Cleanliness

The Government of Gujarat launched the Mahatma Gandhi Swachhata Mission (MGSM) in February 2014 to achieve “Zero Waste Cities and Villages” in Gujarat by the year 2019. On October 02, 2014 – birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, Government of India launched the Swachh Bharat Mission.
MGSM’s objective is to materialize the dream of Mahatma Gandhi that all cities, towns and villages should become clean, health and life of citizens may become good and the people living in cities, towns and villages may get clean environment. 
In order to promote the tenets of “sanitation” across the state, the Government of Gujarat has initiated a regular monitoring system for all departments of the state. These set of guidelines have been prepared with technical assistance from Urban Management Centre.

Nowadays, construction industry is facing an increasing number of health problems that are related with the cleanliness issues at the construction site areas. This is occurring due to massive development of construction projects in Malaysia and lack of awareness in all people involved in the construction field. The aims of this study were to examine the cleanliness contributing factors and identify the related acts implemented for cleanliness at a construction site. By identifying the contributing factors, the construction cleanliness framework can thus be implemented and practiced more effectively. The research used questionnaire as research methodology and the analysis was based on the primary data collected from the questionnaire survey and site observation at Air Separation Unit Construction Plan inside Refinery and Petrochemical Integrated Development (RAPID), Pengerang, Johor which is also involved infrastructure work. In addition, the data was analysed and presented by using graphical method and Nvivo software and Ludichart for framework development. The results showed that the main contributing factors for cleanliness come from worker's personal hygiene, canteen, littering problem and lack of management rules. Therefore, areas like working area, canteen, store, smoking shelter, worker's rest area and toilet are the places that need to be given extra attention in the construction cleanliness plan because these areas are the main contributing factors to the cleanliness at a construction site. The Acts that are referred to for cleanliness at a site are Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) 1994, Destruction of Disease-Bearing Insect Act 1975, Prevention and Control of Infections Disease Act 1988 and Akta Lembaga Pembangunan Industri Pembinaan Malaysia Act 1994.

