Books of the Twelve Prophets

This article is a selective survey of the last twenty years of Amos research, which has witnessed robust discussion in multiple directions. It groups these trends into five very broad areas: (1) the possibility of positing an eighth-century setting for the prophet and the historical reliability of the book, (2) work on the redaction of the book and potential connections to the history of the composition of the Book of the Twelve, (3) theological themes of particular contemporary interest, (4) recent insights into the translation techniques of LXX Amos, and (5) the reception of Amos across the centuries, with a special focus on the views of women and minority and global communities. There is a range of scholarly positions in several of these areas and new questions being asked, all of which portends continued vitality in Amos research in the foreseeable future.

Table of contents for Volume two of my two volume published dissertation on the existence of catchwords linking the beginnings and ends of adjacent writings in the Book of the Twelve. This volume examines the books of Joel, Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Malachi, Zechariah 9-14, and Jonah. This study draws the compositional implications of the catchword phenomenon observed in the Book of the Twelve. For the full volume, please visit the publisher's website at http://www.degruyter.com/view/product/173741

Table of contents for volume one of my two volume published dissertation on the existence of catchwords linking the beginnings and ends of adjacent writings in the Book of the Twelve. This volume introduces the catchword phenomenon as well as the proposal that the Book of the Twelve was preceded by two literary precursors: a Book of the Four collection consisting of Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Zephaniah; and the Haggai-Zechariah 1-8 corpus. For the full volume, please visit the publisher's website at http://www.degruyter.com/viewbooktoc/product/173718.

The Greek text of Amos has been studied thus far primarily from the point of view of the textual criticism and of the correspondence of words and expressions between the Hebrew and Greek texts. The present article concentrates on the verbal forms (Greek tenses and aspects) used by the translator. The first reason is to determine his strategy in applying these grammatical tools. The second reason is to use this study to better understand the nature of his translation, since the Greek verbal forms used by the translator mainly pertain to the translation process, and only in a lesser degree to the Vorlage. The author argues that the way the translator uses the Greek tenses reveals his fairly solid understanding of the Hebrew verbal forms in his Vorlage, but also a certain (and sometimes high) degree of negligence within the context of the entire book, especially in terms of what follows in the Hebrew text.

After a short introduction, the methodology underlying this study is explained in terms of the so-called breaks, bonds, bounds, and bumps of discourse organization, as revealed by five principal literary-structural " markers " : aperture, closure, bonding, juncture, and peak. These diagnostic features are then applied to present a sequential summary of the compositional arrangement (cycles, stanzas, strophes) of the entire prophetic book of Micah. In conclusion, the significance of this type of detailed discourse analysis for both understanding the biblical text and also translating it is briefly pointed out and illustrated.

(This is a pre-publication version; for the published version, see at:
"The Bible Translator" 69/2 -- Volume: 69 issue: 2, page(s): 277-293;
Article first published online: August 5, 2018;  https://doi.org/10.1177/2051677018785213, SAGE Publications; if need be, you may request a copy of the final published version.)

The book of Amos contains four major sections: the oracles against the nations (chapters 1-2); the sayings of Amos (chapters 3-6); the visions of Amos (7:1-9:6); and the hopeful conclusion (9:7-15). Each section exhibits distinguishing characteristics which should be noted when teaching the book.

From the early history of the Christian church and onwards, interpreters have suggested that Malachi 1:11 presents a universalism, i.e, that the surrounding nations of post-exilic Judah actually worshipped YHWH as the one true God by their sacrifices. In this article I propose that neither this solution, nor any other previously proposed solution does sufficient justice to Malachi 1:11. Instead, I propose that we focus on how the author uses metaphorical language to strengthen his argument. In doing so, however, the author creates a new metaphor that continues to challenge the understanding of the reader. der Völker nach Mal 1,11' in H. Groß and F. Mußner (eds.), Lex tua veritas (Festschrift H. S. Hidal, 'Magnum est nomen meum in gentibus' Israel och Hellas. Studier kring Gamla Testamentet och dess verkningshistoria (Religio 27; Lund: Teologiska institutionen, 1988) 55-62; G.P. Hugenberger, Marriage as a Covenant: A Study of Biblical Law and Ethics Governing Marriage Developed from the Perspective of Malachi (VTS 52; Leiden: Brill, 1994) 37-9. Christian Dialogue and Biblical Exegesis (Studia Missionalia Upsaliensia 47; Uppsala, 1988) 47-74. 6 See Verhoef, Malachi, 225-9 for further literature and a more detailed criticism, and also Hugenberger, Marriage, 38-9. 7

A COMMON RESPONSE of those who undertake a close reading of 1 and 2 Samuel is to observe the dichotomy between the David of the more positive affirmations of the biblical text, the church and synagogue, and the charac ter of the man David who appears in that narrative. 1 David is called a man of Yahweh's own choosing (1 Sam 13:14), and he is given such honorific titles as the servant of Yahweh (2 Sam 3:18; 7:5, 8, 26) and the anointed of Yahweh (2 Sam 12:7; 22:51; 23:1). The NT is equally eulogistic regarding David (Luke 20:41; Acts 13:22-36). Yet, despite these positive statements, the narratives in 1 and 2 Samuel paint a very different portrait of him. Recent scholars have underlined that narrative's criticism of David for his ruthless political ambition and his ineptitude in family relationships, 2 both of which impinge on each other. 3 1 The literature on this point is extensive, and the scholarly path is well worn.

