: it seems plausible that such a semantic development is to be linked to the political events which took place in Asia Minor and in the Near East during the 7th and the 6th centuries BC. Finally, during the 5th century, the idea of Asia seems to coincide with both the Persian Empire and the continent, while its borders seem to remain quite fluid and susceptible to be adjusted to the literary or political aims of the different authors. As for the inquiry on the terms which indicate Asiatic people (or which are linked to them), textual analysis seems to show that oriental populations are not always negatively connoted, since we can also find them in junction with positive judgements.
available online: http://archimede.unistra.fr/revue-archimede/archimede-4-2017/archimede-4-2017-dossier-1-le-lexique-grec/
available online: http://archimede.unistra.fr/revue-archimede/archimede-4-2017/archimede-4-2017-dossier-1-le-lexique-grec/
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Although scanty, the tradition on the Persian king Cyrus II “the Great” found in the Patmut‘iwn Hayoc‘ (History of the Armenians) by Movsēs Xorenac‘i provides us with an original narrative, often contrasting with the events as related by... more
Although scanty, the tradition on the Persian king Cyrus II “the Great” found in the Patmut‘iwn Hayoc‘ (History of the Armenians) by Movsēs Xorenac‘i provides us with an original narrative, often contrasting with the events as related by Greek and Latin sources. Such a narrative is usually regarded as the result both of bad understanding and voluntary alteration by Movsēs Xorenac‘i of the account in the classical sources, with the main goal of exalting the role of Armenia in ancient Near East history. Despite these difficulties, in this paper we re-examine two episodes of the Patmut‘iwn Hayoc‘ concerning Cyrus (1.24–31, 2.11–13). Making careful use of cross-comparison with the Greek tradition, we hope to show that it is possible
to extract from Movsēs Xorenac‘i’s text some pieces of original historical information, if not about events as they took place (but the Patmut‘iwn Hayoc‘ could be helpful to corroborate some historical hypotheses recently made concerning the Median kingdom on other bases), certainly about the formation of Iranic tradition on the events in question throughout the centuries.
to extract from Movsēs Xorenac‘i’s text some pieces of original historical information, if not about events as they took place (but the Patmut‘iwn Hayoc‘ could be helpful to corroborate some historical hypotheses recently made concerning the Median kingdom on other bases), certainly about the formation of Iranic tradition on the events in question throughout the centuries.
Research Interests:
Homeric epics are rich in paradigmatic scenes, where it is not inappropriate to look for examples of Greek polite social behaviour. This paper proposes an analytical framework to study ancient Greek politeness, and applies it to a famous... more
Homeric epics are rich in paradigmatic scenes, where it is not inappropriate to look for examples of Greek polite social behaviour. This paper proposes an analytical framework to study ancient Greek politeness, and applies it to a famous scene of the Odyssey: the arrival of the goddess Athena, disguised as the old stranger Mentes, at the door of the royal palace of Ithaca, where she is welcomed by Ulysses’ son Telemachus. The stranger’s welcome in Homer is a very formal ritual following a well ordered pattern, which is made by several steps that require a high level of cooperation between the householder and his guest. My interpretation of Telemachus’ behaviour toward Athena-Mentes is based on the analytical categories developed by Erving Goffman to understand the everyday behaviour code. I take into consideration two main variables: the distribution of authority that characterizes the social situation of Ulysses’ palace and its social density, defined as the degree to which people are in each other’s presence and hence under each other’s surveillance. A close analysis of these variables within the social situation is helpful in defining its members’ social expectations towards each other, and, thus, highlighting which behavioural norms are enforced by the social situation itself.
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Cet article est une version française remaniée et mise à jour, bien qu'un peu plus brève, de l'article italien LA DESTRA DEL RE (voir ci-dessous).
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Diplomatic encounters represent a privileged field to study contacts and interactions between different cultures. This paper aims to show how the gap between the set of diplomatic symbols the ancient Greeks and Persians had in common and... more
Diplomatic encounters represent a privileged field to study contacts and interactions
between different cultures. This paper aims to show how the gap
between the set of diplomatic symbols the ancient Greeks and Persians had
in common and their different concepts of power and good faith could generate
misunderstandings – either intentional or unintentional – between parties.
Those misunderstandings can still compromise contemporary historical interpretations.
between different cultures. This paper aims to show how the gap
between the set of diplomatic symbols the ancient Greeks and Persians had
in common and their different concepts of power and good faith could generate
misunderstandings – either intentional or unintentional – between parties.
Those misunderstandings can still compromise contemporary historical interpretations.
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Cet article offre une interprétation politique de la mutilation du cadavre de Cyrus le Jeune de la part de son frère, le Grand Roi Artaxerxès II, après la bataille de Counaxa de 401 av. J.C. L'analyse se concentre en particulier sur la... more
Cet article offre une interprétation politique de la mutilation du cadavre de Cyrus le Jeune de la part de son frère, le Grand Roi Artaxerxès II, après la bataille de Counaxa de 401 av. J.C. L'analyse se concentre en particulier sur la symbolique de la main droite dans la Perse achéménide et l'exploitation propagandiste qu'en fut faite par le Grand Roi et par son jeune frère et adversaire, Cyrus.
Research Interests:
"ENGLISH: Having been freed at the beginning of the IVth century BC, the former slave Pasion becomes a banker and gathers prestige thanks to the services he accomplishes towards the city of Athens and the relationships he manages to... more
"ENGLISH: Having been freed at the beginning of the IVth century BC, the former slave Pasion becomes a banker and gathers prestige thanks to the services he accomplishes towards the city of Athens and the relationships he manages to create with political personalities. Eventually he obtains the Athenian citizenship both for himself and his descendants. Thus, besides the great amount of money he has earned throughout his life, it is a real capital of social prestige that Pasion leaves to his son Apollodorus at his death. It seems to be easy for Apollodorus to walk further on the path of his father and conquer a place on the Athenian political scene. Nevertheless, ancient sources show us a man unable to achieve such a goal. Instead, Apollodorus looks obsessed by the need to reaffirm in public his status of citizen. By the case of Pasion and Apollodorus, this paper focuses on the way personal skills could generate prestige in classical Athens. Did the wealth brought by this prestige alone allow crossing Athenian social barriers?
FRENCH: Après son affranchissement au début du IVe siècle av. J.-C., Pasion, un ancien esclave devenu banquier, sait à la fois s’illustrer par les services qu’il rend à la cité d’Athènes et nouer des rapports avec les personnalités politiques. Cela lui vaut, vers la fin de son existence, la concession de la citoyenneté athénienne pour lui et pour ses descendants. À côté des énormes richesses accumulées, donc, c’est un capital de prestige social que Pasion lègue à son fils Apollodore au moment de sa mort. Celui-ci semblerait avoir toutes les cartes en main pour franchir la dernière étape du parcours social entamé par son père et conquérir une place sur la scène politique. Cependant, il apparaît tourmenté par le besoin de réaffirmer en public son statut de citoyen, et il ne sait pas s’imposer.
À travers le cas de Pasion et Apollodore, cette contribution analyse la façon dont les capacités personnelles pouvaient faire naître le prestige dans l’Athènes classique. Est-ce que les moyens économiques issus de ce prestige permettaient à eux seuls de franchir les barrières sociales de la cité athénienne ?"
FRENCH: Après son affranchissement au début du IVe siècle av. J.-C., Pasion, un ancien esclave devenu banquier, sait à la fois s’illustrer par les services qu’il rend à la cité d’Athènes et nouer des rapports avec les personnalités politiques. Cela lui vaut, vers la fin de son existence, la concession de la citoyenneté athénienne pour lui et pour ses descendants. À côté des énormes richesses accumulées, donc, c’est un capital de prestige social que Pasion lègue à son fils Apollodore au moment de sa mort. Celui-ci semblerait avoir toutes les cartes en main pour franchir la dernière étape du parcours social entamé par son père et conquérir une place sur la scène politique. Cependant, il apparaît tourmenté par le besoin de réaffirmer en public son statut de citoyen, et il ne sait pas s’imposer.