One of the controversies issues related to Hadith science is associated with the criteria to accept the narrations as authentic or weak. Within this context, it is a fact that various methods have been used to understand, evaluate and determine the authenticity of the narrations. Because of this fact that different approaches have been raised in understanding and interpreting the hadiths since the early period. In relation to this, it has also become inevitable that different views and sects emerged. On the other hand, the Qur’an, sunnah and ijtihad, which are universal rules and jurisprudential specific rules, have developed and systematized as a separate genre in classical fiqh literature. Also, it is seen that the scholars concluded different results about narrations the accepting a hadith as authentic and put forward some jurisprudential specific rules while making inferences (istinbât) on the issue as a result of different understanding in understanding and interpreting the hadiths.
In this study, it is aimed to investigate the narrations about semen as dirt within the context of jurisprudential specific rules. Firstly, the narrations on the subject in the basic hadiths sources were determined. The authenticity status of these determined narrations were explained in terms of isnad. Then, the interpretations that especially sect imams and scholars made on these narrations in terms of jurisprudential specific rules were mentioned. Also, the effects of narrations on the jurisprudential specific rules were also pointed out. As a result of the investigations carried out, more than one narration about semen was identified, and it was seen that these narrations were authentic in terms of isnad. In addition, it was established that the content of the narrations is the washing and rubbing the semen. As far as it was determined, there is no statement directly belonging to Prophet about semen as dirt (najis). In this case, it was seen that scholars interpreted the narrations within the framework of jurisprudential specific rules that they developed and found some inferences (istinbat).
According to Hanafis, semen is najis whether it is wet or dry in all cases. They tried to prove their views with jurisprudential specific rules as well as some narrated evidences as “Whatever causes dirt is najis in its own right.”. Likewise, Hanafis said that semen is najis by comparing it to urine and menstruation blood. It is seen that Hanafis, who accept the Ferk narration, prioritized the jurisprudential specific rules about the issue that semen is najis. In addition to this, in the Hanafi sect, “it is wajib to wash away something najis” is a well-known jurisprudential specific rule. However, Hanafis made an exception when the semen was dry; and they found it sufficient to rub the dry semen away. So, the narration was preferred to jurisprudential specific rule.
Mâlik b. Enes accepted semen as najis and claimed that it must be washed. In addition, Mâlik did not consider the rubbing as sufficient; and he did not accept such an application. In Shafi’îte sect, such a jurisprudential specific rule is valid as “Every liquid discharged from front or back of a person is najis.” According to this, feces, urine, blood and semen are to be accepted as najis. However, semen was exempted from this jurisprudential specific rule, and considered as clean. They put forward some logical evidences, comparisons and ferk narration narrated by Aisha as a justification. That is to say that Shafi’îtes preferred the narration to their general principles.
Ahmad b. Hanbal also said that semen was clean. Those, who consider the sufficient to rub away the semen, accepted the narrations expressing that the semen should be washed away as authentic. According to them, rubbing act was performed not for the fact that semen is najis, but it was like cleaning mubah things such as saliva and soil. Based on this particular example, it is understood that the narrations affect the jurisprudential specific rules, and at the same time the jurisprudential specific rules are also effective in understanding and interpreting the narrations. In addition, the jurisprudential specific rules can vary according to scholars and sects. Though there are the jurisprudential specific rules on which all scholars and sects agree, it is not possible to tell this for all jurisprudential specific rules. And this paves for controversies and different approaches in understanding and evaluating hadiths. It is possible to see the plain example of this in the example of semen as dirt (najis).
Keywords: Hadith, Jurisprudential Specific Rules, Semen, Cleanliness, Sect Imams.
Hadis ilmi ile ilgili ihtilaflı meselelerden birisi de rivayetleri sahih veya zayıf kabul etme kriterleriyle ilgilidir. Bu bağlamda rivayetleri anlama, değerlendirme ve sıhhatlerini belirlemede farklı yöntemler kullanıldığı bir hakikattir. Bundan olsa gerektir ki ilk dönemden itibaren hadisleri anlamada ve yorumlamada farklı yaklaşımlar gündeme gelmiştir. Buna bağlı olarak farklı görüş ve mezheplerin ortaya çıkması da kaçınılmaz olmuştur. Öte yandan kaynağı Kitab, Sünnet ve içtihat olan küllî kâideler ve zâbıtalar, klasik fıkıh edebiyatında müstakil bir tür olarak gelişmiş ve sistemleşmiştir. Bunun yanı sıra âlimlerin, hadisleri anlama ve yorumlamadaki farklı anlayışları neticesinde sahih kabul ettikleri bir rivayetle ilgili farklı sonuçlara ulaştıkları ve bu hususta istinbâtta bulunurken bir takım fıkhi zâbıtalar ortaya koydukları görülmüştür.
Bu çalışmada meninin necaseti ile ilgili var olan rivayetlerin fıkhî zâbıtalar çerçevesinde ele alınması hedeflenmiştir. Öncelikle temel hadis kaynaklarına müracaat edilerek konuyla ilgili rivayetler tespit edilmiştir. Belirlenen bu rivayetlerin isnad açısından sıhhat durumları izahata kavuşturulmuştur. Akabinde mezhep imamları başta olmak üzere âlimlerin fıkhî zâbıtalar bağlamında söz konusu rivayetlerle ilgili yaptığı yorumlara değinilmiştir. Bununla beraber rivayetlerin fıkhî zâbıtaların üzerindeki etkisine de işaret edilmiştir. Yapılan araştırmanın neticesinde meni ile ilgili birden fazla rivayet tespit edilmiş ve tespit edilen bu rivayetlerin isnad açısından sahih olduğu görülmüştür. Bunun yanı sıra rivayetlerin muhtevasının meninin yıkanması ve çitilenmesi olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Tespit edilebildiği kadarıyla meninin necaseti ile ilgili Hz. Peygamber’in doğrudan bir ifadesi bulunmamaktadır. Hal böyle olunca âlimlerin geliştirdikleri fıkhî zâbıtalar çerçevesinde söz konusu rivayetleri yorumladıkları ve bazı istinbatlarda bulundukları görülmüştür.
Hanefilere göre ister yaş ister kuru olsun meni her durumda necistir. Onlar, görüşlerini “Hadese sebep olan her şey haddi zatında necistir.” fıkhî zâbıtasıyla beraber bazı nakli delillerle temellendirmeye çalışmışlardır. Aynı şekilde Hanefiler meniyi idrar ve hayız kanına kıyas ederek necis olduğunu söylemiştir. Ferk rivayetini kabul eden Hanefilerin, meninin necaseti konusunda fıkhî zâbıtayı önceledikleri görülmüştür. Bununla beraber Hanefi mezhebinde “Necis olan bir şeyin yıkanması vaciptir” bilinen bir fıkhî zâbıtadır. Ancak Hanefiler, meni kuru olduğunda bu kaideden istisna etmişler ve çitilemeyi yeterli görmüşlerdir. Böylece rivayet, fıkhî zâbıtaya tercih edilmiştir.
Mâlik b. Enes meniyi necis kabul etmiş ve onun yıkanmasının zorunlu olduğunu iddia etmiştir. Ayrıca Mâlik çitilemeyi yeterli görmemiş ve böyle bir uygulamayı da kabul etmemiştir. Şâfiî mezhebinde şöyle bir zâbıta söz konusudur: “Arka ve önden çıkan her sıvı necistir.” Buna göre büyük abdest, idrar, kan ve meni necis kabul edilmelidir. Ancak meni bu zâbıtadan istisna edilmiş ve temiz olarak kabul edilmiştir. Gerekçe olarak da bazı akli delillerle beraber kıyas ve Hz. Âişe’den nakledilen ferk rivayeti öne sürülmüştür. Yani Şâfiîler rivayeti genel ilkelerine tercih etmişlerdir.
Ahmed b. Hanbel de meninin temiz olduğunu söylemiştir. Meni için çitilemeyi yeterli görenler, meninin yıkandığını ifade eden rivayetleri sahih kabul etmişlerdir. Onlara göre meninin çitilenmesi necis olduğu için değil tükürük ve toprak gibi mubah şeylerin temizlenmesi gibi temizlik için yapılmıştır. Bu tikel örnekten hareketle rivayetlerin fıkhî zâbıtaları etkiledikleri gibi, fıkhî zâbıtaların da rivayetleri anlama ve yorumlamada etkili olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ayrıca fıkhî zâbıtalar âlimlere ve mezheplere göre değişebilmektedir. Her ne kadar bütün fakîh ve mezheplerin ittifak ettiği fıkhî zâbıtalar bulunsa da bütün fıkhî zâbıtalar için bunu söylemek mümkün değildir. Bu da hadisleri anlamada ve değerlendirmede ihtilaflara ve farklı yaklaşımlara zemin hazırlamaktadır. Bunun bariz örneğini meninin necaseti meselesinde görmek mümkündür.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Hadis, Fıkhî Zâbıta, Meni, Temizlik, Mezhep İmamları.

