Latin Vulgate Bible

Erasmus's 1516 Latin–Greek New Testament edition differed from the Latin Vulgate in several ways. A small number of textual variants with doctrinal implications involved Erasmus in considerable controversy. Medieval Western theologians had often relied on the " Johannine Comma " (the long reading of 1 John 5.7-8), established in the Latin Vulgate during the late Middle Ages, as an important scriptural foundation for the doctrine of the Trinity. However, when Erasmus showed that this variant was not present in the Greek manuscript tradition, he was accused of promoting Arianism. Eras-mus's debates with the cleric Edward Lee and the textual critic Jacobus Stunica exposed tensions between theologians, jealous of their authority in scriptural interpretation, and humanists, who claimed to understand the Bible better than theologians by virtue of their philological skills. This article concludes by exploring the Inquisition's failed attempt to find a consensus on this issue in 1527.

In his Praefatio in evangelio, Jerome claims to have consulted only old Greek manuscripts in producing his Vulgate revision of the Old Latin gospels. If this is true, it is surprising that he included the story of Jesus and the adulteress after John 7:52 in his revision, given that our oldest surviving Greek manuscripts consistently lack this story. At the same time, the manuscript tradition o f the Vulgate is unanimous in including the story, suggesting that it was present in this version from the beginning due to Jerome's own editorial decision to include it. In this paper, I examine points of contact between the story in its Vulgate form and the circumstances o f Jerome's bitter departure from Rome in 385, concluding that Jerome may have had personal motives to include the story even if it were not present in the old copies he presumably consulted.

In Latin translations of the Bible a tendency towards literal translation is easy to observe. In the first period it was caused by an ancient linguistic theory which presumed a close connection between a thing and its verbal designation. Although contemporaneously an alternative theory of language and translation was proposed (Jerome was its famous representative), the old literal translations had already been deeply rooted in ecclesiastical use, especially in liturgy. Jerome himself, the translators in the age of Renaissance and the editors of the Vulgata Nova as well had to come to terms with this tradition. Their respect shown to the language tradition of the Church may be seen as a concession to literal translation. On the other hand, this preservation of the characteristic features of the Latin Bible may be considered as an effort to preserve cultural and cultic contuinity of Latin Christianity, which is undoubtedly worth protecting.

Martin Krpan z Vrha, written by Fran Levstik as a conscious experiment in prose-writing, has been interpreted variously during the last century and a half. The duel between a Slovenian peasant and a giant who comes to terrorise Vienna was in turn read by scholars as a political satire, the realisation of a literary and linguistic programme, a literary parody etc. Its motif was mostly interpreted with reference to Slavic folklore characters (Pegam and Lambergar, Prince Marko, Peter Klepec etc.) The analysis according to the model devised by Vladimir Propp, however, shows striking similarities with the Biblical story of David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The reception of this motif is marked by significant political overtones, already present in antiquity and then interestingly developed in places as diverse as sixteenth-century Florence, Prague, and the Netherlands. As attested by the sources, Levstik used this motif several times; to a certain extent he even identified with its hero.

A short article on the origin and development of the longer Trinitarian text of 1 John 5:7-8 as found in the Textus Receptus. The typos that are present in this draft will be corrected before the final version is submitted for publication. These include: Lachman > Lachmann; 1881 > 1831; Montifortianus > Montfortianus; [Ayuso] Ionneum > Ioanneum; [Bludau 1903-1] Bibeldruchen > Bibeldrucken; [Bludau 1919-1] den Glaubensbekenntnis > dem Glaubensbekenntnis; [Fischer] pseudo-autustinischen > pseudo-augustinischen; obiectarum. > obiectarum.’; [Rivière] es trois > des trois. Thanks to Jeff Cate, Peter Gurry, and especially Jan Krans for alerting me to these when it was originally posted on academia in 2015. The data of this DRAFT will also fully updated and footnoted in the 2020 peer-reviewed version in "Early Christianity."

PLEASE NOTE: I have begun to upload the text and appendices of my dissertation in segments. As of today (5 November 2011), Chapters 1-3 are posted, incuding some of the appendices. Other sections will be added soon, as I work out the formatting problems for on-line posting. Please note that the dissertation was copyrighted in 2004 with University Microfilms International now UMI/Proquest, through whom a complete edition (print and digital), with photographs and full appendices, will be made available early in 2012.