Although the study of trauma has been common practice in several fields, biblical scholars have, since only a few years ago, used the concept of trauma as an important tool to interpret biblical texts. This article aims to provide a brief overview of the history of trauma studies in order to understand its impact on theology and biblical studies. The last section of the article focuses on trauma studies and the interpretation of prophetic literature.

Cet ouvrage traitera des difficultés principales que le texte hébreu traditionnel de plusieurs livres de prophètes (Ézéchiel, Daniel et les 12 Prophètes) a posées aux traductions de la Bible qui ont eu le plus d'influence, au cours de ce dernier demi-siècle, dans les cultures anglaise, française et allemande. Il présente et développe le résultat d'un travail sur 1075 apparats critiques. D. Barthélémy a rédigé ce volume publié en 1992. Les membres du comité international et interconfessionnel de spécialistes de la critique textuelle de l'AT eurent communication du traitement des diverses difficultés et la rédaction finale profita de leurs suggestions. Disponible à  https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/150255/

One Book of the Twelve or Twelve prophetic Books? Ehud Ben Zvi and myself contribute to this volume outlining the emerging debate in Book of the Twelve/Minor Prophets scholarship concerning how to interpret the compositional/thematic unity within the corpus. Attached is the table of contents. For the full volume, please visit the publisher's website at https://www.gorgiaspress.com/bookshop/emailproduct.aspx?productid=56651&categoryid=10

Two main interpretations of the failure of prophecy in Hag. 2:20–23 have been argued throughout the reception history of the passage, one historical and one theological. This essay argues that both readings have left questions unanswered, and that a more robust analysis is found by bringing Zechariah 1–8 into the conversation, where retrospective theological reflections are found on the matter. Such an approach is historical and theological, revealing how post-exilic Judah would have understood Haggai’s prophecy while it was delayed (i.e. while Zerubbabel was on the scene), and also how it was understood after Zerubbabel’s demise, at which point it was obvious that the prophecy would never come to pass. Namely, the ascendancy of Zerubbabel and the full restorative promise was a conditional promise and was delayed (and ultimately never occurred) on account of disobedience to YHWH.

Published as:
Nogalski, James D. “The Redactional Shaping of Nahum 1 for the Book of the Twelve.” Pages 193–202 in Among the Prophets: Language, Image and Structure in the Prophetic Writings. Edited by Philip R. Davies and David J. A. Clines. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993.

Amos 7:14 is a key verse for the understanding of Israelite prophecy. Among the unresolved issues relating to this verse is the question whether the nominal clauses should be translated with a present or a past tense. Neither of these alternatives seems to have proved convincing, and therefore we should raise the more fundamental questions as to how the prophet is using language. It is argued that his statement only becomes intelligible when we acknowledge that he is using irony. Amos perceived an ideological gap between his grand vision of YHWH's reign and the reality of his people's situation, and was able to bridge this gap through his use of irony.

This paper argues that the Book of Joel is best understood against the background of the exilic period in Judah, after the Destruction but before the Return to Zion, that is, between 587 and 538 BCE. While concrete historical evidence is not decisive, an investigation of the ideology of the Book may determine the Book's historical setting. The lack of any rebuke in Joel accords with the view that he lived in the exilic period, when it would not have been appropriate to rebuke and criticize the people, who were in a state of deep despair. The Book of Joel places great emphasis on the motif of the Divine presence residing in the midst of Israel. This central message of assurance of the Divine presence is particularly apt if we accept the view that Joel belongs to the period of the Destruction, when the people were in despair and saw in the events their abandonment by God. There are cultic concerns in the book. This is understood if it is accepted that Joel functioned in the exilic period, and aimed at persuading his audience that one can pray to the Lord even when the Temple is in ruins. The prophet's main purpose was to bring the people to renew their connection with the Lord after the destruction of the Temple, and to focus the people's attention on the Temple, which, although physically ruined, had not lost its religious significance. Other characteristics of the Book of Joel that point to the same historical setting are discussed in the paper.

