DDR and post -conflict security

Ce document est le manuscrit français de l'ouvrage de Michel Cahen Les Bandits. Un historien au Mozambique, 1994, Paris, Publications du Centre culturel Calouste Gulbenkian, juillet 2002, 354 p., ISBN : 972-8462-28-X, cartes, index des noms de personnes, de lieux, des dates et thématique. Une version en portugais a également été publiée sous un titre différent : Os outros. Um historiador em Moçambique, 1994, Bâle (Suisse), P. Schlettwein Publishing Foundation, 2003, 230 p., cartes, 3 index, ISBN : 3-908193-13-3, traduction de Fátima Mendonça [la légère différence dans le titre vise à éviter qu'il ne soit pris au premier degré par un lectorat mozambicain pour qui l'appellation « bandits » reste passionnelle].
Résumé : En 1994, dans le cadre du Groupement de recherche sur l’Afrique australe du CNRS, Michel Cahen partit suivre les premières élections pluripartisanes de l’histoire du Mozambique. Le pays sortait d’une terrible guerre civile qui, loin des médias, fit peut-être un million de morts sur environ quinze millions d’habitants. La rébellion de la Renamo (Résistance nationale du Mozambique) luttait contre le régime « marxiste-léniniste » du Frelimo, le Front de libération du Mozambique qui avait arraché l’indépendance aux Portugais en 1975. Et elle le combattait avec le soutien, d’abord, de la Rhodésie de Ian Smith, puis de l’Afrique du Sud alors en plein apartheid. Classique guerre Est-Ouest par acteurs locaux interposés ? Contre-révolutionnaires au service des racistes blancs ? Sans doute, mais… Comment comprendre l’incapacité du gouvernement « populaire » à les vaincre ? Comment comprendre l’expansion des activités de guérilla à presque 80 % du territoire ? Et comment se faisait-il que plus d’un tiers des Mozambicains, en cet automne 1994, s’apprêtaient à voter pour elle ? Michel Cahen, de formation marxiste revendiquée, n’avait aucune sympathie pour la Renamo. Mais il fallait, en historien, comprendre le phénomène. C’est pourquoi il s’intégra à l’équipe de campagne d’Afonso Dhlakama, le chef rebelle candidat aux élections présidentielles, puis visita des zones de vieille implantation « réactionnaire ». Ainsi sont nés ces carnets de route, issus de la visite de près d’une centaine de villes, bourgs, villages et localités de brousse, au cœur de l’actualité mais avec, en permanence, l’histoire du siècle colonial et de ses marginalités qui ressurgit. Ce n’est pas un roman, mais on y découvre des histoires de vie, et les efforts du régime pour repousser des rebelles en mal d’intégration vers la marginalité…

This chapter undertakes a process-oriented study of genocide to consider how the gendered nature of genocide continues to influence security policies in postconflict Rwanda, and informs Rwandan women’s motives for joining state security organs. I argue that while the RDF’s gender program supports once shared national policy goals to mainstream gender equality across politics, economy, and culture, the program has been designed to help improve the reputation of the national armed forces, and in doing so, sets out to strengthen the legitimacy of the authoritarian state. This is achieved in three ways: by supporting the implementation of internal security policy goals; by attempting to improve civil-military relations; and, by transforming societal perceptions of military women.

This report provides lessons from a broad spectrum of SSR and DDR interventions – covering various countries of Africa, as well as Timor Leste.  The report places a “spotlight” on DDR in the Lake Chad Basin region with a special section of contributions from personnel assigned to the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF).