This article engages directly with a group of individuals who reside in and among the margins of an urban municipal park, through a 16-month critical ethnography. Facing abject poverty, threats from law enforcement, and trials of living outdoors, these 'Hillside residents' cite the local health department as a primary source of potential displacement from the place they call home. 'Health', in this context, references three interconnected features of contemporary urban homelessness: the material interactions associated with living outdoors, the litter that occasionally accumulates in the area, and human solid waste. Health also has specific discursive constructions on the Hillside, where the individuals living there are presented as unclean, particularly vis-à-vis the 'natural' unbuilt world in which they live. A logic of sanitizing the unclean means that 'cleaning' moves beyond the material imposition of humans on nature, or nature on humans. Instead, cleaning speaks to a societal problem: a need to cleanse society of unwanted social detritus, to create a healthy society. 'Cleanliness' creates an optimum, healthy urban experience to facilitate the transactions of contemporary consumer and financial capitalism, providing a new and central facet of global neoliberal restructuring, having particularly devastating effects for the lowest classes. Political ecology is leveraged to consider the roles of material and discursive cleanliness as an agent of health in the social reproduction of capitalism, creating natures and subjects that further support it.

Cet article s'adresse directement à un groupe d'individus qui résident dans et dans les marges d'un parc municipal urbain, à travers une étude ethnographique de 16 mois. Face à la pauvreté abjecte, aux menaces de l'application de la loi et aux procès de vivre à l'extérieur, ces «résidents de Hillside» citent le département de santé de la commune comme l'agence principale chargée de les déplacer de leur domicile dans le parc. Dans ce contexte, la «santé» se présente sous trois aspects interreliés de l'itinérance urbaine contemporaine: les interactions matérielles associées à la vie à l'extérieur, les ordures qui s'accumulent parfois dans la région et les déchets solides humains. La santé est également représentée d'une certaine manière sur la Colline, où les individus qui y vivent sont présentés comme sales, en particulier vis-à-vis du monde «naturel» non construit dans lequel ils vivent. Une logique de désinfection de l'impur signifie que le «nettoyage» se déplace au-delà de l'imposition matérielle des humains sur la nature, ou la nature sur les humains. Au lieu de cela, le nettoyage parle d'un problème sociétal: le besoin de nettoyer la société des détritus sociaux indésirables, de créer une société saine. «Propreté» crée une expérience urbaine optimale et saine pour faciliter les transactions du capitalisme contemporain des consommateurs et du capital financier, apportant une nouvelle et centrale facette de la restructuration néolibérale mondiale, ayant des effets dévastateurs pour les classes sociales les plus bas. L'écologie politique est amenée à considérer les rôles de la propreté matérielle et discursive comme un agent de santé dans la reproduction sociale du capitalisme, en créant des natures et des sujets qui le soutiennent davantage.

Morality is associated with bodily purity in the custom of many societies. Does that imply
moral purity is a universal psychological phenomenon? Empirically, it has never been
examined, as all prior experimental data came from Western samples. Theoretically, we
suggest the answer is not so straightforward—it depends on the kind of universality
under consideration. Combining perspectives from cultural psychology and embodiment,
we predict a culture-specific form of moral purification. Specifically, given East Asians’
emphasis on the face as a representation of public self-image, we hypothesize that facial
purification should have particularly potent moral effects in a face culture. Data show that
face-cleaning (but not hands-cleaning) reduces guilt and regret most effectively against
a salient East Asian cultural background. It frees East Asians from guilt-driven prosocial
behavior. In the wake of their immorality, they find a face-cleaning product especially
appealing and spontaneously choose to wipe their face clean. These patterns highlight
both culturally variable and universal aspects of moral purification. They further suggest
an organizing principle that informs the vigorous debate between embodied and amodal
perspectives.