The MT of Amos 9:11 in its present form contains three incongruous suffixes which seemingly defy explanation. These three distinct suffixes used in the second half of the verse refer back to the unique phrase " booth of David. " The MT may be literally translated: On that day I will raise up the fallen booth of David; And I will wall up their (feminine plural) breaches (pirṣêhen), And I will raise his (masculine singular) ruins (wahărīsōtāyw), And I will build it (ûb e nîtîhā: feminine singular) as in the days of old. The problem is clear enough. The use of the feminine plural, masculine singular, and feminine singular suffixes cannot be readily explained grammatically as references to the feminine singular construct " booth of David. " The normal solution follows the LXX and reads all three suffixes in the third feminine singular (τὰ πεπτωκότα αὐτῆς; τὰ κατεσκαμμένα αὐτῆς; ἀνοικοδομήσω αὐτὴν). The vast majority of commentators have welcomed the LXX as the means of avoiding the problem, either through their unqualified acceptance or with the hesitant admission that no better suggestion has adequately explained the incongruity. 1 In the light of such unanimity it would appear superfluous to suggest an alternative reading were it not for the fact that scholars have generally proceeded from two incorrect assumptions when treating this text. First, most authors implicitly or explicitly presume that the LXX represents the " more original " reading; 2 and second, they presume that the solution must explain away one or more of the problematic suffixes. There are good reasons for rejecting both these presuppositions.

Abstract:  As the readers among whom and for whom the book of Hosea was composed read and reread it they could not but construe images of YHWH. In the process, metaphors from different source conceptual domains were evoked. Each of them involved important aspects of the worldview of these readers, their understanding of themselves and their deity, and very often a sense of resistance to imperial ideological constructions. The centrally enabling metaphor of YHWH as didactic communicator, that is teacher of Israel, played a central role in the social and ideological worldview of the literati who wrote, read, and reread the book of Hosea and other prophetic and authoritative books in ancient Yehud and reflected the social roles of the literati and of the repertoire of prophetic books that evolved in ancient Yehud, among which the book of Hosea, in its present form, evolved and found its place

In this article, I examine the interplay of transmission and exegesis in Zecha-riah's textual history, analyzing the strategies that early interpreters employed to create coherence in a difficult text. I use Zechariah's horse visions as examples, exploring their presentation in the early versions and the Book of Revelation. The following examination explores the form of Zechariah used by these ancient interpreters and the habits of read­ ing that are implied in their presentation of reused material. The evidence suggests that, by the late Second Temple period, the majority of readers conceptualized Zech 1:8 and 6:1-5 as coreferential visions and that this linking was representative of a larger strategy of coherence. This strategy is also part of a wider tradition of correlating Zechariah's horses with other heavenly figures in the Hebrew Bible, a tradition that is most prevalent in Targum Jonathan.

"he introductory sentence of Zephaniah dates his prophecies to the reign of Josiah, King of Judah, who reigned between 640–609 B.C.E. However, since introductory sentences may have been a later clariication or addition, their chronological value should not be taken for granted.

Most scholars accept the date in Zeph 1:1 and date the
prophecies to the reign of Josiah, prior to his religious reform (before 621 B.C.E.) or during it.
Attempts have also been made to date them on historical grounds to the reign of Jehoiakim or Zedekiah. Other attempts have been made to date the composition of the Book
of Zephaniah to “ater the early post monarchic-period”,

In this article I intend to show that the Oracles against the
Nations in the Book of Zephaniah indeed all it the historical reality in the period of the reign of Josiah (640–609 B.C.E.)"

Nella lettura dei testi profetici impressiona l'abbondante presenza di ora coli di denuncia del peccato e di annuncio del castigo. Alcuni profeti sembra no presentare il castigo come un evento irreversibile, senza che i singoli o il popolo abbiano più la possibilità di sfuggirvi. Di fronte a questo fenomeno, il lettore si chiede: è possibile cee Yhwh abbia suscitato in mezzo al suo popo lo uomini cui affidare unicamente l'ingrato compito di annunciare il castigo ai loro contemporanei? Un compito d'altronde inutile! Cosa serve infatti denun ciare il peccato, se non viene data la possibilità del ravvedimento e della riabi litazione? Si deve concludere che il Dio dei profeti è un Dio vendicativo? D'altro canto, la chiamata al ministero profetico è un evento che qualifica la storia di Yhwh con Israele: è una delle modalità più evidenti di far sentire reale la sua presenza in mezzo al popolo. Per portare a termine il loro compi to i profeti non temono di affrontare i potenti del tempo, accettando l'impopo larità e la persecuzione. È chiaro che una tale forza e capacità può venire loro * La parte analitica di questo contributo riproduce sostanzialmente un mio precedente studio: G. DE CARLO, Il giudizio di Dio nell 'A T: il giorno di Jhwh, in I novissinzi nella Bibbia, a cura di G. BOR· TONE, (Studio Biblico Te ologico Aquilano 19), L'Aquila 1999, 33-78. Mi sono deciso a riproporlo in quanto l'analisi dei testi profetici che contengono il riferimento al "giorno di Yhwh" costituisce la ba se per una riflessione più ampia, che intendo qui iniziare, sulla funzione degli annunci di castigo nel l'economia della predicazione profetica. Per le sigle dei libri biblici seguo La Bibbia di Gerusalemme, Bologna 19899, IO; per le altre S. M. SCHWERTNER, Intemationales Abkiirzungsverzeichnis fiir Th eo logie und Grenzgebiete, Berlin-New York 19922, cui vanno aggiunte DEB =Dizionario enciclopedi co della Bibbia, Roma 1995; HALOT =L. KOEHLER -W. BAUMGARTNER, The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the 0/d Te stament, I-V, Leiden-New York-Koln 1994-2000. La versione dei testi biblici è quella ufficiale della Bibbia curata dalla Conferenza Episcopale Italiana (Bibbia CEI); talvolta, per ra gioni critiche, dove ritengo opportuno, d6 una versione più aderente al testo originale. in Laurentianum 44 (2003) 325-358