Praised by Edward Garrison as “the most impressive, the most monumental illustrations of all the Italian twelfth century now known,” the miniatures of the Giant Bible of Perugia’s Biblioteca Comunale Augusta (Ms. L. 59) and the codex that contains them have always defied compelling classification. Although generally considered a twelfth-century Roman work, the manuscript varies from the norms of the Umbro-Roman Giant Bible ‘edition’ in the lavishness of its initials, in the monumental style of its miniatures, and in its episodic illustrations of the Six Days of Creation, a narrative otherwise unattested in central Italian art before the late twelfth century. This comparative codicological study of the manuscript in its principal aspects—textual, palaeographic, structural, and pictorial—results in a model of its origins significantly different from previous hypotheses based on pictorial considerations alone.

Attributed to scribes and painters at work in northern Umbria or southeastern Tuscany in the years between circa 1060 and 1080, the Latin Old Testament of the Biblioteca Augusta seems to have been made for donation, probably to the Cathedral of Perugia, under the sponsorship of a married couple who commemorated their union through the unusual iconography of its miniatures. Its closest textual-paleographic kin within the larger family of the Italian Giant Bibles turn out, in some cases, to be codices formerly assigned to entirely different regions. Most notable are the magnificently illustrated Edili Bible (Florence, Bibl Medicea Laurenziana, Edili 125-126), the first volume of the First Casanatense Bible (Rome, Bibl. Casanatense, Ms. 720), and the little-known Giant Bible of the Abbey of S. Pietro in Perugia (Archivio Storico di S. Pietro, Cod. I). The differing decorations of these Bibles, combined with their intimately related texts and, in the first two cases, similar or identical scribal hands, urge a rethinking of the style-based methods normally used to date and localize Italian Giant Bibles. They also suggest a complex division of labor, a surprisingly early chronology, and a possible association of some early Italian Giant Bible production with southern Tuscan centers, including S. Salvatore of Monte Amiata.

„Vulgata 2015: ama scientiam Scripturarum or about the love of knowledge of Scripture”.
Adrian Muraru, Wilhelm Tauwinkl (ed.), Biblia Sacra Vulgata VII, Evangelia et Actus Apostolorum / Evangheliile și Faptele Apostolilor, București & Iași: Editura Humanitas & Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”, 2015

Do you remember when you thought that you would never know just who many of the people that you heard about in history really were? Well, now that is about to come to an end. The reason why? Because ancient history was an "inside job"-as was the creation of religion. The impression that we were given is that historians and chroniclers of the past were recording events involving ordinary people, giving us a slice of the real life of the people of the time. But what they were really giving was info about about themselves, their family, and royal relatives. Those writers themselves, were among those who were in power at the time, not just random people from among the masses. And that is why we can find out just who those that were writing and who they were about, really were. And, I have known who many of these were for several years now and sharing what I know. Below is the genealogical information showing the descent of 'St. Jerome' from Arrius Calpurnius Piso. It has made me very happy to see the work of others who have exposed the truth in history and whose work has let us all know that what we were once taught was a whitewash of history. We now know that Columbus was not the hero that many of us had once thought. Nor were a number of others who are now being exposed for who they really were. This, is a very exciting time. We are witnessing true history being revealed. They used to think that Nero was a bad guy. Some are now exposing that as a lie. The same goes with Napoleon. And, Mother Theresa has been exposed by Hitchens and others for what she really was. Others had already begun to expose Father Junipero Serra, as a cruel and wicked man who sadistically tortured and killed native Americas who would not submit to conversion to Catholicism. And so, on goes the process of revealing the truth of our past. Some may say that we are "re-writing" history. Well, yes and no. We are simply correcting it with new information. If it is rewriting it, then it is in the same sense that science "re-writes" what we once thought about our world. This is what we call "progress" and advancing our knowledge. We are now well into the 21st Century, and it is about time that we advance accordingly.