Die Umgestaltung der DDR-Universitäten verdankte sich Personen, die sich der Erziehung der Nachwachsenden zum "sozialistischen Menschen" verpflichtet hatten. Diese richteteten Strukturen ein, mit deren Hilfe missliebige Universitätsangehörige stigmatisiert und verdrängt wurden. Das Beispiel thematisiert die Verhaftungen der Angehörigen des "Eisenberger Kreises" und das Vorgehen gegen kabarettistische Einlagen auf Studentenbällen an der Jenaer Universität von 1956 bis 1958. Es zeigt, wie sehr Repression vom Handeln der Einzelnen abhing. Die Infrastruktur der Propaganda, so die Jenaer Universitätszeitung "Sozialistische Universität", wurde von diesen Personen aufgebaut und wirkte durch Feind-Bilder, die sich im Text als weit reichendes Konstrukt herausstellen. Die Konstruktion verhinderte nicht den Widerspruch aus der Bevölkerung. Allerdings änderte das nichts an der Verurteilung der Studierenden und an der Verdrängung der Kritiker*innen von der Universität.
Obwohl die Verurteilungen geheim gehalten werden sollten, berichteten westliche Medien, so dass die politischen Motive der DDR-Behörden in die Diskussion gerieten. Dennoch erreichten die eiligst einberufenen Agitationsabende gemeinsam mit den "Agitpropgruppen", dass schließlich viele das Bild von der Jenaer "Agentengruppe" glaubten. Nicht zuletzt deutet sich damit der "Kalte Krieg der Medien" an.

The Bosnian war left a legacy of horrific crimes and human rights violations committed mainly against civilians. As part of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), and in an effort to assure a peaceful transition out of violence, the ethnic armies in Bosnia and Herzegovina were scaled down, with the demobilization of nearly 300,000 soldiers. This initial demobilization and subsequent disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs were held independently of the larger effort to seek justice. Some of those responsible for the crimes, including members of the political leadership, have faced some kind of accountability process, through the venues of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), national courts or informal processes. In an attempt to unveil potential linkages between the arenas of transitional justice and DDR, this analysis posits that, despite the absence of formal links between the DDR processes and the transitional justice programs, DDR programs aided the cessation of violence and helped rebuild a more manageable security sector in a postconflict state. At the same time, only limited attention and funds were committed to the reintegration of former soldiers into the society.
The paper begins with an overview of the Bosnian war and follows with a brief description of the postconflict situation in the country. It then turns to a discussion of the DDR process, highlighting the demobilization of the armies and the involvement of the international community in creating unified and multiethnic armed forces. With a focus on international courts, vetting and reparations programs, the paper goes on to explore the transitional justice measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Finally, the paper looks at the lacking linkages and absent coordination between the DDR and transitional justice initiatives and ends by providing a few viable recommendations for bridging the existing gap between the two arenas in Bosnia and beyond.

Renamo’s recent upsurge against the Mozambican Frelimo-led government after 22 years of relative stability has challenged the country’s often celebrated disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process (1992–1994). Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Maringue (Sofala province), the location of the rebels’ wartime headquarters and a post-war Renamo stronghold, this paper shows that while the DDR program supposedly ended Renamo’s command and control structure, the former rebel network continued to be a central feature of ex-combatants’ social worlds. Former Renamo combatants spend most of their time in the company of their ‘colleagues of the trenches’ and engaged in relationships of dependency with political Renamo leaders and former commanders. These relationships were not only shaped by the former military structure, but also by friendship, marriage, and patronage dynamics, providing ex-Renamo combatants with physical and economic safety, a sense of belonging and economic possibilities.
Recent events in Mozambique suggest that the post-conflict continuation of informal wartime networks is a threat to peace and a failure of demobilization. Nevertheless, the fieldwork conducted in Maringue reveals that the dismantling of the command and control structure is often in vain, as it may be worthwhile for ex-combatants to maintain ties with their former military group for various reasons. Therefore, I argue that it may be useful to consider these networks based on the former armed group in processes of violence reduction, also in the development of DDR programs, as these may offer possibilities for the re-positioning and transformation of (former) armed actors.