Habakkuk is unique among books in the Twelve in its criticism of foreign cultic practices. Instead of condemning Israel and Judah for the worship of other gods, it criticizes the worship offered to a foreign deity by that deity's own people. This article examines Hab 2:18-19, arguing that the reduction of the pesel or massēkâ to a lifeless object is intelligible in moral rather than ontological terms. The integration of this cul-tic criticism into a more standard denunciation of a foreign nation's non-cultic transgressions yields a distinctive form of opposition to idolatry. What Habakkuk shows is that disbelief in the reality of idols may owe less to a mocking, debunking rationalism than to a cynicism regarding the uses of ritual. Keywords Idolatry – Habakkuk – the Twelve – personification of death

This article argues that Obadiah consists of three oracles, each re ecting a different time period. The rst oracle re ects the pre-destruction period and comprises criticism of Edomite pride. The second oracle conveys Judah's hostility to Edom, based on its participation in the destruction of 586 BCE, whereas the third depicts a later period, marked by signi cant Edomite encroachment into southern Judah. This third oracle evokes the people's aspiration to reclaim their patriarchal lands. Though it is clear that the book's authorship was a three-phase process, the unity of the work is also unequivocal. The prophecy is recorded as one sequence and lacks opening and concluding formulae. Moreover, the rhetorical and theoretical application of the lex talionis principle characterizes all three oracles. In each of the oracles the prophet attributes to Edom a distinct transgression for which commensurate retribution is anticipated. This article asserts that the author revised his treatment of Edom in view of political changes that occurred. These modi ed political realities prompted new responses from the prophet, though they did not revoke the earlier oracles. This analysis embodies, perhaps, the advantage of diachronic analysis of the prophetic text alongside serious consideration of the synchronic view. The willingness to apply both methods facilitates, in this case, a more precise understanding of the text than that allowed by the exclusive application of just one.

Email me for a copy anthonyp "at" morling.edu.au

This volume explores the themes of theodicy and hope in both individual portions of the Twelve (books and sub-sections) and in the Book of the Twelve as a whole, as the contributors use a diversity of approaches to the text(s) with a particular interest in synchronic perspectives. While these essays regularly engage the mostly redactional scholarship surrounding the Book of Twelve, there is also an examination of various forms of literary analysis of final text forms, and engagement in descriptions of the thematic and theological perspectives of the individual books and of the collection as a whole.

The synchronic work in these essays is thus in regular conversation with diachronic research, and as a general rule they take various conclusions of redactional research as a point of departure. The specific themes, theodicy and hope, are key ideas that have provided the opportunity for contributors to explore individual books or sub-sections within the Twelve, and the overarching development (in both historical and literary terms) and deployment of these themes in the collection.

Building on the argument of an earlier contribution of James K. Aitken (2000), this article aims to explain why the Greek toponym Σαττιν does not translate the word ‫טּים‬ ִ ‫שּׁ‬ ִ ‫ה‬ ַ (Shittim) in LXX Micah 6:5. The Massoretic text reads 'from Shittim to Gilgal'. The LXX translator uses σχοῖνος to appeal to all readerships. While the educated reader is aware of the location and significance of Shittim, these might not be obvious for the less educated majority. As the meaning of σχοῖνος varies (rush, reed, bramble, thorn, and a type of measure used in Egypt, or even a more generic bush), its interpretation changes as one contemplates in context each of these meanings. Ultimately, the simplest audience could read this extension of time/space of ἀπὸ τῶν σχοίνων ἕως τοῦ Γαλγαλ as referring to the whole history of Exodus, from the burning bush to Gilgal.