Las colocaciones verbo-nominales, y más específicamente las construciones con verbo soporte, tanto en latín (gratias agere, bellum gerere) como en español (dar las gracias, hacer la guerra), son predicados complejos en los que a la rección sintáctica del verbo (el colocativo) sobre su Objeto Directo (la base) se superpone la propia valencia semántica o estructura argumental del sustantivo predicativo (gratias, bellum), auténtico  núcleo semántico y sintáctico de estos predicados analíticos.
En el caso de las lenguas clásicas,  la frecuencia de empleo de las colocaciones verbo-nominales en latín allí donde el griego utiliza por lo general un verbo compuesto o derivado (bellum gero = πολεμέω, gratias ago = εὐχαριστέω) constituye un rasgo diferenciador del latín clásico respecto al griego antiguo que se mantiene en el latín bíblico, tal como pone de manifiesto el análisis comparado, que abordamos en esta comunicación, del texto griego del Nuevo Testamento y de su traducción latina canónica: la Vulgata de san Jerónimo.
Dicha comparación, además de constituir en sí misma un criterio de caracterización de este tipo de predicados, ofrece datos relevantes desde el punto de vista de su traducción, que es uno de los aspectos que más interés ha suscitado en no pocos estudios sobre las construcciones con verbo soporte en las lenguas modernas.
En este sentido, tal como intentaré argumentar e ilustrar con datos y ejemplos, el tanta veces citado principio de traducción de san Jerónimo (non verbum e verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu, “traducir no palabra por palabra, sino el sentido del sentido”, Her. epist. 57,5) con el que, exceptuando eso sí las Sagradas Escrituras (absque Sripturis Sacris), parece mostrar su rechazo a una traducción literal, encuentra una ilustración perfecta en la forma en que hace uso de las colocaciones verbo-nominales latinas como tradución del texto original griego del Nuevo Testamento.
Como un ejemplo vale más que mil palabras, el famoso pasaje evangélico del “no matarás, no cometerás adulterio, no robarás, no darás falso testimonio…” ilustra muy bien el objeto último de mi comunicación: allí donde el texto original griego presenta cuatro formas verbales sintéticas (tres de ellas derivadas o compuestas), la versión latina de la Vulgata de san Jerónimo ofrece tres colocaciones:

ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν, Τὸ οὐ φονεύσεις, οὐ μοιχεύσεις, οὐ κλέψεις, οὐ ψευδομαρτυρήσεις (Iesus autem dixit: non homicidium facies, non adulterabis, non facies furtum, non falsum testimonium dices, Matth. 19,18)

MESSAGES FOR THE SEVEN CHURCHES IN THE VULGATE'S  REVELATION BOOK: A FUNCTIONAL GREEK-LATIN TRANSLATION ANALYSIS:

This paper analyses and describes the potential translation and revision of the three first chapters of the Revelation Book by Saint Jerome, which are part of the Vulgate. The present analysis has been carried out as per the functionalist theory with a focus on the skopos by Nord (1991) through the review of intratextual and extratextual factors of such theory. Additionally, it considers the translation problems and techniques typologies defined and classified by Hurtado (2001). In the light of these postulates, it is considered to carry out a commented translation with a centre on Greek and Latin languages of Late Antiquity with the purpose of following and understanding the translation process developed in a natural way by the Saint.
Key words: skopos, Saint Jerome, Revelation Book, functionalism, translation.

