Anacreon

Im Zentrum des Buches steht die textnahe Interpretation dreier Gedichte aus verschiedenen Schaffensphasen Eduard Mörikes: Sehnsucht, Bildniß der Geliebten und Erinna an Sappho. Dabei spielen die bislang übersehene Adaptationen antik-heidnischer und biblischer Texte eine besondere Rolle. Aber auch hinsichtlich der Einbettung in Mörikes Biographie und des Verhältnises zu seiner Tätigkeit als Lehrer und als Übersetzer antiker Poesie werden neue Resultate vorgetragen.

Collected and translated from Ancient Greek into Turkish with an introduction, notes, glossary, and indices, an anthology of Archaic Greek Poetry to exemplify the archaic aesthetic, including Homeric Hymns, Archilochus, Callinus, Semonides, Tyrtaeus, Hipponax, Mimnermus, Solon, Theognis, Alcman, Stesichorus, Ibycus, Sappho, Alcaeus, Sappho or Alcaeus, Anacreon, Simonides, Korinna, Praxilla, Carmina Popularia, Carmina Convivalia, Bacchylides, and Pindar.

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Bu kitap bir şiir antolojisidir, sözcüğün Yunancadaki anlamıyla şiirin bir “çiçek-dermesi”dir. Homerosçu İlahiler’in huşu veren buhuru, Arkhilokhos, Semonides ve Hipponaks’ın taşlamalarının keskin aromasıyla karışır; Kallinos ve Tyrtaios’un askeri teşviklerinden heyecanlanan okur, Solon’un yahut Ksenophanes’in bilge dizelerinin ferahlatıcı deminde soluklanır. Theognis’in kadim sofralarında, aşk hasretiyle kavrulan Mimnermos, Sappho, Alkaios ve Anakreon’un rayihaları yarışır. Bu bir demet çiçeğe kulak verenler Alkman, Stesikhoros ve Ibykos’un anlattığı mitlerin kokusundan sarhoş olur. Simonides yeğeni Bakkhylides’le birlikte Keos’un ıtırlarını sunarken, Pindaros Thebai’ın geniş düzlüklerinin eşsiz goncalarıyla rakip olur onlara. Korinna ve Praksilla’nın tenlerinde kadınca sedalar tüter ve daha nice isimsiz şair kendi kokularıyla temsil edilirler. 2750 yıl önceden 300 yılı aşkın süre boyunca kokularla Yunan dünyasında bir seyahattir Arkaik Yunan Şiiri!

Ebat: 13.5 x 21 cm
Sayfa Sayısı: 592
ISBN: 978-975-08-4132-3
Fiyatı: 42 TL
Kâzım Taşkent Klasik Yapıtlar Serisi 98

¿En la antigua Macedonia se impartían clases sobre la historia de Argantonio y las aventuras de los griegos en Tartessos?

Argantonios, el rey de Tartessos que reinó durante 150 años en un ostracon griego contemporáneo.

Georgeos Díaz-Montexano | The Epigraphic Society

En las orillas del “Golfo de Tesalónica” o “Golfo Termaico”, en las ruinas de lo que se considera la antigua ciudad de Sindos (Σίνδος) mencionada por Heródoto1, se halló un posible ostracon sobre asa de copa ática de barniz negro de mediados del siglo V a. C., aunque la fecha es solo aproximada, podría ser incluso de finales del VI o principios del V a. C.

En el mismo se halló un grafito con el inesperado nombre de un personaje que hasta el momento del hallazgo solo aparecía mencionado en copias medievales de los escritos de algunos autores griegos y romanos de la antigüedad clásica. El inesperado texto permitía leer el nombre de Argantonio, pero escrito de una manera algo extraña, lo que llevó a una doble lectura, y con ello, a la duda de si realmente se trataba del mismo célebre rey tartésico, Argantonio, citado por Anacreonte, Heródoto, Plinio y otros importantes autores de la antigüedad…

Leer el resto del artículo en http://atlantisng.com/blog/argantonios-el-rey-de-tartessos-que-reino-durante-150-anos-en-un-ostracon-griego-contemporaneo/

The phrase imperishable fame in the subtitle is taken from Ibycus' Ode to Polycrates (v. 47), where the poet is addressing Polycrates, predicting him imperishable fame (κλέος ἄφθιτον). Generally, the reason for Polycrates' imperishable fame is considered to be his beauty, because of the genitive form κάλλεος, and because of the beautiful youths that are mentioned in the preceding verses. Therefore, the connection κλέος ἄφθιτον ↔ κάλλεος leads critics to believe that Ibycus is not addressing Polycrates of Samos when he was adult tyrant, but either: 1) young Polycrates; or 2) Polycrates' namesake son. These conclusions are based mostly on external evidence, which is temporarily distanced from the subject. I want to present different reading of the song, which will give answer to the question: Is Ibycus singing to and about the Samian tyrant Polycrates? In order to answer this question I will examine, besides the external evidence, the ode itself.