This essay considers the Davidic ideology inherent in the initial efforts to rebuild the temple in Jerusalem in the late sixth century BC. It argues that the ultimate goal of Zerubbabel and the pioneers in Jerusalem was to recover a Davidic state. It then asks why this state never eventuated, arguing that Zerubbabel was removed by the Persians, but eventually permitted to return. The failure of what was so pivotal to classic prophetic hopes presented a theological dilemma. The Book of the Twelve did not renege on hope for the restoration of a Davidic kingdom, and it does not blame the failure for such a kingdom to materialise on God. Instead, it pins the blame on the priesthood.

This short paper deals with Zechariah 14,6-11 and his representation of effects of Lord's day. This day betrays in v. 6 the peculiar absence of the light that so many problems raised among the ancient and modern interpreters and describes the peculiar situation of Jerusalem too. The city sees her topography changed and eventually knows the eschatological peace.

Scholarly interpretation of the encounter between the prophet Amos and Amaziah, the priest of Bethel (Amos 7:10-17), has thus far focused on the issue of prophetic authority and legitimization. This paper seeks to shed light on the issues at the heart of the dispute between Amaziah and Amos-issues of boundaries and identity, insiders and outsiders; belonging to and being banished from Israel, the land and the people. Amaziah insists that Amos is an outsider who may speak freely, but only "there", not "here". Amos counters by predicting the priest's own loss of social framework, in life and in death. The fact that, unlike many other reports of prophetic confrontations, this story does not indicate the consequences of the dispute-whether the expulsion of the prophet from the Northern Kingdom or the fulfillment of the curse of Amaziah-is another indication that the issue of prophetic authority is neither the only, nor the major concern of this showdown. Keywords Amos 7:10-17-Amos against Amaziah-prophetic conflict-insiders and outsiders-center and periphery-prostitution in the city-curses in the VTE-unclean land 1 Prophetic Conflict The encounter between the prophet Amos and Amaziah, the priest of Bethel (Amos 7:10-17) belongs to a well-known genre-that of a prophetic story that highlights a conflict between the antagonizing prophet and (a) member/s,

Zephaniah 2:1 calls "the nation not longing" to bundle together in submission to the Lord, and 2:3 urges "the humble of the land/earth" to seek him increasingly. The identity of these vocatives significantly affects the book's interpretation , but scholars generally offer one of three views on the proper referent(s): (1) Both 2:1 and 3 address Judah collectively as a rebellious nation. (2) 2:1 confronts rebellious Judah collectively, but 2:3 speaks to the enemy foreign nations. (3) 2:1 addresses rebellious Judah collectively, but 2:3 addresses the nation's faithful remnant. After overviewing these alternatives and arguing that option three best captures the principal referents, this study argues (4) that Judah and its remnant are the primary but not sole addressees of 2:1 and 3, with the literary context suggesting that the prophet intended that other rebellious nations and their remnants see 2:1 and 3 as applying equally to them by extension.

The struggle over land and its socioeconomic relatedness, power, loss, and restoration ignites prophetic oracles represented in different clusters of prophetic activities in the Prophetic Books. While prophetic indictments against injustice have attracted the attention of many readers and interpreters, they have, however, presented contextual complexity and ambiguity. Since the text does not allow readers to easily contextualise these oracles in terms of any particular historical narrative or metanarrative about an event, this article attempts to understand the dynamics of injustice in society within the textual window of Micah 2:1-5, as it relates to evil-doers, evil-doing, and Yahweh's action. The text does not give the identity of the evil-doers, but it does present a graphic picture of evil-doing (of economic piracy and land confiscation) and Yahweh's intervention to correct evil-doing. The theological proposition of this article is that in situations of socioeconomic transgressions in which covenant community members are denied their symbolic and material possessions, such ethical violations will never go unaddressed. Although this portrait of Yahweh's intervention to correct evil-doing in the context of socioeconomic transgression conflicts with the hard realities of a world populated by evil men and plagued with unjust dealings, it is consistent with Yahweh's concern for justice and reflects his just decrees and deeds, especially as revealed to and experienced by his covenant people.

This essay will briefly examine two literary forms in the Book of Amos: the prophetic visions (Am 7,1-3.4-6.7-9; 8,1-3; 9,1-4) and the doxologies or hymns (Am 4,13; 5,8-9; 9,5-6). However, the purpose of the present research is not to engage in a historical-critical exegesis but to provide an interpretative framework highlighting the function of these passages within the Book of Amos. First, the five prophetical visions in Am 7-9 will be addressed, examining their particular aspects, such as their structure, classification, and impact. Second, the content, the literary context, and the literary purpose of the three doxologies will be studied, assessing the results of previous research.