À travers le cas de Pasion et Apollodore, cette contribution analyse la façon dont les capacités personnelles pouvaient faire naître le prestige dans l’Athènes classique. Est-ce que les moyens économiques issus de ce prestige permettaient à eux seuls de franchir les barrières sociales de la cité athénienne ?"
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Ad recte intellegendas iuncturas Graecas “δεξιὰς φέρειν” et “δεξιὰν πέμπειν” quas in Xenophontis Anabasi (2.4.1) et Agesilao (3.5) ad usum Persicum describendum invenimus, nobis utile est memoriam tenere legatorum orientis instituti... more
Ad recte intellegendas iuncturas Graecas “δεξιὰς φέρειν” et “δεξιὰν πέμπειν” quas in Xenophontis Anabasi (2.4.1) et Agesilao (3.5) ad usum Persicum describendum invenimus, nobis utile est memoriam tenere legatorum orientis instituti dextram porrigendi (Graece δεξίωσις) et consuetudinis inter homines fidem commutandi per pignora (Graece πιστά). Fortasse Persarum rex procul per legatos fidei pignora manus fingentia mittebat, similia aliorum seriorum operum manu factorum ab antiquitatis studiosis in aliis terris
erutorum, ut sunt Lilybitana tessera hospitalis et Massiliensis manus aenea.
erutorum, ut sunt Lilybitana tessera hospitalis et Massiliensis manus aenea.
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23 May 2022, Conference “Irony and Democracy. In Classical Antiquity and Modernity”, Ruhr Universität Bochum. Organised by Carlotta Voß and Christian Wendt, 23–24/05/2022. –– In Plato’s work, Socrates often addresses other people with... more
23 May 2022, Conference “Irony and Democracy. In Classical Antiquity and Modernity”, Ruhr Universität Bochum. Organised by Carlotta Voß and Christian Wendt, 23–24/05/2022.
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In Plato’s work, Socrates often addresses other people with highly complimentary formulas of address: ἀγαθέ, ἄριστε, βέλτιστε, δαιμόνιε, ἐταῖρε, θαυμάσιε, μακάριε, φίλε, etc. Sometimes, however, one notices that Socrates’ interlocutor reacts to such polite vocatives by increasingly incensed retorts. It is an interesting phenomenon: does the discomfort shown by Socrates’ counterparts depend on the philosopher’s failure to calm them by praising them, or is it precisely the flattering epithets that elicit those annoyed responses? And if so, are these forms of praise spoken at the very moment the people with whom Socrates is speaking are being criticised by him an aspect of Socratic irony?
According to Eleanor Dickey, praising forms of address in the works of Plato are rather marks of the dominant position held by one of the characters at a given moment of the dialogue. Their frequent use made by Socrates would only be explained by the fact that it is usually Socrates himself who leads the conversation. And yet there is a small number of cases that do not fit well with this interpretation, and make it difficult to entirely rule out an explanation
through irony.
In this paper, I try to dispel doubts by attempting to read these passages within Plato’s cultural project, and to show how, seen from this angle, the complimentary epithets used by Socrates can be seen as polite formulas which sometimes have an ironic nuance, without this resulting in a contradiction.
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In Plato’s work, Socrates often addresses other people with highly complimentary formulas of address: ἀγαθέ, ἄριστε, βέλτιστε, δαιμόνιε, ἐταῖρε, θαυμάσιε, μακάριε, φίλε, etc. Sometimes, however, one notices that Socrates’ interlocutor reacts to such polite vocatives by increasingly incensed retorts. It is an interesting phenomenon: does the discomfort shown by Socrates’ counterparts depend on the philosopher’s failure to calm them by praising them, or is it precisely the flattering epithets that elicit those annoyed responses? And if so, are these forms of praise spoken at the very moment the people with whom Socrates is speaking are being criticised by him an aspect of Socratic irony?
According to Eleanor Dickey, praising forms of address in the works of Plato are rather marks of the dominant position held by one of the characters at a given moment of the dialogue. Their frequent use made by Socrates would only be explained by the fact that it is usually Socrates himself who leads the conversation. And yet there is a small number of cases that do not fit well with this interpretation, and make it difficult to entirely rule out an explanation
through irony.
In this paper, I try to dispel doubts by attempting to read these passages within Plato’s cultural project, and to show how, seen from this angle, the complimentary epithets used by Socrates can be seen as polite formulas which sometimes have an ironic nuance, without this resulting in a contradiction.
Research Interests:
22 July 2021 “Xenophon 2021”, University of Liverpool. Organised by Christopher Tuplin, Fiona Hobden, Alexei Zadorozhny, 8–29/07/2021. ---- For two centuries now, scholars have been debating whether Xenophon should be counted among... more
22 July 2021
“Xenophon 2021”, University of Liverpool. Organised by Christopher Tuplin, Fiona Hobden, Alexei Zadorozhny, 8–29/07/2021.
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For two centuries now, scholars have been debating whether Xenophon should be counted among ancient historiographers, or if his Anabasis and, above all, his Hellenics fit better in the category of memoirs. Critics have depicted Xenophon either as a faithful continuator of Thucydides’ method later biased by personal experience, or as a memoirist having developed some historiographical method thanks to Thucydidean influence at a late stage of his life. Building on a compelling yet seldom quoted suggestion by the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, this paper tries to show that it is actually the attempt of separating historiographical from subjective tone in Xenophon’s work that is misleading. Mazzarino argued that the very reason why Greeks of the Classical Age mostly wrote contemporary history is that they could not perceive that difference, for their culture had not elaborated any historicist thought. By removing this obstacle, it becomes possible to assess Xenophon’s work not from the point of view of his grasp on the historical dynamics, but from his capacity of interpreting the political trend of his times, as Thucydides had done before him. In this respect, Xenophon’s pages may still hold some surprises.
“Xenophon 2021”, University of Liverpool. Organised by Christopher Tuplin, Fiona Hobden, Alexei Zadorozhny, 8–29/07/2021.
----
For two centuries now, scholars have been debating whether Xenophon should be counted among ancient historiographers, or if his Anabasis and, above all, his Hellenics fit better in the category of memoirs. Critics have depicted Xenophon either as a faithful continuator of Thucydides’ method later biased by personal experience, or as a memoirist having developed some historiographical method thanks to Thucydidean influence at a late stage of his life. Building on a compelling yet seldom quoted suggestion by the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, this paper tries to show that it is actually the attempt of separating historiographical from subjective tone in Xenophon’s work that is misleading. Mazzarino argued that the very reason why Greeks of the Classical Age mostly wrote contemporary history is that they could not perceive that difference, for their culture had not elaborated any historicist thought. By removing this obstacle, it becomes possible to assess Xenophon’s work not from the point of view of his grasp on the historical dynamics, but from his capacity of interpreting the political trend of his times, as Thucydides had done before him. In this respect, Xenophon’s pages may still hold some surprises.
Research Interests:
12 march 2021 “Historical Politeness Network for Ancient Languages: Online lecture Series”, organised by Kim Ridealgh (University of East Anglia, Norwich), Spring 2021 (12.2–11.6.2021) ABSTRACT: This talk is a first attempt to use... more
12 march 2021
“Historical Politeness Network for Ancient Languages: Online lecture Series”, organised by Kim Ridealgh (University of East Anglia, Norwich), Spring 2021 (12.2–11.6.2021)
ABSTRACT: This talk is a first attempt to use categories drawn from facework and politeness theories to analyse examples of ancient diplomatic interaction. Such attempt will be based on two premises: on the one hand, there is the growing need to frame ancient diplomacy within new hermeneutic paradigms capable of going beyond legalistic or strategic considerations and apt to include the discursive and ritual dimensions in the analysis. On the other hand, there is the analytical method that I have been developing for studying ancient Greek politeness as a linguistic but also as a behavioural phenomenon, which can be understood as a set of rules meant to guide individual action within specific social situations. In the first part of the talk, I will show how contemporary trends in International Relations Studies can provide a link between these two premises and open up a way to conceptualise ancient diplomatic etiquette as politeness. In the second part of the talk, I will then propose two short case studies taken from Xenophon and Polybius, through which I will try to show the potential of politeness-based methods for achieving a more nuanced, multifaceted picture of ancient diplomatic encounters.