L’analisi di Hor. carm. I 27 dimostra l’imitazione da parte di Orazio dell’intero fr. 356/11a-b Page (= 33 Gent.) di Anacreonte e non, come si è finora pensato, della sola seconda parte di esso. L’anello di congiunzione è costituito dai vv. 11-12 del fr. 178 Pf. di Callimaco, a torto in precedenza scartato. Si dimostra che nel processo di imitazione Orazio opera una contaminazione tra i due passi. Sulla base della stretta analogia tra Anacreonte e Orazio si suppone che già Orazio, come anche Porfirione, leggesse i frammenti a e b del modello greco senza soluzione di continuità all’interno di una silloge in cui in particolare i frammenti 356/11a-b e 357/12 Page si susseguivano.

The analysis of Hor. carm. I 27 reveals Horace's imitation of the entire Anacreon fr. 356/11a-b Page (= 33 Gent.) and not, as scholars had previously claimed, only the second part of it. The link is constituted by lines 11-12 of Callimachus fr. 178 Pf., wich had been wrongly rejected. This paper highlights how Horace through the imitation process mixes both passages together. By making a close analogy between Anacreon and Horace we claim that Horace, like Porphyrion, had already read the fragments a and b of the Greek model in an anthology in which the fragments 356/11a-b and 357/12 Page were presented back to back with one another.

Archilochus' relationship to Thasos has long troubled scholars. The poet, numerous ancient sources attest, was involved in the Parian settlement of Thasos, an island 400 km away at the other end of the Aegean. As such, he is not only our first "lyric" voice, but also our first "colonial" voice. ...

This paper will take a fresh approach to Archilochus' colonial context. Earlier scholars have mined the "so-called historical fragments" (Owen 2003) for scraps of information about Parian and Thasian history, often ignoring the hard(er) evidence of archaeology. More recent scholarship has tended to focus on formal, generic, and ritual aspects of the corpus, abandoning the error-strewn pursuit of historical reference and biography. I want to take a middle road, first examining the relevant archaeological evidence for seventh-century Thasos, and then exploring how Archilochus positions himself relative to that evidence, and relative to Thasos itself. Next, with a slow, "surface" reading of the some of the erotic fragments, I will show how the Thasian landscape structures the poet's conceits; finally, a brief analysis of poems by Ibycus and Anacreon will suggest the fruitfulness of extending this reading strategy to other archaic poets.

В данной статье рассматриваются взгляды Михаила Ломоносова на роль поэта и поэзии. Он подробно высказал их в своем поэтическом цикле "Разговор с Анакреонтом", который соответственно подвергается в статье анализу. Он показывает, что так как древнегреческий поэт Анакреонт культивировал в своем творчестве наслаждение радостями жизни: любовью, вином и пирами, Ломоносов единственной достойнойпоэзии темой считал гражданскую, то есть воспевание общественных настроений и чувств, будящих общество и призывающих его к деятельности.

Sepulchral epigrams of poets, in the Palatine Anthology, frequently use paradoxical rhetoric to underline the dead poet’s greatness, in contrast to the smallness of what remains of him after his death. If the rhetorical features are extremely repetitive, the authors nevertheless personalize the contents of such paradoxes, in accordance with biographical traditions, poetic reception and later generations’ relationship to the poet. This paradoxical rhetoric serves different purposes: giving more value to the small tomb (or the small island which hosts it, for Homer) or, quite the opposite, replace it by other ways of pleasing the dead or maintaining his memory. But the ultimate aim of these poems seems to be, beyond the praise of the deceased, the attempt to give poets of the brief genre the status of great poets too.