Due to a supposed grammatical anomaly, interpreters of Zephaniah have long struggled with the Hebrew verb phrase ‫אָסֹף אָסֵף‬ 'I will utterly sweep away' (NRSV) that initiates the book. Normally when an infinitive absolute is followed by a yiqtol form, both verbs bear a common verbal root. Most scholars, however, believe that in Zeph 1:2 the phrase ‫אָסֹף אָסֵף‬‬ combines a qal infinitive absolute of ‫אסף‬ 'to gather' with the hiphil yiqtol of ‫סוף‬ 'to bring to an end', resulting in the need to generate a conflated translation that highlights God's promise to completely destroy the earth's creatures. In contrast, after assessing the textual tradition, I argue for the likelihood that both forms derive from the root ‫,אסף‬ the first being a qal infinitive absolute and the second a hiphil yiqtol. I then support this decision and consider the interpretive significance in light of parallels within the book and from the broader biblical context. The text teaches that God's assembling of all creatures for judicial assessment is distinct from his acts of deliverance and wrath that flow from it, and it also supports the view that the future ingatherings for salvation and punishment are one and the same event (though manifest in various culminating acts).

Despite considerable scholarly efforts over many years, the events of the last three decades of the Northern Kingdom of Israel are still hidden beneath the veil of history. A number of questions remain unresolved: the status of the kingdom after Tiglath-pileser III, king of Assyria, annexed its larger part in 732 BCE; the date of the conquest and the identity of the conqueror of Samaria, the capital of the kingdom; the fate of Hoshea, the Northern Kingdom’s last king; or the circumstances under which Samaria joined the anti-Assyrian coalition after its fall. One of the primary reasons for this situation lies in the discrepancies to be found in the available textual sources, namely the Hebrew Bible (chiefly, Book of Kings, Isaiah and Hosea) and the Assyrian material, most importantly royal inscriptions and letters from the state correspondence. The gaps in the sources are not easy to bridge, also because Bible Studies and Assyriology are separate disciplines with distinct agendas and methodologies.

Review article published in Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (ZAW) 130 (2018), 1st issue. The full text can be downloaded via one of the following links:
http://www.ku.de/thf/at/forschungskooperation-jesaja-und-zwoelfpropheten/
https://goo.gl/YR4K6a
https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/zatw.2018.130.issue-1/issue-files/zatw.2018.130.issue-1.xml

Abstracts in English, German and French:
Israel’s God does not only cast down arrogant superpowers such as Assyria (cf. Isa 10) and Egypt (cf. Ex 1 – 15) but also haughty Israelite leaders (cf. Isa 1 – 12). This invites a comparison between the fates of Egypt in Ex 1 – 15 and the Judean political stakeholders in Isa 1 – 12. The comparison reveals a number of specific and theologically important similarities. Both protagonists turn into oppressors of God’s chosen people, whose cry YHWH hears. In response, he calls a prophet and commissions him to harden the oppressors’ heart. By consequence, the latter ones ignore the announcements of doom proclaimed to them until YHWH’s judgement fully hits them. In the macrocontext, a bridge from Exodus to Isaiah is provided by the call narratives which follow the pattern of the call of Moses (Judges 6:11 14; 1 Sam 9:1 – 10:16). They mark Israel’s gradual development from a community suffering under foreign oppressors towards a society where Pharao-like tyrants have taken lead to the detriment of the poor. The fact that Micah contains no comparable narrative structure characterizes him as a different type of prophet. 

German:
Israels Gott wirft nicht nur hochmütige Supermächte wie Assyrien (vgl. Jes 10) und Ägypten (vgl. Ex 1 – 15) zu Boden, sondern auch überhebliche israelitische Anführer (vgl. Jes 1 – 12). Dies lädt zu einem Vergleich zwischen dem Ergehen Ägyptens in Ex 1 – 15 und dem der judäischen politischen Elite in Jes 1 – 12 ein. Der Vergleich zeigt eine Reihe spezifischer, theologisch bedeutsamer Ähnlichkeiten auf. Beide Protagonisten werden zu Unterdrückern des Gottesvolks, dessen Schrei JHWH hört. Er antwortet, indem er einen Propheten mit dem Auftrag beruft, das Herz der Unterdrücker zu verstocken. Infolgedessen ignorieren letztere die ihnen verkündeten Gerichtsansagen, bis JHWHs Gericht sie niederwirft. Im Markokontext schlagen nach dem mosaischen Schema gestaltete Berufungsberichte (Ri 6:11 14; 1 Sam 9:1 – 10:16) einen Bogen zwischen Ex und Jes. Sie kennzeichen Israels Entwicklung von einer Gemeinschaft, die unter fremden Unterdrückern leidet, hin zu einer Gesellschaft, wo Pharao-ähnliche Unterdrücker zum Nachteil der Schwachen die Führung übernommen haben. Die Tatsache, dass Micha keine vergleichbare narrative Struktur aufweist, charakterisiert ihn als andersartigen Prophetentypen.