“Historical Politeness Network for Ancient Languages: Online lecture Series”, organised by Kim Ridealgh (University of East Anglia, Norwich), Spring 2021 (12.2–11.6.2021)
ABSTRACT: This talk is a first attempt to use categories drawn from facework and politeness theories to analyse examples of ancient diplomatic interaction. Such attempt will be based on two premises: on the one hand, there is the growing need to frame ancient diplomacy within new hermeneutic paradigms capable of going beyond legalistic or strategic considerations and apt to include the discursive and ritual dimensions in the analysis. On the other hand, there is the analytical method that I have been developing for studying ancient Greek politeness as a linguistic but also as a behavioural phenomenon, which can be understood as a set of rules meant to guide individual action within specific social situations. In the first part of the talk, I will show how contemporary trends in International Relations Studies can provide a link between these two premises and open up a way to conceptualise ancient diplomatic etiquette as politeness. In the second part of the talk, I will then propose two short case studies taken from Xenophon and Polybius, through which I will try to show the potential of politeness-based methods for achieving a more nuanced, multifaceted picture of ancient diplomatic encounters.
“Herodotus Helpline” seminars, Second block, Autumn 2020 (30.9–9.12.2020): Wed 25/11/2020.
Organised by Jan Haywood (Open University) and Thomas Harrison (St Andrews)
Organised by Jan Haywood (Open University) and Thomas Harrison (St Andrews)
Research Interests:
This paper was delivered at the Celtic Conference in Classics, Panel “Misinformation, Disinformation, and Propaganda in Greek Historiography”, University of Coimbra, 26–29.6.2019
Research Interests:
This paper has been given during the StAGE Conference 2019, which took place at the University of Edinburgh on 17–18.5.2019. ABSTRACT Scholars usually regard the handshake motif on Attic gravestones of the 5th and 4th c. BC as... more
This paper has been given during the StAGE Conference 2019, which took place at the University of Edinburgh on 17–18.5.2019.
ABSTRACT
Scholars usually regard the handshake motif on Attic gravestones of the 5th and 4th c. BC as infringing Athenian social conventions because it frequently occurs between people of different status (for instance, it represents men clasping hands with women). In response, some critics have mitigated the allegedly “scandalous” character of these scenes by interpreting them as the welcoming of the dead in Hades (where social rules are supposed not to match those governing the living).
However, sometimes funerary inscriptions make clear that one of the figures engaged in the handshake is dead, while the other is alive. This has allowed other interpreters to argue that, since the represented figures do not feature any specific death marker and no clear indication is provided concerning the location of the action, that the scenes must take place in the realm of the living. The handshakes are accordingly explained as farewell scenes that occur prior to the departure of the dead for Hades.
In both cases, scholars maintain a separation between the living community and the afterworld. Based on comparison with other iconographic and literary evidence, this paper challenges such views by arguing that the gravestone scenes are set neither on Earth nor in Hades. The gravestones stand
in-between the two realms and—by means of an artistic breach of social conventions—they consciously create a space of contact between them. The Athenian polis could thus emphasise continuity down the generations, united across the very death threshold that the engraved handshakes attempted to suppress.
ABSTRACT
Scholars usually regard the handshake motif on Attic gravestones of the 5th and 4th c. BC as infringing Athenian social conventions because it frequently occurs between people of different status (for instance, it represents men clasping hands with women). In response, some critics have mitigated the allegedly “scandalous” character of these scenes by interpreting them as the welcoming of the dead in Hades (where social rules are supposed not to match those governing the living).
However, sometimes funerary inscriptions make clear that one of the figures engaged in the handshake is dead, while the other is alive. This has allowed other interpreters to argue that, since the represented figures do not feature any specific death marker and no clear indication is provided concerning the location of the action, that the scenes must take place in the realm of the living. The handshakes are accordingly explained as farewell scenes that occur prior to the departure of the dead for Hades.
In both cases, scholars maintain a separation between the living community and the afterworld. Based on comparison with other iconographic and literary evidence, this paper challenges such views by arguing that the gravestone scenes are set neither on Earth nor in Hades. The gravestones stand
in-between the two realms and—by means of an artistic breach of social conventions—they consciously create a space of contact between them. The Athenian polis could thus emphasise continuity down the generations, united across the very death threshold that the engraved handshakes attempted to suppress.
Research Interests:
This paper has been given during the international conference "Shaping Good Faith. Modes of Communication in Ancient Diplomacy", organised by Francesco Mari and Christian Wendt and held at the Excellence Cluster TOPOI, FU Berlin, on... more
This paper has been given during the international conference
"Shaping Good Faith. Modes of Communication in Ancient Diplomacy",
organised by Francesco Mari and Christian Wendt
and held at the Excellence Cluster TOPOI, FU Berlin,
on the 11th and 12th October 2018
"Shaping Good Faith. Modes of Communication in Ancient Diplomacy",
organised by Francesco Mari and Christian Wendt
and held at the Excellence Cluster TOPOI, FU Berlin,
on the 11th and 12th October 2018
Research Interests:
Generally speaking, in the twentieth century scholars have developed two major approaches to study politeness. On the one hand, we find sociolinguistic analyses, most of which either follow the wake of Brown and Levinson’s model or react... more
Generally speaking, in the twentieth century scholars have developed two major approaches to study politeness. On the one hand, we find sociolinguistic analyses, most of which either follow the wake of Brown and Levinson’s model or react to it. These studies are situational, and concentrate on human interaction in given situations. On the other hand, there exist a more descriptive approach based on Norbert Elias’ seminal work "Über den Prozeß der Zivilisation". This stream of research typically focuses on behavioural prescriptions within a definite society at a definite time, and exploits as sources the latter’s educational literary production, i.e. politeness manuals. Neither approach, however, proves able to account for changes in politeness codes, since the first cannot cross the synchronic borders of the situations that it studies, while the second deals with ideology more than it deals with daily life.
The ancient Greeks of the archaic and classical age did not leave any manual of politeness, since the very concept of polite expression or behaviour did not exist in their culture. They certainly felt the need to define behaviour patterns appropriate for different social situations, yet they declined it according to a social ideology different from the one which, since the Middle Ages, has produced the literary genre of politeness manuals. A possible way to understand and better define such ideology is to conduct situational analysis on those literary productions that the Greeks held to be educational. A fifth-century Greek would have chosen Homer. The epics contain hundreds of social situations, that we can study to derive prescriptions from paradigmatic human interactions. Thus constructed, the “ancient Greek politeness manual” does not contain mere norms, but rather options for individual responses to specific behaviours. Openness to change is embedded in such indications, since Homeric paradigmatic scenes worked as toolboxes for constructing one’s conduct in daily life. Perhaps this is one of the reasons which allowed the epics to remain the basis of Greek paideia for so many centuries.
The ancient Greeks of the archaic and classical age did not leave any manual of politeness, since the very concept of polite expression or behaviour did not exist in their culture. They certainly felt the need to define behaviour patterns appropriate for different social situations, yet they declined it according to a social ideology different from the one which, since the Middle Ages, has produced the literary genre of politeness manuals. A possible way to understand and better define such ideology is to conduct situational analysis on those literary productions that the Greeks held to be educational. A fifth-century Greek would have chosen Homer. The epics contain hundreds of social situations, that we can study to derive prescriptions from paradigmatic human interactions. Thus constructed, the “ancient Greek politeness manual” does not contain mere norms, but rather options for individual responses to specific behaviours. Openness to change is embedded in such indications, since Homeric paradigmatic scenes worked as toolboxes for constructing one’s conduct in daily life. Perhaps this is one of the reasons which allowed the epics to remain the basis of Greek paideia for so many centuries.