The end of hostilities between warring factions in Congo-Brazzaville has marked a decisive moment in the state’s developmental history. Postconflict reconstruction is a foundational component of public policies that restore order within society, igniting the engines of economic development, and in obtaining sustainable peace. In recent years, Africa has experienced a disproportionate share of conflicts compared with other regions; and leads the world in the number of present intrastate conflicts. Since the end of the Cold War, some African states have made advances in postconflict peacebuilding and intergroup reconciliation. This article focuses on postconflict reconstruction through the lens of security sector reforms, primarily disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs. This study asks, how can postconflict scholars and practitioners determine if a DDR program has been a success or failure? Using Congo-Brazzaville as a case study, this article integrates the literature of political science and program evaluation to assess the level of “success” in Congo’s DDR programs. DDR is a highly complex and contingent process, complete success or failure is unlikely, with most program outcomes result in a series of mixed effects. In summing the successes of individual indicators (e.g., weapons collected, munitions destroyed) DDR may be commonly perceived as successful, however, the conflict context, power dynamics, level of development, or social reintegration of ex-combatants may retard short-term gains for long-term instability. DDR programs should not carry the burden of peacebuilding themselves, and donor summary reports should not rely on easily quantifiable indicators in decreeing a program’s success without contemplating domestic power politics and elite co-optation mechanisms.

War veterans often constitute a specific category of citizens as they inspire and bring forward particular claims on recognition and resources of the state. The authors featured in this special section each explore processes of the construction of categories of war veterans in different contemporary contexts. Drawing on ethno- graphic data, the contributions explore the interactions between (those identified) as war veterans and the state, and the processes concerned with granting value to partic- ipation in war. This involves (the denial of) rights and privileges as well as a process of identity construction. The construction of war veterans as a specific kind of citizens is a political phenomenon, subject to negotiation and contestation, involving both the external categorizations of war veterans as well as the self-making and identity politics from former fighters “from below.”

With the UNSCR 1325, the topic of gender and armed conflict is strongly placed on the international agenda. Most attention so far has been paid to women's roles in conflict prevention, conflict resolution, and post-conflict rehabilitation. Less consideration is given to women's roles in active warfare and to women who operate as combatants in (ir)regular armies in conflict (Bouta, 2005).
The following paper is a chapter of the dissertation written by Gabriele G. Marchionna and titled "Disarmament and deconstruction of armed conflicts: the case study on the Central African Republic".

Introducción Al centrarse en aspectos normativos y jurídicos, las aproximaciones a los procesos y mecanismos que las sociedades desarrollan para realizar el paso de la guerra a la paz (justicia transicional) hacen énfasis en elementos formales (mecanismos macropolíticos), descuidando la importancia de las dinámicas informales (meso y micropolíticas) que moldean los resultados finales de dichos procesos expresados en mecanismos de desmovilización, reintegración, verdad, justicia, reparación, perdón y reconciliación La experiencia muestra que para garantizar el paso de la guerra a la paz, estos mecanismos-cuya cara más visible yace en diseños institucionales formales, arreglos políticos y procesos judiciales (Elster, 2004, 2006a y 2006b)-implican ante todo la distribución o redistribución de valores, recursos y cargas, con el fin de establecer equilibrios sostenibles desde el punto de vista de todos los actores involucrados: víctimas directas o indirectas, excombatientes desmovilizados, simpatizantes no combatientes y de los ciudadanos no afectados. Por su naturaleza distributiva, estos procesos plantean diversas tensiones y paradojas que retan aspectos fundamentales para el éxito de la construcción de paz en el nivel microsocial. Un aspecto central tiene que ver con que este tipo de transiciones requiere de la reasignación de recursos-a veces públicos, a veces privados-tanto para proteger, apoyar o reparar a grupos particulares que hayan sido víctimas; así como para incentivar y dar garantías a quienes hicieron parte de las organizaciones que perpetraron daños. Lo anterior con el fin de minimizar el riesgo de su retorno a las estructuras o a las actividades violentas, así como de facilitar su reintegración a la vida civil (Cárdenas, Casas y Méndez, 2014). De manera reciente la literatura viene ofreciendo evidencia de caso y comparada sobre las íntimas relaciones entre los procesos de Desarme, Desmovilización y Reintegración (DDR), los mecanismos de justicia transicional, y los esfuerzos de construcción de paz