French:
Le Dieu d’Israël fait chuter non seulement des superpuissances arrogantes comme l’Assyrie (cf. Isa 10) et l’Égypte (cf. Ex 1 – 15) mais aussi les chefs orgueilleux d’Israël (cf. Isa 1  12). Cela invite une comparaison entre la fortune de l’Égypte en Ex 1 – 15 et celle de l’élite politique judaïque en Isa 1 – 12. La comparaison montre un nombre de similarités spécifiques et théologiquement significantes. Tous les deux protagonistes deviennent des oppresseurs du peuple de Dieu, la crie duquel YHWH écoute. En réponse, il appelle un prophéte et lui commande d’endurcir leur cœur. Par conséquent, ils ignorent les annonces de jugement proclamées par le prophète jusqu’au point où le jugement les frappe de toute force. Dans le macrocontexte, des narrations de vocation suivant le schéma de celle de Moïse (Juges 6:11 14; 1 Sam 9:1 – 10:16) créent un pont entre l’Exode et Isaïe. Elles marquent un développement, au cours duquel Israël, qui souffre d’abord des oppresseurs étrangers, devient une société gouvernée par des oppresseurs ressemblant au pharao de l’Égypte. Le fait que Michée manque une structure narrative comparable le caractérise comme un type de prophète différent.

The Bible describes several natural disasters as a divine
punishment. This often raises the question as to whether there is a
relationship between great natural catastrophes and the divine will. This
paper addresses this issue, examining the motif of the earthquake in the
book of Amos. This analysis focuses on two questions. First, it seeks to
explore how the various references to the earthquake relate to each other.
Second, by means of the close reading of Amos 2:13, it endeavours to
discover why Amos made use of the motif of the earthquake in order to
describe the punishment of Israel.

Zusammenfassung

Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit der Einheit des Dodekapropheton, die von vielen Wissenschaftlern angenommen wird, die es für ein einziges Buch halten. Inbesondere konzentriert er sich auf das Ende der Sammlung, vor allem auf die Beziehung zwischen Sach 14 und Maleachi. Obwohl einige neuere Untersuchungen redaktionelle Verbindungen zwischen den beiden Textbereichen identifiziert haben, interessiert man sich kaum die Bedeutung, die entsteht, wenn die Texte in Abfolge gelesen werden. Vor allem in der Diskussion der redaktionellen Hypothesen von O.H. Steck argumentiert der vorliegende Artikel, dass die beiden Texte zwei unterschiedliche Vorstellungen des göttlichen Gerichts enthalten, die kaum miteinander ausgeglichen werden können. Die erstere konzentriert sich auf die Wiederherstellung Jerusalems und deren kosmische Implikationen, die letzere auf die Reinigung der Gemeinschaft und des Kultes. Trotz einiger Verknüpfungen, die das aufeinanderfolgende Lesen der beiden Abschnitte erleichtern, lassen sich eine Reihe konzeptioneller Unterschiede mit Blick auf das Schicksal der Gemeinschaft in Sach 14 und das der fremden Völker in Mal finden. Der Artikel schlägt daher vor, die Einheit des Zwölfprophetenbuches entsprechend einer »aspektiven« Logik zu verstehen: Unterschiedliche Gesichtspunkte werden nebeneinander gestellt, um ein reiches und zusammengesetzes Ensemble zu erreichen. Obwohl ein sequentielles Lesen möglich ist, bleibt dies rein optional. Eine solche Einheit stellt die Vorstellung einer Buchkonzeption in Frage und unterstützt die Idee, es als literarische Sammlung zu verstehen.

Abstract

This article questions the unity of the Twelve Prophets that is assumed by the many scholars who consider them to form a single book. In particular, it focuses on the end of the collection, especially the relationship between Zach 14 and Malachi. Although several recent studies have identified redactional connections between these two sections, few explore the meaning that is conveyed when they are read together. Discussing especially O. H. Steck’s redactional hypothesis, which represents the most in-depth attempt to read Zach 14 together with Malachi, the present article argues that these two texts actually display two different notions of the divine judgment that can hardly be reconciled, the former focusing on the restoration of Jerusalem and its cosmic implications, the latter on the purification of the community and its cult. Despite some links that facilitate reading the two sections sequentially, a number of conceptual differences can be observed in the theme of the destiny of the community in Zach 14 and of the foreign nations in Mal. This article therefore proposes that we view the unity of the Twelve according to an »aspective« logic: different points of view are juxtaposed so as to form a rich and assorted ensemble. Although a sequential reading is possible, it remains entirely optional. Such unity calls into question the idea of applying the concept