Research Interests:
This talk is part of the panel "Social Mobility as a Consequence of the Spatial Mobility from Sixth to Fourth Century Greece", organised by Dr. Laura Loddo at the CA Conference 2018. ABSTRACT OF THE PANEL: The papers presented in... more
This talk is part of the panel "Social Mobility as a Consequence of the Spatial Mobility
from Sixth to Fourth Century Greece", organised by Dr. Laura Loddo at the CA Conference 2018.
ABSTRACT OF THE PANEL:
The papers presented in this panel aim to analyse the relation between spatial mobility and social mobility in Ancient Greece from Sixth to Fourth century Greece. While the subject of “social mobility” with respect to “spatial mobility” has been deeply investigated in the Roman society from the origins to Late Antiquity in relation both to the chronological framework (Hopkins 1965; Frézouls 1992) and to the geographical contexts (Patterson 2006; Tran 2006; Jones 2009) in which it was realised, the very existence of this phenomenon in the Greek society has been strongly underestimated. However, some attention has been paid to the social mobility in ancient Greece, especially in relation to the connection between wealth and public visibility (Davies 1981; Millett 1991), the upper classes’ moral concerns linked to the social advancement of the poorest (Fisher 2000) or with respect to some categories of economic migrants like craftsmen and labourers (Coulié 2000; Migeotte 2004) or artists (Linder 2014). More recently, scholars have been engaged in studying the connections between social mobility and ancient networks (Taylor-Vlassopoulos 2015).
Despite these important contributions, a global reflection of the relation between spatial mobility and social promotion is still lacking. This panel intends to fill the gap by studying some specific cases in which it is possible to retrace the stories of ancient migrants, individuals and groups, who, leaving the native context by choice or constriction, were successful in improving their social condition.
ABSTRACT OF THE TALK:
This paper focuses on poetic mobility throughout the Greek world down to the half of the fifth century BC. The aim of the enquiry is to ascertain the importance of a singer’s social promotion as a reason for traveling, and to account for the different forms that this social promotion could take. Under the term “singers” I shall comprehend the two overlapping categories of the poets performing their own compositions and the rhapsodes interpreting pieces from the traditional repertory.
Although sparse, the evidence leaves few doubts about the internationalism of such figures who—since the Homeric epics (cf. e.g. Od. 17.380–391)—are described as “craftsmen” from abroad. To many extents, this description perfectly matches with our (unsure) information on the life of poets such as Thaletas of Gortyn and Terpander of Lesbos (whose poetic activity centered in Sparta), or Ibycus of Rhegium and Anacreon of Teos (both active at Polycrates’ court in Samos). As to Simonides of Ceos, he spent time at courts in both Greece and Sicily, like Pindar and Bacchylides are likely to have done as well. Through their technē, singers could secure the glory of a patron or contribute to shaping a community’s identity. In exchange, some would ask for payment (the pseudo-Herodotean Life, ch. 12, attributes such request to Homer himself), while most would seek fame for themselves (and might succeed, if we are to believe that the Spartans instituted the custom of singing Tyrtaeus’ poems during their military campaigns, Ath. 14.630f). In fact, since most singers already were members of local elites, the pursuit of fame might have been a more powerful drive than commissions. Indeed, similar men would travel for several reasons (e.g. exile or desire for knowledge), not necessarily related to their activity as performers but providing them with occasions to perform in symposia, courts, and festivals. The renown they might draw from such activity had little to envy to a chariot-race victory, and certainly lasted for more.
from Sixth to Fourth Century Greece", organised by Dr. Laura Loddo at the CA Conference 2018.
ABSTRACT OF THE PANEL:
The papers presented in this panel aim to analyse the relation between spatial mobility and social mobility in Ancient Greece from Sixth to Fourth century Greece. While the subject of “social mobility” with respect to “spatial mobility” has been deeply investigated in the Roman society from the origins to Late Antiquity in relation both to the chronological framework (Hopkins 1965; Frézouls 1992) and to the geographical contexts (Patterson 2006; Tran 2006; Jones 2009) in which it was realised, the very existence of this phenomenon in the Greek society has been strongly underestimated. However, some attention has been paid to the social mobility in ancient Greece, especially in relation to the connection between wealth and public visibility (Davies 1981; Millett 1991), the upper classes’ moral concerns linked to the social advancement of the poorest (Fisher 2000) or with respect to some categories of economic migrants like craftsmen and labourers (Coulié 2000; Migeotte 2004) or artists (Linder 2014). More recently, scholars have been engaged in studying the connections between social mobility and ancient networks (Taylor-Vlassopoulos 2015).
Despite these important contributions, a global reflection of the relation between spatial mobility and social promotion is still lacking. This panel intends to fill the gap by studying some specific cases in which it is possible to retrace the stories of ancient migrants, individuals and groups, who, leaving the native context by choice or constriction, were successful in improving their social condition.
ABSTRACT OF THE TALK:
This paper focuses on poetic mobility throughout the Greek world down to the half of the fifth century BC. The aim of the enquiry is to ascertain the importance of a singer’s social promotion as a reason for traveling, and to account for the different forms that this social promotion could take. Under the term “singers” I shall comprehend the two overlapping categories of the poets performing their own compositions and the rhapsodes interpreting pieces from the traditional repertory.
Although sparse, the evidence leaves few doubts about the internationalism of such figures who—since the Homeric epics (cf. e.g. Od. 17.380–391)—are described as “craftsmen” from abroad. To many extents, this description perfectly matches with our (unsure) information on the life of poets such as Thaletas of Gortyn and Terpander of Lesbos (whose poetic activity centered in Sparta), or Ibycus of Rhegium and Anacreon of Teos (both active at Polycrates’ court in Samos). As to Simonides of Ceos, he spent time at courts in both Greece and Sicily, like Pindar and Bacchylides are likely to have done as well. Through their technē, singers could secure the glory of a patron or contribute to shaping a community’s identity. In exchange, some would ask for payment (the pseudo-Herodotean Life, ch. 12, attributes such request to Homer himself), while most would seek fame for themselves (and might succeed, if we are to believe that the Spartans instituted the custom of singing Tyrtaeus’ poems during their military campaigns, Ath. 14.630f). In fact, since most singers already were members of local elites, the pursuit of fame might have been a more powerful drive than commissions. Indeed, similar men would travel for several reasons (e.g. exile or desire for knowledge), not necessarily related to their activity as performers but providing them with occasions to perform in symposia, courts, and festivals. The renown they might draw from such activity had little to envy to a chariot-race victory, and certainly lasted for more.
Research Interests:
L'intervento è stato tenuto nel quadro dei seminari "La città in frammenti", organizzati da Gabriella Vanotti all'Università del Piemonte Orientale.
Research Interests:
Individual attitudes impact in various ways onto the feelings of the other people present according to the different cultural context. Thus, while dealing with pragmatics in the Antiquity, we must take into account the risk of projecting... more
Individual attitudes impact in various ways onto the feelings of the other people present according to the different cultural context. Thus, while dealing with pragmatics in the Antiquity, we must take into account the risk of projecting onto a given behavioural practice met in the ancient sources the emotions by which we would react today, if faced with an analogous behaviour. In the light of these considerations, this paper studies the ancient Greek handclasp (dexiōsis), and aims to show that—far from being the common and quite mechanic gesture we tend to give for granted today—in the Archaic and Classical Age that gesture would imply a great charge of pathos.
The right handclasp is attested in the Greek literary sources from the Homeric epics, and some vase-paintings point to a much earlier date: it was a symbol of good faith and mutual trust (pistis). Today, the gesture can still be used to seal a so-called “gentlemen’s agreement”. However, it can be shown that the analogy is partial, since the ancient Greeks’ handclasp went with an emotional commitment which has nothing to share with the coolness we modern considerate appropriate to deals and contracts. My analysis will begin by some Xenophon’s and Aeschines’ 4th century denunciations of inconsiderate uses of the dexiōsis by people failing to perceive its solemnity. To explain such passages, the enquiry will then move backwards and study the role of the handclasp in the 5th century Athenian drama (where the gesture marked scenes of particular emotive intensity), Herodotus and Homer. The paper will thus demonstrate the broad emotive pregnancy of the Greek dexiōsis: in fact, the very ideal of pistis it conveyed derives from the intense feelings of solemnity and emotive urgency which it could impress onto individuals.
