Behavioralism

Tulisan ini akan menganalisa kebijakan presiden Thein Sein yang mempengaruhi hubungan bilateral Myanmar-Tiongkok. Penulis menggunakan pendekatan behavioralisme dan level analisa individu. Pendekatan Behavioralisme tidak seperti realisme yang fokus hanya pada outcome, tetapi juga pada process. Behavioralisme mencoba mengkoreksi pendekatan realisme, menekankan bahwa pentingnya peran individu. Dalam prosesnya, kebijakan luar negeri dibentuk berdasarkan banyak faktor. Faktor psikologis dapat berpotensi memberikan dampak yang besar dalam proses pembuatan kebijakan yang dibuat oleh unit-unit kecil, karena biasanya pembuat kebijakan atau posisi tertinggi dalam pemerintahan adalah unit-unit kecil dan individu yang memiliki pengaruh kuat.

This essay offers an overview of Behavioralism in Political Science and International Relations, first by situating Behavioralism within its academic and socio-political context as an American school of thought, then by exploring Behavioralism's central assumptions and methodologies, the diverse range of studies that were produced during the "Behavioral Revolution," as well as the key debates they triggered in the discipline. The essay finally concludes with some reflections on the contemporary status and value of Behavioralism in a post-Behavioralist era.

Partant d'une interrogation sur la dualité du rapport du chercheur aux valeurs, il s'agit d'identifier, par l'étude de modes différents d'objectivation de la politique internationale, l'articulation entre connaissance et jugement en théorie politique. L'analyse des fondements théoriques de trois réalismes (réalisme classique de Morgenthau, systémisme de Kaplan, structuralisme de Waltz) révèle la diversité épistémologique de cette tradition, ainsi que les divergences profondes concernant la définition de la science, le rôle de la connaissance objective, et la place des valeurs dans le processus cognitif. Elle montre aussi que ni l'approche philosophique, ni l'approche scientiste ne peuvent produire un discours axiologique ou normatif cohérent, et qu'un alignement des discours cognitif et évaluatif nécessite que la théorie soit elle-même conçue comme faisant partie de son objet d'étude, c'est à dire comme soumise aux relations et structures de pouvoir qu'elle se charge d'objectiver.

In order to better cope with the pressures and stresses of the current day, modern psychology is anxiously seeking to find new therapies to address the increasing disorders within the human psyche. In the process new fields of research, such as humanistic and transpersonal psychology, curiously appear to borrow more and more from the wisdom of the ages. This volume, containing eighteen articles by noteworthy expositors of the perennial philosophy such as Huston Smith, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and Frithjof Schuon, presents the spiritual psychology of the wisdom traditions as a much-needed antidote to the current impasse in modern psychology.

This article offers a retrospective reading of post-Cold War US foreign policy recommendations made by Morton A. Kaplan in 1985. Grounded in his systems approach to world politics and international change, the article reassesses his idea that the collapse of the Soviet Union would create a systemic, historical singularity that would allow for the establishment of an alternative world order wherein post-Communist Russia could be reinstituted as an equal international partner. With hindsignt, Kaplan’s analysis indicates the importance of combined systemic and subsystemic processes in the regulation or destabilization of the international system, as well as in conceptualizing and shaping the future of any international system.

In this essay, we explore the epistemological and ontological assumptions that have been made to make political science “scientific.” We show how political science has generally adopted an ontologically reductionist philosophy of science derived from Newtonian physics and mechanics. This mechanical framework has encountered problems and constraints on its explanatory power, because an emphasis on equilibrium analysis is ill-suited for the study of political change. We outline the primary differences between an evolutionary ontology of social science and the physics-based philosophy commonly employed. Finally, we show how evolutionary thinking adds insight into the study of political phenomena and research questions that are of central importance to the field, such as preference formation.

Pada tulisan sebelumnya, penulis telah membahas tentang bagaimana dinamika Hubungan Internasional di masa Perang Dunia I hingga Peristiwa 9/11 yang juga berpengaruh terhadap perkembangan ilmu Hubungan Internasional terutama berpengaruh pada sistem Internasional. Pada kesempatan kali ini, penulis akan membahas tentang perspektif Hubungan Internasional. Hubungan Internasional yang berkembang saat ini tetap tidak dapat terlepas dari fenomena-fenomena dunia yang terjadi. Fenomena-fenomena yang berkembang dinamis ini juga menimbulkan berkembangnya banyak pemikiran atau gagasan dari berbagai macam sudut pandang yang berbeda yang dikemukakan oleh berbagai aktor yang terlibat di dalamnya.

This paper sheds light on the reasons that explain the dissatisfactions because of the behavioralist dominance within American political science academia. I show how and why the flaws and failures of the behavioralist analysis have created more room for the emergence of alternative approaches or new ideological movements in the study of politics. These competing paradigms or approaches are mainly post-behavioralism, postmodernism, and the Perestroika movement. Moreover, under a comparative framework, I explain why behavioralism is still the dominant paradigm within American political science academia despite all the efforts of the alternative paradigms to displace it.

This paper presents the findings of a research conducted in Greece during the period 2005-07 within the framework of the Philosophies of Adult Education Inventory (PAEI) (Zinn, 2004³). Both the PAEI and a researcher-created demographic sheet were sent to the overall population of state primary teacher counselors so as to explore the adult education philosophies that guide their educational theory and practice while implementing in-service teacher training programmes. The respond rate was very high 72,46% (N=179). Frequencies, means, correlational and multivariate analyses were used to describe and analyze the research results. It was shown that the most predominant
philosophical preference of the counselors was: progressivism, followed by behaviourism, radicalism, liberalism, and finally, humanism. The ranges proved that the scoring patterns for the majority of the counselors could be described as eclectic. It was also examined whether there were differences in the counselors’ preference toward each of the five philosophical orientations according to their age, gender, studies and academic degrees, education or training in teacher education and/or adult education, and teaching experience in different groups and educational settings. Statistically significant differences were found.