Even though the rebels, later turned ‘revolutionaries’, actually had an insignificant role as combatants in the violent downfall of the Gaddafi regime in Libya in 2011, they became involved in acts of war in many parts of the country in what came to resemble a civil war. Their militias flourished thanks to the lucrative financial handouts that governments paid to them. To complicate matters, additional militias sprang up in the absence of any sort of viable state/institutional control on the part of the nascent ‘state’ or an inability to restrict and monopolize the use of force. Therefore, disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and security sector reform have not been possible, and the Libyan case demonstrates the failure to emulate international best practices, thus hindering any state-building. This paper seeks to analyse the Libyan case and provide an approach and framework for dealing with the genuine causes of the current situation in order help put the appropriate disarmam...

Armed conflicts don't stop despite the global pandemic. During Colombia's national quarantine, at least 6 ex-FARC combatants and 32 social leaders have been murdered. My Sciences Po Undergraduate Degree capstone project is a policy paper on Colombia's reintegration policies for ex-combatants since the signing of the peace accord with the FARC in 2016. Addressed to President Iván Duque's government, it exposes the vulnerabilities of reintegration programs designed for ex-combatants. It highlights the importance of community-oriented reintegration policies paired with a strong security scheme and adequate government communication. At least 198 ex-combatants have been assassinated since the signing of the peace accord, Colombia's government should act fast to stop the killings.

El 24 de noviembre de 2016 luego del revés plebiscitario del 2 de octubre del mismo año, se firma en el teatro Colón de Bogotá, el Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz Estable y Duradera (Acuerdo de Paz), entre el Estado colombiano en cabeza del Gobierno Nacional, y las Farc-Ep.
Este Acuerdo Final, pacta en su punto 3.2, lo referente a la reincorporación de los miembros de las FARC-EP a la vida civil en lo económico, lo social y lo político .
El presente artículo busca evidenciar de manera general, los principales avances, dilemas y extravíos en las dimensiones sociales y económicas del programa de atención a población reincorporada por parte de la Agencia para la Reincorporación y Normalización ARN, entre los años 2017 y 2019 a nivel nacional y específicamente, en el Valle del Cauca.
Se busca, por tanto, la eficacia, alcances y desafíos de la intervención institucional y la población reincorporada a la luz de la legislación nacional en materia de reincorporación, así como la particularidad en las dimensiones económica:  productividad y empleo; dimensión social:  educación vivienda y salud.
Los resultados encontrados muestran que el proceso de reincorporación de los exmilitantes de las Farc-Ep, sigue siendo preso de bajos niveles de articulación entre entidades del orden central y territorial, una oferta pública no adecuada a la realidad de la población en proceso de reincorporación, preocupantes índices de violencia, estigmatización e invisibilización, y, en suma, un proceso que luego de tres años de la firma del acuerdo final, parece seguir en los atavíos de encontrar estrategias de implementación ante una población bajo altos porcentajes de vulnerabilidad y posible reincidencia.
Este documento es un informe adscrito al proyecto de investigación financiado por la Escuela Superior de Administración Pública ESAP titulado La reincorporación de las Farc-Ep: política pública de avances, dilemas y extravíos

Nigeria has recently joined the many states which have established
de-radicalisation programmes. The article engages with debates on
how the success of de-radicalisation can be ascertained given the
substantial flaws of using individual-oriented recidivism rates as a
measure. Many studies on de-radicalisation emphasise the need to
consider the programme’s context to facilitate success, yet ‘context’
has been under-conceptualised and approached statically. The paper
provides greater agency to ‘the context’ in distinguishing between the
type of milieus former combatants are re-integrated into and how
these emergent social relations shape the scope of de-radicalisation
programmes, beyond the traditional over-emphasis on programme
participant outcomes as measures of success. The Nigerian deradicalisation
programme has a broader function insofar as it provides
former combatants with ‘scripts’ of disengagement and function as
a brand, signalling to communities that former combatants have
repented and are ‘better citizens, imbued with genuine nationalism’
that resonate with local communities.