The right handclasp is attested in the Greek literary sources from the Homeric epics, and some vase-paintings point to a much earlier date: it was a symbol of good faith and mutual trust (pistis). Today, the gesture can still be used to seal a so-called “gentlemen’s agreement”. However, it can be shown that the analogy is partial, since the ancient Greeks’ handclasp went with an emotional commitment which has nothing to share with the coolness we modern considerate appropriate to deals and contracts. My analysis will begin by some Xenophon’s and Aeschines’ 4th century denunciations of inconsiderate uses of the dexiōsis by people failing to perceive its solemnity. To explain such passages, the enquiry will then move backwards and study the role of the handclasp in the 5th century Athenian drama (where the gesture marked scenes of particular emotive intensity), Herodotus and Homer. The paper will thus demonstrate the broad emotive pregnancy of the Greek dexiōsis: in fact, the very ideal of pistis it conveyed derives from the intense feelings of solemnity and emotive urgency which it could impress onto individuals.
Research Interests:
The topic of this paper if a famous passage of the Constitution of the Athenians by the Pseudo-Xenophon, an oligarchic fifth-century pamphlet which contains a severe as well as brilliant criticism of the Athenian democracy. Its anonymous... more
The topic of this paper if a famous passage of the Constitution of the Athenians by the Pseudo-Xenophon, an oligarchic fifth-century pamphlet which contains a severe as well as brilliant criticism of the Athenian democracy. Its anonymous author normally focuses on the economic and political aspects, but in chapter I 10 he condemns the citizens of Athens for their akolasia (licence, disorder) in terms of appearance, in which it is no longer possible to tell them apart from slaves. Such attention to the Athenian citizens’ demeanour might raise eyebrows, for the moralistic tone seems unusual for the Pseudo-Xenophon’s writing.
In this paper, I shall link the concept of akolasia as used by the Pseudo-Xenophon to the broader category of ancient Greek politeness. To describe politeness phenomena in languages and cultures far from our own is not a simple task: as far as the classical Greek culture is regarded, the main problem concerns the lack of any clear distinction between the two spheres of morality (on which nowadays we would ground judgements about someone’s nature) and appropriateness (on which nowadays we would rely for assessing someone’s ways, hence his politeness). However, I wish to show that the category of ancient Greek politeness can be elaborated by framing the ancient Greek cultural tenet which links an individual’s schēma (the exterior appearance) to his ēthos (the inner disposition) into contemporary research on the sociology of politeness, defined as a compound code of social rules regarding language as well as behaviour, gestures, attitudes, way of dress, etc.
Using this method, it becomes possible to interpret the akolasia as impoliteness. Drawing on concepts gleaned from Erving Goffman’s works, the streets of Athens (as described by the Constitutions of the Athenians) can be studied as a social situation, where specific variables such as social density and the distribution of authority contribute to shaping interactions between people. The behaviours which the oligarchic author of the pamphlet is so keen to stigmatise thus become understandable within the compound social context of the fifth-century Athens. Hence, it is not only possible to show the coherence of chapter I 10 with the rest of the pamphlet, but also to provide an interesting explanation of the shift that, by the last quarter of the fifth century BC, had separated the Athenians’ social mores from those of other Greek cities.
In this paper, I shall link the concept of akolasia as used by the Pseudo-Xenophon to the broader category of ancient Greek politeness. To describe politeness phenomena in languages and cultures far from our own is not a simple task: as far as the classical Greek culture is regarded, the main problem concerns the lack of any clear distinction between the two spheres of morality (on which nowadays we would ground judgements about someone’s nature) and appropriateness (on which nowadays we would rely for assessing someone’s ways, hence his politeness). However, I wish to show that the category of ancient Greek politeness can be elaborated by framing the ancient Greek cultural tenet which links an individual’s schēma (the exterior appearance) to his ēthos (the inner disposition) into contemporary research on the sociology of politeness, defined as a compound code of social rules regarding language as well as behaviour, gestures, attitudes, way of dress, etc.
Using this method, it becomes possible to interpret the akolasia as impoliteness. Drawing on concepts gleaned from Erving Goffman’s works, the streets of Athens (as described by the Constitutions of the Athenians) can be studied as a social situation, where specific variables such as social density and the distribution of authority contribute to shaping interactions between people. The behaviours which the oligarchic author of the pamphlet is so keen to stigmatise thus become understandable within the compound social context of the fifth-century Athens. Hence, it is not only possible to show the coherence of chapter I 10 with the rest of the pamphlet, but also to provide an interesting explanation of the shift that, by the last quarter of the fifth century BC, had separated the Athenians’ social mores from those of other Greek cities.
Research Interests:
En 548 av. J.-C., le temple d’Apollon à Delphes fut détruit par un incendie. Selon Philochore, les responsables de pareil attentat au sanctuaire furent les Pisistratides exilés d’Athènes. Cependant, les historiens accordent peu de... more
En 548 av. J.-C., le temple d’Apollon à Delphes fut détruit par un incendie. Selon Philochore, les responsables de pareil attentat au sanctuaire furent les Pisistratides exilés d’Athènes. Cependant, les historiens accordent peu de confiance à cette tradition, qui semble découler moins de l’hostilité de Pisistrate envers Delphes que de celle dont le sanctuaire fit preuve à l’égard des Pisistratides à l’époque où la famille des Alcméonides s’y réfugia suite au meurtre d’Hipparque (513 av. J.-C.).
Plusieurs sources, souvent contradictoires, s’étendent sur les Alcméonides réfugiés à Delphes. Dans cette communication, nous proposons de les étudier : il ne sera pas tant question des raisons qui poussèrent les Alcméonides à choisir Delphes que de celles — moins claires — qui animaient les Amphictyons lorsqu’ils les accueillirent. Selon Hérodote, les Alcméonides obtinrent le droit de séjourner à Delphes et gagnèrent le soutien des oracles de la Pythie en mettant à profit leur patrimoine pour construire un nouveau temple, destiné à remplacer celui qui avait brûlé en 548. D’autres sources rapportent pourtant que ce fut en empruntant l’argent aux caisses du sanctuaire que les Alcméonides convainquirent les Spartiates de chasser Hippias d’Athènes, sans préciser si cela fut fait à l’insu des Amphictyons ou bien avec leur appui. Si tel était le cas, on devrait plutôt chercher les motifs du bon accueil que le sanctuaire fit aux Alcméonides dans la crainte qu’avaient certains Amphictyons des Pisistratides, comme l’a proposé Marta Sordi. Toutes les traditions parvenues présentent pourtant un certain degré de réélaboration, et il n’est pas toujours aisé de distinguer la propagande alcméonide des accusations spartiates ou même des versions diffusées — à des moments différents — par le sanctuaire lui-même. Lorsqu’on tente de démêler ces éléments, le cas des Alcméonides réfugiés à Delphes prend ainsi une dimension politique panhellénique.