Ancient Roman society, as well as the ancient world in general, was characterised by a patriarchal social system in which women were subordinate to men. Men were the ones in charge; they made decisions, controlled and supervised all social aspects, including the lives of women. Sexual morality of the Roman society was characterised by double standards when it came to male and female sexuality. Male sexuality was not to be limited or restrained, whereas women were expected to show restraint in sex. A man’s power and his social reputation were reflected, among other things, in his success of exerting control over the sexuality of women who were his subordinates (daughters, wives, sisters, mother). In such a society, the only improper sexual relationship for a man was the one that tarnished the reputation of a man who was the head of a family. The same standards were also applied to adultery. Roman law defines adultery (adulterium) as extramarital relationship of a married woman, i.e. intercourse with such a woman). Only the adulterous wife and her lover were subjected to public condemnation and legal sanctions, whereas the husband’s extramarital activities were acceptable and did not entail punishment.
In the Late Antiquity, the Roman society experienced a significant social and cultural transformation. The rule of aristocratic senators was replaced by a monarchy, and the Empire reached a peak of its expansion as it encompassed a vast territory, stretching across three continents. The economic crisis, authoritarian government which sought not advice but approval, political instability, constant civil wars and struggles to defend the
Empire’s borders – all these factors favoured the individual to become dissuaded from taking public action and look for a new stronghold – family.
Society in Late Antiquity also experienced a cultural transformation. Christianity spread throughout the Roman Empire. A growing number of citizens adopted a new sexual ethics preached by the Church Fathers. Christian morality introduced to the patriarchal society a brand new concept of equality of all humans before God; equality of men and women, i.e. a requirement that both, men and women, must abide by the same principles of sexual behaviour. This ethics was supported by the existing practice, as well; namely, from the beginning of the Christian era to the fourth century AD, legal, economic and social position of women had significantly improved and women obtained substantial independence. Given such a situation, attitudes towards adultery were altered and started to align with the modern views that adultery is a violation of the marriage vows, regardless of the person violating them being the husband or the wife.
Traditional marriage morality of the modern Western civilisation has been greatly influenced by the Christian teachings about marriage. Christian teachings about marriage and laws derived from it were formed relatively late in history, primarily during the fourth century AD, in the time when the Church rose to power and formed tight bonds with the imperial institutions, and when Christianity, counting on the state’s wholehearted support, was spreading at an extraordinary pace. This was the time when Jerome revised the existing Latin translation of the gospels and translated the Old Testament from Hebrew to Latin.
Being the greatest book of all times, the Bible has for centuries influenced the content, style and vocabulary of the European literature, but also the development of Roman languages. Despite the fact that numerous translations of certain books of the Bible were simultaneously used and transcribed for centuries in some Christian communities, the Vulgate soon took over and became the principal, referential and most frequently used version of the Bible. Due to its importance, but also because of social, historical and cultural circumstances under which it was written, the text of the Vulgate is at the centre of this research.
The main aim of this dissertation is to explore, focusing on the selected excerpts from the Vulgate, how the changed conception of adultery is reflected onto the Latin
vocabulary, and to establish from a terminological point of view if and to what extent the altered views on adultery had reflected onto the language of Christianised Latin West in Late Antiquity.
The author investigates the content, frequency, linguistic and stylistic register and terminological status of Latin expressions for adultery. The starting points of this research are the terms used in the Vulgate to describe adultery, prostitution and fornication, as well as the persons taking part in it. Members of the Latin lexical families derived from the words adulter, moechus, fornix, stuprum, meretrix, scortum, prostibulum, concubina and paelex are analysed from a linguistic and historical perspective. The author also briefly touches on the expression lupanar. For the purpose of proper analysis of the said terms, it was also necessary to examine the equivalent terms in the Greek and Hebrew language, even though these were not the focus of this study. The work describes the lexical families derived from the Greek words μοιχός, πόρνη, παλλακή, or παλλακίς and those derived from the Hebrew expressions na’aph, zanah, qadesh and piylegesh. All Biblical verses containing the said words have been analysed in this paper.
The thesis is divided into several main thematic wholes: the first offers an analysis of the expressions describing adultery, the following one investigates the terms that speak of prostitution and fornication, and in the end the names used to denote mistresses have been examined and presented. Each whole offers comparative quantitative and qualitative analysis of the relevant Latin terms in the pre-Christian and Christian Latinity. The author then examines the use of the said expressions in the Vulgate, starting from the Hebrew (rarely Aramaic) terms used to denominate the said phenomena, persons or objects (adultery, prostitution, mistress, brothel...), continues by exploring the use of these words in the Old Testament books and, finally, the author explores Jerome’s translation of the said terms. This is followed by a section in which the author examines the translation of the New Testament books of the Vulgate. This section begins with a study of relevant Greek expressions, with brief analysis of their use in the New Testament canon. The author then goes on to inspect their translation in the Vulgate. This is followed by analysis of the translation of the relevant terms (in Old Testament and New Testament books) in the corpus Vetus Latina; this translation is then compared to
Jerome’s translation of the Old Testament and to the Latin translation of the said expressions in the New Testament books of the Vulgate, respectively. Each thematic whole ends in synthesised review of the relevant terms in the Vulgate and in analysis of the use of the said terms in Jerome’s translation of the Old Testament and in his other works. The above mentioned research was feasible only for the terms appearing in the canonical books, which is the reason why the deuterocanonical books were not included in this study.
The author explores the evolution of Latin words for adultery, prostitution and fornication in a chronological manner, from their first recorded appearance in the Latin language to the times of Pope Gregory the Great and the Lombard invasion of Italy.