During the 1950s, several intellectual endeavors on both sides of the Atlantic aimed to further theoretical principles of IR. One of these endeavors was the Council on Foreign Relations Study Group on International Theory that met between December 1953 and June 1954. It brought together scholars from across academic disciplines and professions, but particularly noteworthy is the involvement of émigré scholars. Tracing their contribution, this paper takes a critical stance towards common historiographical accounts of the discipline in which émigrés' involvement is characterized as a gambit to secure space for their alternative visions of scholarship in a hostile academic environment and that they had turned into critics of American liberal democracy due to their experiences with fascism in Europe. By contrast, this paper calls for a reconsideration of the role of émigrés by arguing that their engagement in IR's move to theorization was intended to help retain the discipline's pluralism in an effort to bridge theory and practice. Getting involved in this interdisciplinary field constituted their attempt to sustain intellectual pluralism across American social sciences, as they believed that behavioralism could endanger American democracy by reducing the contingency, ephemerality, and relationality of human life to questions of social planning.

Проаналізовано еволюцію категорії "напівпрезиденталізм". Перевірено те, чи М. Дюверже насправді є засновником й понятійного, й теоретичного конструктів напівпрезиденталізму. Визначено, коли напівпрезиденталізм був введений в обіг і почав розглядатись як наукова категорія. Визначено етапи наукового трактування напівпрезиденталізму – біхевіоралістський, інституційний, неоінституційний. Було зроблено висновок про те, коли напівпрезиденталізм став системною категорією політологічного аналізу.
Ключові слова: режим, напівпрезиденталізм, напівпрезидентський режим, біхевіоралізм, інституціоналізм, неоінституціоналізм, М. Дюверже, Р. Елгі.

... It is easy to assume that the events of the interwar years will be appreciated as part of contemporary history. ... More justification for using this medium as a resource for teaching could usefully be woven into the second handbook and the introductory talk. Conclusion ...

What points of comparison can be found between behaviorialists, such as B. F. Skinner, and pragmatists, such as John Dewey? One possibility is that they share a particularly strong belief in scientism, unifying the sciences or the view that the methods and theories of the physical and biological (or 'hard') sciences should carry over to the social (or 'soft') sciences. Clearly a devotee of scientism, Skinner complains that the social sciences have failed to keep pace with significant developments in physics and biology. Dewey's commitment to scientism, however, is less clear. He claims that short of conducting an exhaustive survey, it would be impossible to justify the claim that the social sciences' relative inferiority is due to " unreasoning devotion to physical science as a model. " In this paper, I argue that Dewey's firm commitment to empiricism in the social sciences should not be construed as blind or " unreasoning devotion " to scientism. In the first section, I present the orthodox account of science or scientific method, explaining why it is not always a superior way for coming to know social reality. In section two, attention is drawn to a collection of instances in which commentators have mistaken Dewey's endorsement of intelligent inquiry as a method to solve social problems for a defense of scientism. In the third section, I demonstrate that upon closer examination of Dewey's own writings on the social sciences, empiricism, not scientism, emerges as the central feature of pragmatic social inquiry. In section four, the paper concludes with a speculative account of how Dewey might appraise the last fifty years of progress in refining social scientific research methodology-a half century of developments constructed largely, if not exclusively, on the edifice of Logical Positivism.

The theoretical lead chapter in the book, Liberalism and the Quest for Islamic Identity in the Philippines, it traces the growth and development of the sub-discipline of political sociology from its Enlightenment roots through positivism of the 19th century and to the contemporary contention behavioralists and post-behavioralists, highlighting and critically assessing these paradigms on their respective explanation about society, the state, the individual, the nature social knowledge, the role of science in discovering it, and the possibility of commensurability between and among paradigms.

The theoretical lead chapter in the book, Liberalism and the Quest for Islamic Identity in the Philippines, it traces the growth and development of the sub-discipline of political sociology from its Enlightenment roots through positivism of the 19th century and to the contemporary contention between behavioralists and post-behavioralists, highlighting and critically assessing these paradigms on their respective explanation about society, the state, the individual, the nature social knowledge, the role of science in discovering it, and the possibility of commensurability between and among paradigms.

This paper analyses AIDS-prevention therapeutics as ethical technologies of governance relative to the experience of culture. As a number of AIDS scholars have noted, the concept of ‘culture’ has been a powerful rubric for organizing evidence about HIV-transmission behaviours and their modification in prevention research and programming. Indeed, culture has been one of the most important concepts in AIDS-prevention knowledge through which danger is problematized, or organized as a specific problem that can be entered into strategies and techniques of governance and reform. This is to say that ‘culture’ functions in AIDS prevention as an object and target of government, toward which instruments, knowledges, and programmes are directed with the goal of transforming the behaviours and meanings said to put individuals at risk for HIV transmission.
      I argue that culture is experienced in prevention therapeutics as an element of the self toward which one is to form oneself as an active and ethical subject of one’s own health. In AIDS-prevention pedagogies, individuals encounter ‘culture’ as a potentially dangerous element of the self, a force or drive within oneself that will overwhelm one’s free and responsible decision-making capacity unless one forms a deliberate and authoritative relationship to it. These pedagogies cultivate in subjects techniques for constituting an authoritative relationship to culture, seeking to guarantee responsible behaviour and decision-making about HIV risk by constituting individuals as authoritative subjects of their cultures. As such, AIDS prevention is best understood as what Foucault called an ‘ethical’ governing strategy that forms individuals as active and responsible subjects of their cultures.