Plusieurs sources, souvent contradictoires, s’étendent sur les Alcméonides réfugiés à Delphes. Dans cette communication, nous proposons de les étudier : il ne sera pas tant question des raisons qui poussèrent les Alcméonides à choisir Delphes que de celles — moins claires — qui animaient les Amphictyons lorsqu’ils les accueillirent. Selon Hérodote, les Alcméonides obtinrent le droit de séjourner à Delphes et gagnèrent le soutien des oracles de la Pythie en mettant à profit leur patrimoine pour construire un nouveau temple, destiné à remplacer celui qui avait brûlé en 548. D’autres sources rapportent pourtant que ce fut en empruntant l’argent aux caisses du sanctuaire que les Alcméonides convainquirent les Spartiates de chasser Hippias d’Athènes, sans préciser si cela fut fait à l’insu des Amphictyons ou bien avec leur appui. Si tel était le cas, on devrait plutôt chercher les motifs du bon accueil que le sanctuaire fit aux Alcméonides dans la crainte qu’avaient certains Amphictyons des Pisistratides, comme l’a proposé Marta Sordi. Toutes les traditions parvenues présentent pourtant un certain degré de réélaboration, et il n’est pas toujours aisé de distinguer la propagande alcméonide des accusations spartiates ou même des versions diffusées — à des moments différents — par le sanctuaire lui-même. Lorsqu’on tente de démêler ces éléments, le cas des Alcméonides réfugiés à Delphes prend ainsi une dimension politique panhellénique.
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Since its publication in 1994, Eric Hobsbawm’s historical survey of The Short Twentieth Century has been a most influential book. Nevertheless—as the author himself warns the reader from the first lines—this enquiry did not respect many... more
Since its publication in 1994, Eric Hobsbawm’s historical survey of The Short Twentieth Century has been a most influential book. Nevertheless—as the author himself warns the reader from the first lines—this enquiry did not respect many of the conventions of modern historiography, being largely grounded on personal opinions and memories.
Hobsbawm’s book is a modern example of the difficulties one may find when trying to distinguish historiography from memoirs while dealing with contemporary history. When it comes to Antiquity, there are authors for whom this problem is particularly relevant, and has been much discussed: this paper focuses on the case of Xenophon and his historical works.
For two centuries now, scholars have been debating whether Xenophon should be counted among ancient historiographers, or if his Anabasis and, above all, his Hellenics fit better in the category of memoirs. Critics have depicted Xenophon either as a faithful continuator of Thucydides’ method later biased by personal experience, or as a memoirist having developed some historiographical method thanks to Thucydidean influence at a late stage of his life. Building on a compelling yet seldom quoted suggestion by the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, this paper tries to show that it is actually the attempt of separating historiographical from subjective tone in Xenophon’s work that is misleading. Mazzarino argued that the very reason why Greeks of the Classical Age mostly wrote contemporary history is that they could not perceive that difference, for their culture had not elaborated any historicist thought. By removing this obstacle, it becomes possible to assess Xenophon’s work not from the point of view of his grasp on the historical dynamics, but from his capacity of interpreting the political trend of his times, as Thucydides had done before him. In this respect, Xenophon’s pages may still hold some surprises.
Hobsbawm’s book is a modern example of the difficulties one may find when trying to distinguish historiography from memoirs while dealing with contemporary history. When it comes to Antiquity, there are authors for whom this problem is particularly relevant, and has been much discussed: this paper focuses on the case of Xenophon and his historical works.
For two centuries now, scholars have been debating whether Xenophon should be counted among ancient historiographers, or if his Anabasis and, above all, his Hellenics fit better in the category of memoirs. Critics have depicted Xenophon either as a faithful continuator of Thucydides’ method later biased by personal experience, or as a memoirist having developed some historiographical method thanks to Thucydidean influence at a late stage of his life. Building on a compelling yet seldom quoted suggestion by the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, this paper tries to show that it is actually the attempt of separating historiographical from subjective tone in Xenophon’s work that is misleading. Mazzarino argued that the very reason why Greeks of the Classical Age mostly wrote contemporary history is that they could not perceive that difference, for their culture had not elaborated any historicist thought. By removing this obstacle, it becomes possible to assess Xenophon’s work not from the point of view of his grasp on the historical dynamics, but from his capacity of interpreting the political trend of his times, as Thucydides had done before him. In this respect, Xenophon’s pages may still hold some surprises.
Research Interests:
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Many definitions have been given of politeness. Some are very technical; some — on the contrary — acknowledge the difficulty scholars have been having in defining it as an objective, distinct category of the human social behaviour. Konrad... more
Many definitions have been given of politeness. Some are very technical; some — on the contrary — acknowledge the difficulty scholars have been having in defining it as an objective, distinct category of the human social behaviour. Konrad Ehlich once stated that “polite activity is an activity that recognises the socially constructed limit as being relevant to the activity itself. In and of itself it does not exist”. In this talk I would like to begin from these epistemological affirmations in order to make some reflections about the risk of anachronism, which concerns almost every research on historical politeness, and especially the inquiries on any source predating the western “invention” of good manners at the end of the Middle Ages.
As a historian of the ancient Greece, I am going to deal with Greek literary sources spanning from the 8th to the 4th BC, and proceed from the following, very inclusive definition of politeness: a body of interrelation rules shared within a society or a social group, to defining behaviour models appropriate for different social situations. One could aspire to a more compelling definition, specifically limiting the bounds of the inquiry, particularly in regard to the linguistic aspect, but — to state it clearly since the beginning — the only clear evidence we can draw from a lexical survey of Greek literature from Homer to Plato is that the very concept of polite expression or behaviour did not exist in the Greek culture of the archaic and classical ages. In fact, that is probably why scholars have made few attempts at studying Greek politeness code so far.
Instead, we do see the pattern of a very particular kind of visual scrutiny towards others, which we could name “socio-aesthetic judgement”. The outer aspect and the behaviour (and so the way one presents himself to the society) appear to have been used as a mirror to evaluate one’s inner disposition (ēthos). The famous formula kalos kagathos (“beautiful and good”) conveys like no other ancient Greek expression this sense of profound unity between the soul and the body, which dominated the ideology of ancient Greek elites. This ideological belief has important consequences: people in ancient Greece seem to have been obsessed by the gaze of the others, because their degree of observance to the rules of social behaviour would tell everything of one’s ēthos.
The socio-aesthetic judgement is the “socially constructed limit” we ought to considerate to define ancient Greek polite activity. Still the set of social rules which it allows us to define appears to have little to do with “our” politeness: following these rules, the ancient Greeks sometimes behaved in ways we Moderns could never acknowledge as polite. Accordingly, we might reaffirm the shared impression and say that the ancient Greeks did not know any politeness. Otherwise, we could adopt a historical perspective and try to implement our findings to previous research. Could the sum of many historically circumscribed definitions of politeness contribute to a more satisfying definition of politeness as a social phenomenon in general?
As a historian of the ancient Greece, I am going to deal with Greek literary sources spanning from the 8th to the 4th BC, and proceed from the following, very inclusive definition of politeness: a body of interrelation rules shared within a society or a social group, to defining behaviour models appropriate for different social situations. One could aspire to a more compelling definition, specifically limiting the bounds of the inquiry, particularly in regard to the linguistic aspect, but — to state it clearly since the beginning — the only clear evidence we can draw from a lexical survey of Greek literature from Homer to Plato is that the very concept of polite expression or behaviour did not exist in the Greek culture of the archaic and classical ages. In fact, that is probably why scholars have made few attempts at studying Greek politeness code so far.
Instead, we do see the pattern of a very particular kind of visual scrutiny towards others, which we could name “socio-aesthetic judgement”. The outer aspect and the behaviour (and so the way one presents himself to the society) appear to have been used as a mirror to evaluate one’s inner disposition (ēthos). The famous formula kalos kagathos (“beautiful and good”) conveys like no other ancient Greek expression this sense of profound unity between the soul and the body, which dominated the ideology of ancient Greek elites. This ideological belief has important consequences: people in ancient Greece seem to have been obsessed by the gaze of the others, because their degree of observance to the rules of social behaviour would tell everything of one’s ēthos.
The socio-aesthetic judgement is the “socially constructed limit” we ought to considerate to define ancient Greek polite activity. Still the set of social rules which it allows us to define appears to have little to do with “our” politeness: following these rules, the ancient Greeks sometimes behaved in ways we Moderns could never acknowledge as polite. Accordingly, we might reaffirm the shared impression and say that the ancient Greeks did not know any politeness. Otherwise, we could adopt a historical perspective and try to implement our findings to previous research. Could the sum of many historically circumscribed definitions of politeness contribute to a more satisfying definition of politeness as a social phenomenon in general?