Résumé

L’article interroge l’unité des Douze prophètes postulée par beaucoup de chercheurs qui y voient un seul et même livre; il se centre sur la fin de la collection, plus particulièrement la relation entre Zach 14 et Mal. Même si plusieurs travaux récents envisagent des liens rédactionnels entre ces deux sections, peu explorent le sens produit par leur lecture conjointe. Discutant notamment de l’hypothèse rédactionnelle de O. H. Steck, qui représente l’essai le plus poussé de lire ensemble Zach 14 et Mal, l’article défend que les deux textes présentent en réalité deux conceptions différentes du jugement divin qui peuvent difficilement être réconciliées, l’une centrée autour de la restauration de Jérusalem et ses implications cosmiques, l’autre sur la purification de la communauté et de son culte. Malgré des liens qui facilitent la lecture d’un texte après l’autre, l’analyse du thème de la destinée de la communauté en Zach 14 et celui des nations étrangères en Mal met en évidence un écart conceptuel non négligeable. Sur cette base, l’article propose d’envisager l’unité des Douze principalement selon une logique »aspective«: différents points de vue sont juxtaposés afin de former un ensemble à la fois riche et pluriel. Une lecture séquentielle des Douze est certes facilitée, mais demeure malgré tout optionnelle. Une telle unité remet en question l’utilisation du concept de »livre« appliqué au Douze, favorisant plutôt celui de »collection littéraire«.

The Old Testament “litany” to God rich in mercy, found in Exod. 34:6-7, has been used by the Twelve Prophets as a specific argument to reveal the truth about Him. This text was directly evoked by Joel and Jonah in the face of imminent punishment. The sense of God being “gracious and merciful, slow to anger, rich in kindness and relenting in punishment" (compare Joel 2:13 and Jonah 4:2) was giving the hope that the punishment will be eventually averted. These characteristics of God also encouraged a conversion of heart to God and a penance for sins. Recalling the Sinai confession of faith along with introducing the same changes brings God closer to people.
In the Twelve Prophets it is also very important that this truth has been stated in the face of the imminent punishment, which threatened equally the Israelites and the Ninivites. Thanks to this fact the text of Exod. 34:6-7 takes on even more universal meaning. All the people – i.e. the Chosen People as well as the pagans – may equally experience that Yhwh is merciful and gracious.
This image is undisturbed by the message of the Book of Nahum. Even though, at first, it appears to be the apotheosis of God’s anger and punishment, however, the references to the Sinai credo, made at the very beginning of the book, demand the proper reevaluation to be made to the whole Nahum’s proclamation. Yhwh remains “a jealous and avenging God” for those who commit iniquities (Exod. 34:7b). It may be said He is faithful at that. However, His faithfulness is much more displayed when the people undertake the conversion of the heart to God and start repenting for their sins. Then, God’s mercy fully manifests itself. It leads to conclusion that “Yhwh is good” (Nah. 1:7).
In the preaching of the Twelve Prophets there are present these ideas, which are explicitly formulated by Paul the Apostle: God is rich in mercy (compare Ephes. 2:4) and “where sin increased, grace overflowed all the more” (Rom. 5:20).

In Amos 4:1, the prophet launches an attack upon a group described as “cows of Bashan on Mount Samaria.” The traditional view identifies this group with the elite women of Samaria who are condemned for acts of oppression committed through the agency of their husbands. One recent challenge to this view has been to regard the passage as condemning the people of Samaria for their involvement with a fertility cult. This paper strengthens the case for the traditional view by providing additional evidence for the comparison of women to cows. In addition, however, this paper goes further to examine the women’s demand, “Bring so that we may drink” and argues that this statement represents an effort to challenge the social hierarchy by which ancient Israelite society protected the vulnerable. In this way, this line stands in parallel with the previous two to condemn the women for their direct oppression of the poor.

Has Habakkuk been redactionally shaped to form a pair with Nahum or to fit better within the Book of the Twelve? This essay examines Kessler's arguments for a Zweiprophetenschrift and explores whether reading Habakkuk in the light of the main proposals for a thematic or rhetorical unity of a Book of the Twelve is fruitful. The analysis shows that the evidence for Nah. 1 having been composed with Hab. 3 in view is weak, as are the alleged connections between Nah. 3 and Hab. 1. Habakkuk's place within the Book of the Twelve also gives no reason to think that there was significant editorial intervention in order to advance a specific train of thought within the Book of the Twelve. If the relationship between the individual prophetic writings and the Book of the Twelve is to be decided on a case by case basis, Habakkuk seems to be at the more independent end of the spectrum with little if any editorial shaping for its context. Nevertheless, the Book of the Twelve provides a context which encourages a canonical reading of Habakkuk's prophecy that transcends the particular historical situation in which it originated.