Das Altgriechische hat wie das Lateinische seine Funktion als Literatursprache mit dem Ende der Antike nicht verloren, sondern wurde vor allem seit der Renaissance in Europa und darüber hinaus wieder als solche verwendet. Allerdings war diese Literatur, die heute oftmals unter dem Stichwort "Humanistengriechisch" zusammengefasst wird, lange Zeit von der Forschung vernachlässigt. Die Autorinnen und Autoren des vorliegenden Bandes gehen diesem Phänomen in Einzelstudien und Überblicken auf den Grund. Dabei kommt eine ungewöhnliche Vielfalt an Formen und Kontexten dieser neuzeitlichen Literatur in altgriechischer Sprache zu Tage, die den Blick auf die europäische Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte zu erweitern hilft und auch die Rezeption der griechischen Literatur der Antike in einem neuen Licht erscheinen lässt. Die Beiträge decken ein breites Spektrum ab, das von der Renaissance bis in die Gegenwart reicht. Auf diese Weise geben sie sowohl einen Ein- als auch einen Überblick und regen zu weiterer Forschung an.

Resumo. A imagem que temos dos poetas gregos está intimamente ligada às histórias atribuídas a eles e às leituras que os antigos fizeram de sua poesia. A fim de delinear minimamente a imagem de Anacreonte, apresento uma tradução poética das chama-das Anacreônticas, uma coletânea de poemas à moda de (ou em homenagem a) Ana-creonte, introduzidas por uma pequena seleção de poemas a respeito do poeta de Teos. Ainda que provavelmente sejam mais fruto de lenda do que de um relato fiel a respeito da vida e da pessoa do poeta, esses poemas são valiosos para vislumbrarmos o que poderia ser a ideia que se tinha de Anacreonte na antiguidade.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar as imagens construídas pelo poeta mélico arcaico Anacreonte (ativo em c. 550 a.C.) na representação do deus Eros e da experiência erótica em 14 de seus fragmentos, dada a destacada relevância do autor na tradição e no gênero poético em que tais temas são trabalhados mais notável e recorrentemente na Grécia antiga. Ao fazê-lo, pretende realçar, comentando-os, os elementos característicos da linguagem erótica na elaboração do poeta, cujas canções são sobretudo simposiásticas e relacionam-se de diferentes maneiras – e com diferentes propósitos – a variados e importantes aspectos da sociedade grega arcaica.

RESUMO: O livro VII da Antologia Grega, epigrammata epitymbia, abarca epitáfios fictícios, cujos protagonistas são ilustres " mortos " como Homero, Safo e Anacreonte, o qual recebeu doze epitáfios compilados em sequência, sendo metade deles de Antípatro de Sídon (séc. II a.C.). Considerando que os epigramatistas compilados ao longo do tempo na Antologia Grega estavam inseridos em um sistema de emulação que fazia a intersecção entre o cânone e o que se produzia na contemporaneidade, esta comunicação objetiva analisar os epitáfios de Anacreonte na tentativa de estabelecer paralelos entre a poesia lírica desse poeta e os epitáfios dedicados a ele escritos posteriormente.

Der silberne Klang - oder: wenn Münzen singen, in: Fl. Leitmeier - D. Shehata - O. Wiener (Hrsg.): MUS-IC-ON! Klang der Antike. Begleitband zur Ausstellung im Martin von Wagner Museum der Universität Würzburg, 10. Dezember 2019 bis 12. Juli 2020, Würzburg 2019, 75-79.

Abstract: Attraverso l’analisi di una serie di passi tratti dai frammenti del P.Oxy. 3722 (hypomnema ad Anacreonte) si tentano nuove strade nell’interpretazione e nella comprensione testuale, ricorrendo anche a nuovi supplementi o ipotesi di lettura. Dalle colonne meglio conservate del papiro si ottiene un valore approssimato di 30±3 lettere per ogni rigo, una media che, con le dovute cautele, può essere estesa a tutto il rotolo nella sua conformazione originaria.
Abstract: Durch die Untersuchung einer Reihe von Stellen, die aus den Fragmenten des P.Oxy. 3722 (Papyruskommentar zu Anakreon) stammen, wird versucht, den überlieferten Text soweit möglich zu rekonstruieren und auszulegen, indem man auch neue Ergänzungen und Lesungen vorschlägt. Aus den am besten erhaltenen Kolumnen des Papyrus kann man einen Durchschnitt von ungefähr 30±3 Buchstaben je Zeile rechnen.
Abstract: Through analysis of some passages from P.Oxy. 3722 (commentary on Anacreon) we will try to find something new in relation to the interpretation and the textual comprehension, also with the aid of supplements and new readings. Text columns, which have been preserved at their best, contained about 30±3 letters per line, an average which, with due caution, could be extended to the whole roll.