Research Interests:
L'intervento è stato tenuto nel quadro del Seminario "Plutarco e la guerra", organizzato nella primavera 2016 da Francesca Gazzano, docente di storia Greca presso l'Università degli Studi di Genova.
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Questo intervento affronta la questione, spinosa nella misura in cui il testo in esame presenta elementi di diversa e spesso non appurabile provenienza, del logos medikos di Erodoto. Questa sezione dell'opera dello storico di Alicarnasso... more
Questo intervento affronta la questione, spinosa nella misura in cui il testo in esame presenta elementi di diversa e spesso non appurabile provenienza, del logos medikos di Erodoto. Questa sezione dell'opera dello storico di Alicarnasso viene studiata in quanto prima narrazione greca pervenutaci di una translatio imperii. O per meglio dire, di due translationes: quella tra l'impero assiro e l'"impero" dei Medi e quella tra quest'ultimo e l'impero persiano di Ciro il Grande. L'attenzione è in particolare concertata su due elementi: da un lato la natura archetipica della regalità meda in Erodoto, che nelle sue forme costituisce un modello per tutta l'ideologia imperiale successiva; dall'altro la sempre più sostenuta inesistenza storica d'un imperium dei Medi di tipo statuale e centralizzato, come furono la compagine neo assira e quella achemenide.
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This talk aimed to show how the Greeks and the Persians could understand in different ways a symbolic system whose form they shared. In fact, underneath the set of formulas, signs and gestures Greeks and Persians had in common, very deep... more
This talk aimed to show how the Greeks and the Persians could understand in different ways a symbolic system whose form they shared. In fact, underneath the set of formulas, signs and gestures Greeks and Persians had in common, very deep differences in concepts of power, social organisation and good faith may be detected. Such a gap generated misunderstandings — either intentional or unintentional — between parties, and can still compromise Moderns’ historical interpretations. A very good case study of this phenomenon is represented by the diplomatic behaviour of the Persian Empire’s western satraps, especially Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. In fact those governors enjoyed a greater degree of autonomy from the royal court, which was mainly due to the distance of their Anatolian satrapies from Susa. Their capacity to negotiate treaties with Greeks on behalf of the Great King is a feature of such power, and indeed these satraps would use it reach not only the King’s but also their own local goals. Elsewhere I have dealt with Tissaphernes and his treacherous diplomatic strategy towards the Ten Thousand, which made Xenophon depict him as a perverse oath-breaker. In this talk, I concentrated on the figure of Pharnabazus. The portrait that Greek sources have left of him is less negative than Tissaphernes’. However, despite the good image Pharnabazus managed to cast of himself, it is possible to show that his diplomatic action towards the Greeks was as twofold as Tissaphernes’, and in any case more oriented to personal issues than to the interest of the Great King. More subtle than treacherous, Pharnabazus’ diplomatic policy finally proves itself as worthy of our attention than Tissaphernes’.
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Diplomatic encounters represent a privileged field to study contacts and interactions between different cultures. In fact, a diplomatic meeting may be defined as a “civilised” form of conflict aiming to prevent the real war by a verbal... more
Diplomatic encounters represent a privileged field to study contacts and interactions between different cultures. In fact, a diplomatic meeting may be defined as a “civilised” form of conflict aiming to prevent the real war by a verbal fight during which parties can contend, measure the opponent’s strength and eventually find satisfaction without any human loss. Among the conditions to realize such a ritual we find the existence of a shared frame of communication allowing the mutual exchange of assurances between the parties; it generally consists of a set of signs and symbols of good faith used and understood by everyone. In order to ensure compliance with a treaty, modern states use signs like public signatures or tools like the threat of economic sanctions. Lacking international institutions to enforce agreements, instead, ancient societies would seal their treaties by moral or religious ties enacted by highly symbolic practices such as oaths and ritual exchanges concerning objects as well as people. Recent studies on the Bronze Age diplomacy have quite convincingly demonstrated the existence of a shared set of diplomatic customs, extending from Mesopotamia to Anatolia and Mycenaean Greece. Moreover, this symbolic system in interstate relations proves to be very lasting, as we can still find its features in diplomatic encounters between Greeks and Persians in the fourth century BC. In fact – thanks to the Greek historian Xenophon, who provides us with a great amount of details – the Greco-Persian diplomatic dossier happens to be a very rich one. Focusing on this specific case it is therefore possible to show not only the actual functioning of the shared symbolic guarantees system in ancient diplomacy, but also its inner contradictions and the way these could be exploited by the parties to achieve political goals. More specifically, this paper aims to show how the Greeks and the Persians could understand in different ways a symbolic system whose form they shared. In fact, underneath the set of formulas, signs and gestures Greeks and Persians had in common, very deep differences in concepts of power, social organisation and good faith may be detected. Such a gap generated misunderstandings – either intentional or unintentional – between parties, and can still compromise Moderns’ historical interpretations.
Research Interests:
"L’histoire du banquier Pasion est emblématique d’une ascension sociale fondée sur le mérite personnel et le pouvoir de l’argent. En effet, après son affranchissement au début du IVe siècle av. J.-C., cet ancien esclave des banquiers... more
"L’histoire du banquier Pasion est emblématique d’une ascension sociale fondée sur le mérite personnel et le pouvoir de l’argent. En effet, après son affranchissement au début du IVe siècle av. J.-C., cet ancien esclave des banquiers athéniens Antisthénès et Archestratos parvint à devenir lui-même banquier. Le succès dans son activité de crédit lui permit à la fois de nouer des rapports avec les personnalités politiques de l’époque et d’employer des grandes masses d’argent pour rendre des services à la cité d’Athènes. Cela lui valut, vers la fin de son existence, la concession de la citoyenneté athénienne pour lui et pour ses descendants. À côté des énormes richesses accumulées, donc, ce fut un capital social – le prestige qui lui venait d’une vie passée à construire « la réputation d’homme laborieux jointe à celle d’honnête homme » (Démosthène, Pour Phormion, 44) – que Pasion légua à son fils Apollodore au moment de sa mort.
Moyens économiques, bonne réputation familiale, statut de citoyen : Apollodore semblerait avoir eu toutes les cartes en main pour franchir la dernière étape du parcours social entamé par son père et conquérir une place sur la scène publique de la démocratie athénienne. Malgré ses efforts, cependant, il ne sut jamais s’imposer. Au contraire, les plaidoyers du corpus démosthénien qui concernent Apollodore ou qui lui sont attribués dessinent le portrait d’un homme tourmenté par le besoin de réaffirmer en public son statut de citoyen : un acquis juridique qu’il semble percevoir comme menacé du point de vue social. Qui plus est, sa quête de reconnaissance est maladroite, qu’elle passe par les argumentations paradoxales qu’il développe au tribunal contre l’affranchi de son père, Phormion, ou par le train de vie somptueux et les manières arrogantes qui, loin d’impressionner ses concitoyens, ne font que les scandaliser. Finalement, Apollodore apparaît comme un parvenu dépourvu des moyens culturels d’exploiter les ressources humaines et économiques que le talent personnel de son père lui avait laissées en héritage.
Dans cette communication, j'analyse dans le détail la contradiction inhérente au comportement d’Apollodore, pour mesurer d’abord la façon dont les capacités personnelles de l’individu pouvaient faire naître le prestige et la reconnaissance sociale dans l’Athènes classique. Mais ce cas permet aussi d’examiner si les moyens économiques issus de ce prestige permettaient à eux seuls de franchir les barrières sociales de la société athénienne.