It is evident that the Latín Bible has had a tremendous influence on the evolution of Christian Latin. It is equally evident that it is not possible to account satisfiictorily for the important role of Christian Latin in the early centuries, the Middle Ages and the birth of the Romance Languages. As an example of these affirmations the author has studied the following Spanish terms and expressions derived from Vulgata: Abismo Seno de Abraham: Hijos de Adán; Bocado de Adán; Adefesio; Adorar in the sense of bow, bow before (the recently elected Pope); Santo advenimiento; Esperar el santo advenimiento; Lo alto as an equivalent of heaven. Altura as an equivalent of heaven, altísimo as an equivalent of God; Cizaña as an equivalent of discord. Es evidente que la Biblia latina (Vetus latina y Vulgata) ha influido de una manera incalculable en la evolución de la lengua latina cristiana, y es igualmente claro que sin tener en cuenta esta influencia es imposible dar una explicación satisfactoria de una parte importantísima del latín cristia

This paper is inspired by a few different areas of debate all relating to each other and correlating to answer, what is the correct Hebrew vocalization for the second "Lord" of Psalm 110:1? I reference the book of Judges to go over what I dub the "Masoretic Vocalization Conspiracy" being put forth by Trinitarian proponents, such as; Dr. Michael Brown and Dr. James White, in regards to the validity of the Masoretic vocalization of the Hebrew root word אדני (ADNY).

I'm assuming that you already have a basic understanding of the subject matter as this paper is not meant to exhaust all of the basic details.

A single volume, handwritten Bible of Czech provenance is located the Archdiocesan Archive of Gniezno. The Bible was created in 1414, and its signature is BK Ms 142. This article presents and analyses the book in comparison with the rest of the library manuscripts present in the Archdiocesan Archive. The Czech Bible is a part of a small subset of biblical codices and equally small group of Czech codices. The article concludes with a few research questions, connected to, among others, a paleographic study and the examination of the traditions of the biblical texts.

Je propose une nouvelle traduction française du Cantique des cantiques établie selon les principes suivants:

1) Disposition des versets "per cola et commata" (par unités de sens) suivant la tradition latine (cf. éditions scientifiques du texte de la Vulgate)
2) Respect des "ptuchot" et "stumot" (pauses textuelles longues ou brèves) du texte hébraïque traditionnel
3)  Réduction de la ponctuation au strict minimum, suivant la tradition latine
4)  Respect de la traduction des noms propres quand elle est
    significative ou traditionnelle pour la réception latine, selon les
    principes d’interprétation de Saint Jérôme
5)  Respect de la littéralité du texte et de sa musicalité
6)  Echo de la tradition juive pour les mots difficiles selon les "miqraot gdolot" (commentaires rabbiniques médiévaux)

The book develops a new approach to the puzzling divine statement of Exodus 3:14a, mostly translated as ‘I am who I am’ or ‘I will be who I will be’. This includes an investigation of the preceding request for a divine name (3:13) against the background of the use of divine names in Genesis and within the call narrative. That investigation also concerns the reference to the fundamental act of sending by God. The new approach involves further a detailed study of the idem of idem structure characteristic of the statement, distinguishing between several syntactical types with different sense effects and marking the way in which such an effect is used at the discourse level. In order to get more insight into what determines our interpretation of the divine statement, among other things many historic translations are investigated in addition (Septuagint, its daughter translations, Vulgate, pre- and early-modern translations).