In this article, we go to rescue the A. Querol, M. Corchado, J. Manterola and V. Colorado’s translations that were made in the seventieth of 19th Century. These versions aren’t very known because they were published in different magazines and dailies of this age, and because they never had been published again. We analyse them in accordance with J. S. Holmes’ theories and we perceive the influence and the importance of Castillo y Ayensa’s translation for 19th Century.

In this paper, I argue that Greekness was a main characteristic of (some of) the Anacreontics at some stage of their ancient reception, alongside wine, love and revel.
First, I point out the proximity between Anacreont. 8 and 4 West, which justifies reading them together and arriving at common conclusions for both poems. Then, Aulus Gellius provides us with a context in which these characteristics become apparent, the division of social activities according to cultural identity.

This paper provides a stylistic and philological reconsideration of the poem. Points of vocabulary as well as a more accurate reading of the relevant papyrus militate against an ironic interpretation of the woman’s lament, which most scholars have espoused. The woman conjures up Homeric heroines, and - as a hint found in Horace suggests - may tentatively be identified with Penelope.

Parler du sage Anacréon, du doux Anacréon, n’a pas permis de citer tous ses fragments connus. Certains se laissent malaisément classer, comme ces incipit d’un papyrus du iie siècle après J.-C., où nous ne savons pas toujours ce qui revient au poète ionien et ce qu’il faut attribuer à Sappho ou Alcée (S 286 Page, col. II et III = Anacréon, fr. 347 A Campbell = Sappho, fr. 213 C, Alcée, fr. 306 D). Et ce qui reste du papyrus d’Oxyrhynchos n° 2321, à l’exception de ce que l’on a déjà vu, est tro..

Anacréon (Le numéro des fragments est celui des Poetae melici Graeci ou du Supplementum lyricis Graecis de D. L. Page. On trouvera dans l’édition de D. A. Campbell, p. 248-257, une table permettant d’utiliser aussi les éditions de Th. Bergk, E. Diehl et B. Gentili.) 346 (1) : probablement de longs vers choriambiques, deux dimètres suivis d’un trimètre catalectique (— ᴗ ᴗ — ᴗ — ᴗ — | — ᴗ ᴗ — ᴗ — ᴗ — | —ᴗ ᴗ — — ᴗ ᴗ — ᴗ — —), comme dans le fr. 398. 346 (4) : choriambe et tripodie iambique catale..

The theme of the old lover possibly has its oldest source in the Archaic poets Mimnermus, Theognis, Ibycus, and Anacreon. The attitude of these poets to elderly lovers is negative in that they present a cultural outlook which sees old age as an inappropriate time for experiencing sexual attraction and pleasure, although Anacreon differs by presenting an old man who persists in love. The issue of love as improper for old men is again raised in the thirteenth chapter of the second book of Aristotle's "Rhetoric" where the Stagirite says that only young men are inclined to love while old men are less prone to concupiscence and are more calculating (II. 13, 1390a13). Conca (1970) tracks the theme of the "vecchio innamorato" in Menander and in Roman Comedy but does not compare the old lover Demeas of the "Samia" with other old men in the Menandrian plays except for Smikrines from the "Aspis." MacCary (1973) has written about the roles which old men play in Menander's comedies but has not connected the sexual experiences of these men with their attitudes toward love among the younger generation. Kiritsi (2013) has written recently on the role of love in the plays and on the role of Demeas as an old lover but, like Conca, does not compare Demeas with the other old men in Menander. The scholarship on Menander, apart from Gomme and Sandbach's commentary on the "Samia," does not trace the theme of the senex amator to any of the Archaic poets. There are of course several elderly male characters in the surviving Menandrian corpus, but the theme of the old lover is given particular importance in two plays, the "Samia" and the "Aspis." Gomme and Sandbach (1973: 582), speaking of the old lover Demeas in the "Samia," establish that the theme of the "senex amator" is common in Greek literature but mention only Ibycus among the Archaic poets. Although none of the scholarship read explicitly states that the theme of the senex amator first appears in Archaic poetry, the same motif is nevertheless very common in the lyricists and elegists. This paper argues that Menander follows Anacreon’s depiction of the "senex amator" in that both poets depict old men who can be in love. Comparing Demeas from the "Samia" with Aristotle’s description of old and young men and with other old men in Menander’s plays, this paper further argues that Demeas displays both the virtues and vices that Aristotle associates with young men. Although Demeas has his faults, the old lover is still able to resolve the tensions in the "Samia" and thus shows that being a "senex amator" is not necessarily an unfortunate character.