Moyens économiques, bonne réputation familiale, statut de citoyen : Apollodore semblerait avoir eu toutes les cartes en main pour franchir la dernière étape du parcours social entamé par son père et conquérir une place sur la scène publique de la démocratie athénienne. Malgré ses efforts, cependant, il ne sut jamais s’imposer. Au contraire, les plaidoyers du corpus démosthénien qui concernent Apollodore ou qui lui sont attribués dessinent le portrait d’un homme tourmenté par le besoin de réaffirmer en public son statut de citoyen : un acquis juridique qu’il semble percevoir comme menacé du point de vue social. Qui plus est, sa quête de reconnaissance est maladroite, qu’elle passe par les argumentations paradoxales qu’il développe au tribunal contre l’affranchi de son père, Phormion, ou par le train de vie somptueux et les manières arrogantes qui, loin d’impressionner ses concitoyens, ne font que les scandaliser. Finalement, Apollodore apparaît comme un parvenu dépourvu des moyens culturels d’exploiter les ressources humaines et économiques que le talent personnel de son père lui avait laissées en héritage.
Dans cette communication, j'analyse dans le détail la contradiction inhérente au comportement d’Apollodore, pour mesurer d’abord la façon dont les capacités personnelles de l’individu pouvaient faire naître le prestige et la reconnaissance sociale dans l’Athènes classique. Mais ce cas permet aussi d’examiner si les moyens économiques issus de ce prestige permettaient à eux seuls de franchir les barrières sociales de la société athénienne.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
ENGLISH: Is it possible to talk about politeness in ancient Greece? Modern sociology defines politeness as a system of rules, which set behavioural patterns in accordance with different social situations. Ancient Greek thought never... more
ENGLISH: Is it possible to talk about politeness in ancient Greece? Modern sociology defines politeness as a system of rules,
which set behavioural patterns in accordance with different social situations. Ancient Greek thought never conceived
a similar idea. Instead, between the 8th and the 5th century BC, the Greeks seem to have appraised social
conduct through the lens of a principle of correspondence between one’s aspect and demeanour and the virtue of
one’s soul. This study aims at shedding light upon the cultural features of this Greek idea, and to outline the ways
in which it oriented social judgement. The analysis is conducted through categories inspired by the research of the
sociologist Erving Goffman, entirely readapted in order to apply them to ancient sources. The prime focus of the
work is on Homer. This is followed by a study of the role of the principles of ancient Greek politeness, as gleaned
from the epics, with regard to conversation, gestural expressiveness and meeting occasions in the Archaic and
Classical periods.
FRANÇAIS : Est-il possible de parler d’un savoir-vivre grec antique ? La sociologie contemporaine définit le code de politesse
comme un ensemble de règles proposant des modèles de conduite adaptés aux différentes occasions de rencontre.
La pensée grecque antique, quant à elle, ne formula jamais une idée pareille : entre le VIIIe et le Ve siècle av.
J.-C., les Grecs semblent plutôt avoir évalué la conduite sociale en fonction d’un principe de correspondance entre
d’une part l’aspect et les manières de chaque individu et d’autre part la disposition de son esprit. Ce travail vise à la
fois à mettre en lumière les spécificités culturelles de cette idée antique et à étudier les manières dont celle-ci
orientait le jugement social. L’analyse est menée par le biais de catégories inspirées des recherches du sociologue
américain Erving Goffman, entièrement réélaborées afin de les adapter aux sources. L’attention est d’abord focalisée
sur l’épopée homérique, dont l’examen permet de cerner des principes majeurs de la politesse en Grèce ancienne.
Ensuite l’étude se concentre sur le rôle social qu’ont eu ces principes aux époques archaïque et classique,
notamment en ce qui concerne la conversation, la gestuelle et les occasions de sociabilité.
which set behavioural patterns in accordance with different social situations. Ancient Greek thought never conceived
a similar idea. Instead, between the 8th and the 5th century BC, the Greeks seem to have appraised social
conduct through the lens of a principle of correspondence between one’s aspect and demeanour and the virtue of
one’s soul. This study aims at shedding light upon the cultural features of this Greek idea, and to outline the ways
in which it oriented social judgement. The analysis is conducted through categories inspired by the research of the
sociologist Erving Goffman, entirely readapted in order to apply them to ancient sources. The prime focus of the
work is on Homer. This is followed by a study of the role of the principles of ancient Greek politeness, as gleaned
from the epics, with regard to conversation, gestural expressiveness and meeting occasions in the Archaic and
Classical periods.
FRANÇAIS : Est-il possible de parler d’un savoir-vivre grec antique ? La sociologie contemporaine définit le code de politesse
comme un ensemble de règles proposant des modèles de conduite adaptés aux différentes occasions de rencontre.
La pensée grecque antique, quant à elle, ne formula jamais une idée pareille : entre le VIIIe et le Ve siècle av.
J.-C., les Grecs semblent plutôt avoir évalué la conduite sociale en fonction d’un principe de correspondance entre
d’une part l’aspect et les manières de chaque individu et d’autre part la disposition de son esprit. Ce travail vise à la
fois à mettre en lumière les spécificités culturelles de cette idée antique et à étudier les manières dont celle-ci
orientait le jugement social. L’analyse est menée par le biais de catégories inspirées des recherches du sociologue
américain Erving Goffman, entièrement réélaborées afin de les adapter aux sources. L’attention est d’abord focalisée
sur l’épopée homérique, dont l’examen permet de cerner des principes majeurs de la politesse en Grèce ancienne.
Ensuite l’étude se concentre sur le rôle social qu’ont eu ces principes aux époques archaïque et classique,
notamment en ce qui concerne la conversation, la gestuelle et les occasions de sociabilité.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Freie Universität BERLIN, TOPOI, OCTOBER 11-12, 2018
Topoi Building Dahlem
Hittorfstr. 18
14195 Berlin
Organizers
Francesco Mari (Berlin)
Christian Wendt (Bochum)
Kontakt
francesco.mari@fu-berlin.de
Topoi Building Dahlem
Hittorfstr. 18
14195 Berlin
Organizers
Francesco Mari (Berlin)
Christian Wendt (Bochum)
Kontakt
francesco.mari@fu-berlin.de
Research Interests:
"APPROACHES TO ANCIENT GREEK AND LATIN IM/POLITENESS" is an international conference on advances and new perspectives in the field of politeness research of the classical languages. It will be held in Madrid (Centro Cultural La Corrala)... more
"APPROACHES TO ANCIENT GREEK AND LATIN IM/POLITENESS" is an international conference on advances and new perspectives in the field of politeness research of the classical languages. It will be held in Madrid (Centro Cultural La Corrala) from 26th to 27th of June 2017. In order to estimate the number of participants, please, register here: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSc9cnf97rYiB1MW7Ydn3MutPJpk768lm1MbZl2EiSbbltkQZQ/viewform?c=0&w=1
Research Interests:
Università degli Studi di Genova (DIRAAS – DAFIST - Dottorato di ricerca in Letterature e culture classiche e moderne); Istituto italiano per la Storia antica; Institut Universitaire de France Amethodos hyle. Il pensiero storico... more
Università degli Studi di Genova (DIRAAS – DAFIST - Dottorato di ricerca in Letterature e culture classiche e moderne); Istituto italiano per la Storia antica; Institut Universitaire de France
Amethodos hyle.
Il pensiero storico classico di Santo Mazzarino, cinquant’anni dopo
Genova, 6-7 dicembre 2016
Scuola di Scienze Umanistiche
Via Balbi, 2-4
Comitato scientifico : Francesca Gazzano (Università di Genova), Andrea Giardina (Istituto italiano per la storia antica), Franco Montanari (Università di Genova), Giusto Traina (Institut Universitaire de France)
Amethodos hyle.
Il pensiero storico classico di Santo Mazzarino, cinquant’anni dopo
Genova, 6-7 dicembre 2016
Scuola di Scienze Umanistiche
Via Balbi, 2-4
Comitato scientifico : Francesca Gazzano (Università di Genova), Andrea Giardina (Istituto italiano per la storia antica), Franco Montanari (Università di Genova), Giusto Traina (Institut Universitaire de France)
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Un albero genealogico aggiornato che tiene conto non solo delle ormai classiche ricerche di J. K. Davies, ma anche dell'apporto degli ostraka dell'Agorà e del Ceramico.