La diffusion des révisions hiéronymiennes des Bibles latines s’est faite notamment à travers les textes liturgiques latins. La présente communication s’intéresse à l’utilisation de l’oeuvre du moine de Bethléem dans les prières des livres liturgiques (missels, sacramentaires et bénédictions pontificales). Elle est centrée sur les citations des livres dits “des petits prophètes”. Si l’oeuvre de Jérôme s’impose progressivement dans la vie liturgique occidentale à partir de la deuxième moitié du VIIe et du VIIIe siècle, plusieurs missels et sacramentaires comportent aussi bien des citations de la révision de Jérôme que de versions des Vieilles latines. C’est notamment le cas de sacramentaires irlandais de la fin du VIIe siècle et du missel gallican dit Missale Gothicum, datant des années 700. À cette époque, l’oeuvre de Jérôme n’est donc pas encore utilisée par la liturgie comme un ensemble unifié. La citation et l’allusion aux anciennes traductions latines persiste même dans la pénins...

This is the second volume, in two parts, of a six-volume set of the complete Vulgate Bible.

Compiled and translated in large part by Saint Jerome at the turn of the fifth century CE, the Vulgate Bible was used from the early medieval period through the twentieth century in the Western Christian (and later specifically Catholic) tradition. It influenced literature, visual arts, music, and education during the Middle Ages and Renaissance, and its contents lay at the heart of Western theological, intellectual, artistic, and even political history during that period. At the end of the sixteenth century, as Protestant vernacular Bibles became available, professors at a Catholic college first at Douay, then at Rheims, translated the Vulgate Bible into English, primarily to combat the influence of rival theologies.

Volume II presents the Historical Books of the Bible, which tell of Joshua’s leading the Israelites into the Promised Land, the judges and kings, Israel’s steady departure from God’s precepts, the Babylonian Captivity, and the return from exile. The focus then shifts to shorter, intimate narratives: the pious Tobit, whose son’s quest leads him to a cure for his father’s blindness; Judith, whose courage and righteousness deliver the Israelites from the Assyrians; and Esther and Mordecai, who saved all the Jews living under Ahasuerus from execution. These three tales come from books that were canonical in the Middle Ages but now are often called “apocryphal,” with the partial exception of the Book of Esther.

Imago Dei is one of the important issues of the theological debate in western Europe between the twelfth and thirteenth century. Focusing on the exegesis of Genesis 1, 26 medieval theologians reconsider the patristic heritage. From the Sentences of Peter Lombard this heritage of interpretations is systematized and becomes the subject of a deep analysis. The result is a more articulated definition of anthropology, which in the age of the great Scholastic intersects with the dialectical tools and philosophical categories provided by the Latin versions of Aristotle and of neo-platonic sources such as Dionysus the Aeropagite. In the works by Bonaventure and Aquinas become also evident the ecclesiological implications of the discourse on the image of God.

Le grec παράκλητος, employé dans l'Évangile et la première épître de Jean, fait hésiter les Pères de l'Église latins au moment de le traduire. Cette communication propose d'examiner les emplois du calque phonétique Paracletus et des traductions aduocatus et consolator, en comparant les choix de traduction effectués par les Pères et auteurs chrétiens qui citent les Vieilles latines et ceux qui citent la Vulgate. Jérôme lui-même hésite et varie entre la révision de la traduction du Nouveau Testament et la citation du verset dans son Commentaire sur Isaïe. Le texte de la Vulgate choisit l'option du calque phonétique Paracletus, alors que sa citation des versets évangéliques dans le Commentaire sur Isaïe contient à chaque fois le terme consolator. Notre étude a pour but de mettre en évidence les critères stylistiques, argumentatifs, rhétoriques et théologiques qui président au choix du lexème latin de traduction du terme grec. Nous montrerons que le choix de calquer le grec sans le traduire est une tradition datant des premières versions des Vieilles Latines, et que la continuité de la transmission du texte biblique a été un critère dans les choix de traduction opérés par les Pères de l'Église latins.