This paper focuses on poetic mobility throughout the Greek world down to the middle of the fifth century BC. The aim of the enquiry is to ascertain the importance of a singer’s social promotion as a reason for traveling, and to account for the different forms that this social promotion could take. Under the term ‘singers’ I shall comprehend the two overlapping categories of the poets performing their own compositions and the rhapsodes interpreting pieces from the traditional repertory.

Part of “Social mobility as a consequence of the spatial mobility from sixth to fourth-century Greece”, edited by Laura Loddo.

The purpose of this paper is to recall from oblivion and analyze the translations of the Anacreontea that were published by some members of a literary group called the “Mexican Arcadia” at the start of the 19th Century in El Diario de México. In this journal a translation of Anacreontea 38 (Campbell) by Flagrasto Cicné (pseudonym of Francisco Manuel Sánchez de Tagle) was printed, as well as two different translations of Anacreontea 24, one probably due to Sánchez de Tagle himself, while the other was the one Luzán included also in his Poetic (Zaragoza, 1737); likewise, Moschus’ erotic epigram included in the Greek Anthology (XVI, 200) was translated by Manuel Martínez de Navarrete and published twice within a couple of months in the same journal.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar as imagens construídas pelo poeta mélico arcaico Anacreonte (ativo em c. 550 a.C.) na representação do deus Eros e da experiência erótica em 14 de seus fragmentos, dada a destacada relevância do autor na tradição e no gênero poético em que tais temas são trabalhados mais notável e recorrentemente na Grécia antiga. Ao fazê-lo, pretende realçar, comentando-os, os elementos característicos da linguagem erótica na elaboração do poeta, cujas canções são sobretudo simposiásticas e relacionam-se de diferentes maneiras – e com diferentes propósitos – a variados e importantes aspectos da sociedade grega arcaica.

L’articolo offre una breve ricognizione dei caratteri della poesia anacreontica nel Settecento e del suo impiego nella teoria letteraria e traduttiva dell’epoca. Si concentra poi sulla funzione che la poesia anacreontica svolge, in quanto categoria estetica, nel pensiero e nell’opera di Giacomo Leopardi, e individua nei versi di "A Silvia" precisi richiami ai passi dello "Zibaldone" che trattano di Anacreonte. Inoltre, a partire da un pensiero giovanile dello "Zibaldone" in cui Giambattista Felice Zappi è presentato come il poeta volgare che più si è accostato allo stile di Anacreonte, si analizzano i Canti e altre opere leopardiane al fine di individuare spie lessicali e rimandi indiretti ai sonetti zappiani che sono espressamente menzionati nello "Zibaldone" come più prettamente anacreontei, concludendosi con un’ipotesi di lettura della «favoletta» di Aviano (Zib. 1) proprio a partire dalla mediazione zappiana. Si fornisce infine, in Appendice, il testo di un altro componimento di Zappi elogiato da Leopardi, il polimetro "Il Museo d’Amore".
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The article provides a short overview of anacreontics in the eighteenth century and within literary and translation theory of the time. It then focuses on the function of anacreontics as an aesthetic category in Giacomo Leopardi’s theoretical and literary production. In the verses of "A Silvia", precise references are notably identified to the pages of the "Zibaldone" discussing Anacreon. Furthermore, following Leopardi’s early thoughts preserved by the "Zibaldone", where Giambattista Felice Zappi is presented as the one vernacular poet who most closely matched Anacreon’s style, Leopardi’s Canti and other compositions are scrutinized in order to identify lexical hints and indirect references to those among Zappi’s sonnets which in the "Zibaldone" are explicitly mentioned as exquisitely anacreontic. In conclusion, an interpretation of Avianus’s “fable” (Zib. 1) is put forward which suggests the mediation of Zappi’s text. Finally, in the Appendix, the text of one of Zappi’s compositions praised by Leopardi, the polimetre "Il Museo d’Amore", is provided.