Abstract
The feast of the Epiphany was very celebrated among the first parishioners of New Spain. The fundamental texts for this celebration come from the Old and New Testaments (Is. 60: 1-15; Matt 2: 1-12) and were preached on the corresponding day, January 6.
Perhaps the best-known Nahuatl text on the subject is the car of the Adoration of the Kings, a theatrical piece known at the beginning of the 19th century; however, the texts of the Epistles and Gospels in the Mexican language, although practically unknown, are the source of the various versions of the Epiphany. In this article, some of the texts in Nahuatl about this festival will be analyzed and a comparison will be made between them to show that the fundamental text was this biblical translation found in the sixteenth-century gospels. In addition, this article raises for the first time the need for a systematization in studies of biblical texts in Indo-American languages

In this article the author means to display all the profane and biblical meanings of a word as significant as 'caelum' in the Latin Vulgate. He stu¬ dies also some expressions of Hebrew origin, where caelum appears and that we can see today in all the Romance languages. At the same time, hier it's possible to follow the evolution of the 'heaven ' notion from Old to New Testament. El objetivo esencial del presente artículo es tratar de recoger toda la riqueza de matices que un término tan significativo como caelum tiene en la Vulgata latina1. De camino podremos comprobar cómo va evolu¬ cionando la imagen del cielo en el AT y en el NT. El sustantivo caelum es sin duda uno de los términos de aparición más frecuente en la Vulgata, con unos 827 ejemplos. 1 Sobre el sustantivo «cielo» ya ha tratado O. García de la Fuente en «La Biblia en el diccionario de la Lengua española» (II), Biblia, Exégesis y Cultura. Estudios en Honor del Prof. D. José María Casciaro, Pamplona 1994, pp. 679-692, donde, entre otros, trata los tér¬ minos «cielo», «desierto», «Edén», «Magdalena». Aquí nuestro autor, tras analizar las acepciones propiamente bíblicas de la palabra «cielo», centra su atención, sobre todo, en el estudio de una serie de expresiones en que esta palabra interviene (que directa o indi¬ rectamente proceden de la Biblia) y que han pasado a la lengua española. Por eso, dado que en nuestro trabajo tratamos en profundidad todas las acepciones, bíblicas o no del término, podemos considerarlo complementario de éste. De otro lado, en la realización de este trabajo hemos tomado como soporte fundamental el programa BibleWorks for Windows de HERMENEUTIKA Computer Bible Research Software, Seatle 1993-94.

El Novum Instrumentum de Erasmo, publicado en Basilea en 1516, incluía una edición crítica del texto griego, una traducción al latín hecha por el propio Erasmo y unas notas amplísimas que daban razón de su empresa. La primera parte de este libro recoge esos escritos introductorios al Nuevo Testamento. La segunda parte contiene una colección de cartas que dan una idea muy clara del ambicioso proyecto teológico-filológico de Erasmo y del impacto que su realización tuvo en la cultura religiosa del siglo XVI.

This is the second volume, in two parts, of a six-volume set of the complete Vulgate Bible.

Compiled and translated in large part by Saint Jerome at the turn of the fifth century CE, the Vulgate Bible was used from the early medieval period through the twentieth century in the Western Christian (and later specifically Catholic) tradition. It influenced literature, visual arts, music, and education during the Middle Ages and Renaissance, and its contents lay at the heart of Western theological, intellectual, artistic, and even political history during that period. At the end of the sixteenth century, as Protestant vernacular Bibles became available, professors at a Catholic college first at Douay, then at Rheims, translated the Vulgate Bible into English, primarily to combat the influence of rival theologies.

Volume II presents the Historical Books of the Bible, which tell of Joshua’s leading the Israelites into the Promised Land, the judges and kings, Israel’s steady departure from God’s precepts, the Babylonian Captivity, and the return from exile. The focus then shifts to shorter, intimate narratives: the pious Tobit, whose son’s quest leads him to a cure for his father’s blindness; Judith, whose courage and righteousness deliver the Israelites from the Assyrians; and Esther and Mordecai, who saved all the Jews living under Ahasuerus from execution. These three tales come from books that were canonical in the Middle Ages but now are often called “apocryphal,” with the partial exception of the Book of Esther.

In 2017 a special volume containing the critical edition of the prologues of saint Jerome to the biblical books has been published in the Sources Chrétiennes series (No. 592). Based on this edition and on older studies this paper presents a list of the prologues written by st. Jerome and a list of the addressees of the translation into Latin of the individual biblical books. Furthermore the article raises a question of the content of the prologues and their links to the ancient, pagan literature. Consequently the paper highlights the texts composed by Jerome directly as prologues, permits to know the milieu of his spiritual friends and also to get inside the efforts of the oeuvre of translation undertaken by Jerome.