El propósito de este artículo consiste en estudiar las modificaciones que lleva a cabo Francisco de Quevedo en su paráfrasis Anacreón castellano (1609), las cuales suponen la introducción de elementos elocutivos ajenos a las Anacreónticas griegas. Para ello se han identificado y analizado aquellas expresiones de los cincuenta y siete poemas en castellano que no cuentan con un antecedente en el original ni en las demás fuentes que empleó Quevedo. La inspiración hallada en estos poemas griegos y sus procedimientos estilísticos, modificados por Quevedo en su traducción castellana por medio de nuevos tropos y figuras, pudo influir también en cierta medida, como las abundantes fuentes que manejó, en su creación literaria posterior.
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The aim of this paper is to study Quevedo’s modifications in his paraphrase Anacreón castellano (1609), which involve the introduction of style features alien to the Greek Anacreontics. They have been identified and analysed the expressions of the fifty-seven Spanish poems that do not have any correspondence in the original neither in the other sources used by Quevedo. The inspiration found in these Greek poems and their stylistic devices, modified by Quevedo in his Spanish translation through new tropes and figures, could have influenced also to a certain extent, as well as the abundant sources that he read, in his later literary creation.

This talk is part of the panel "Social Mobility as a Consequence of the Spatial Mobility
from Sixth to Fourth Century Greece", organised by Dr. Laura Loddo at the CA Conference 2018.

ABSTRACT OF THE PANEL:
The papers presented in this panel aim to analyse the relation between spatial mobility and social mobility in Ancient Greece from Sixth to Fourth century Greece. While the subject of “social mobility” with respect to “spatial mobility” has been deeply investigated in the Roman society from the origins to Late Antiquity in relation both to the chronological framework (Hopkins 1965; Frézouls 1992) and to the geographical contexts (Patterson 2006; Tran 2006; Jones 2009) in which it was realised, the very existence of this phenomenon in the Greek society has been strongly underestimated. However, some attention has been paid to the social mobility in ancient Greece, especially in relation to the connection between wealth and public visibility (Davies 1981; Millett 1991), the upper classes’ moral concerns linked to the social advancement of the poorest (Fisher 2000) or with respect to some categories of economic migrants like craftsmen and labourers (Coulié 2000; Migeotte 2004) or artists (Linder 2014). More recently, scholars have been engaged in studying the connections between social mobility and ancient networks (Taylor-Vlassopoulos 2015).
Despite these important contributions, a global reflection of the relation between spatial mobility and social promotion is still lacking. This panel intends to fill the gap by studying some specific cases in which it is possible to retrace the stories of ancient migrants, individuals and groups, who, leaving the native context by choice or constriction, were successful in improving their social condition.

ABSTRACT OF THE TALK:
This paper focuses on poetic mobility throughout the Greek world down to the half of the fifth century BC. The aim of the enquiry is to ascertain the importance of a singer’s social promotion as a reason for traveling, and to account for the different forms that this social promotion could take. Under the term “singers” I shall comprehend the two overlapping categories of the poets performing their own compositions and the rhapsodes interpreting pieces from the traditional repertory.
Although sparse, the evidence leaves few doubts about the internationalism of such figures who—since the Homeric epics (cf. e.g. Od. 17.380–391)—are described as “craftsmen” from abroad. To many extents, this description perfectly matches with our (unsure) information on the life of poets such as Thaletas of Gortyn and Terpander of Lesbos (whose poetic activity centered in Sparta), or Ibycus of Rhegium and Anacreon of Teos (both active at Polycrates’ court in Samos). As to Simonides of Ceos, he spent time at courts in both Greece and Sicily, like Pindar and Bacchylides are likely to have done as well. Through their technē, singers could secure the glory of a patron or contribute to shaping a community’s identity. In exchange, some would ask for payment (the pseudo-Herodotean Life, ch. 12, attributes such request to Homer himself), while most would seek fame for themselves (and might succeed, if we are to believe that the Spartans instituted the custom of singing Tyrtaeus’ poems during their military campaigns, Ath. 14.630f). In fact, since most singers already were members of local elites, the pursuit of fame might have been a more powerful drive than commissions. Indeed, similar men would travel for several reasons (e.g. exile or desire for knowledge), not necessarily related to their activity as performers but providing them with occasions to perform in symposia, courts, and festivals. The renown they might draw from such activity had little to envy to a chariot-race victory, and certainly lasted for more.