Este trabajo presenta las ventajas y desventajas que tienen los y las ex insurgentes de las FARC a la hora de enfrentarse a los obstáculos de la reincorporación económica, en el marco de los Acuerdos de la Habana. El estudio se realiza a partir de su apuesta por transformar la estructura colombiana de exclusión económica y política, en principio por vía armada y posteriormente en la vía política y civil. Para llegar a clarificar estas cuestiones, se utiliza la propuesta teórico-metodológica de Anthony Giddens, la teoría de la estructuración. Se plantea un análisis estructural del problema, para luego profundizar en el tema de la micro interacción y la acción de los agentes. Esta metodología tiene en cuenta el complemento estructura-agente e integra elementos de tipo cuantitativo, como los datos estadísticos que se tienen del tema de investigación; con elementos de tipo cualitativo en el estudio del discurso de los agentes y el análisis de su cotidianidad que se realiza a partir de una observación participante y entrevistas a profundidad. Se obtienen algunas conclusiones y recomendaciones para el Estado y también para los y las ex insurgentes. Se destaca la importancia de la acción de los agentes participantes del proceso, ya que el papel del Estado queda a discreción del gobierno de turno y de su voluntad política, cuestión que no se puede controlar. Con esta información se pretende contribuir al mejoramiento del actual proceso de paz y se quieren aportar elementos para el buen desarrollo de posibles procesos posteriores. (Texto tomado de la fuente).

En este artículo analizo el papel de la territorialización y las infraestructuras en los procesos de reincorporación de firmantes de la paz en Colombia, a partir del caso del ETCR de la vereda El Oso en Gaitania, Tolima. Estudio las experiencias de reincorporación, individuales y sociales en el ETCR y la región, en los lugares habitados por los firmantes y sus familias, y en los denominados “proyectos productivos”. La región, históricamente convertida por las élites centrales en territorio marginal y periférico, ha estado en disputa por grupos armados y partidos políticos. A partir del Acuerdo de Paz, se han creado las territorialidades emergentes de las asociaciones de productores de café y de firmantes de la paz, que se entrelazan con procesos multiescalares, en busca de inserción social y económica. La reincorporación enfrenta problemas como deficientes vías de comunicación, limitado acceso a tierras, inseguridad física, inseguridad alimentaria e incertidumbres jurídicas.
This article analyzes the role of territorialization and infrastructure in reincorporation processes in Colombia. I study individual and social reincorporation experiences in the ETCR (Territorial Training and Reincorporation Space) at El Oso (Gaitania, Tolima, Colombia), its surrounding region, and the places inhabited by Peace Agreement signatories and their families. I explore the so-called “productive projects” as well. The region, historically transformed by central elites into marginal and peripheral territory, has been disputed by armed groups and political parties. Prompted by the Peace Agreement, the associations of coffee producers and signatories of the Peace Agreement, in search of social and economic insertion, have created emerging territorialities which intertwine with multi-scalar processes. Reincorporation faces problems such as poor roads, limited access to land, physical insecurity, food insecurity, and legal uncertainty.
Neste artigo analiso o papel da territorialização e das infraestruturas nos processos de reincorporação dos signatários da paz na Colômbia, a partir do caso do etcr (Espaço Territorial de Formação e Reincorporação) da aldeia de El Oso em Gaitania, Tolima. Estudo as experiências de reincorporação individual e social na etcr e na região, nos locais habitados pelos signatários e suas famílias, e nos chamados “projetos produtivos”. A região, historicamente convertida pelas elites centrais em território marginal e periférico, vem sendo disputada por grupos armados e partidos políticos. A partir do Acordo de Paz, as territorialidades emergentes das associações de produtores de café e signatárias da paz foram criadas, que se entrelaçam com processos multiescalares, em busca de inserção social e econômica. A reincorporação enfrenta problemas como canais de comunicação deficientes, acesso limitado à terra, insegurança física, insegurança alimentar e incertezas jurídicas.

This article explores the barriers faced by ex-combatants in Northern Ireland and Colombia as they reintegrate into civil society. It focuses on analysing three key aspects for a successful reintegration process: access to education opportunities after demobilisation, inclusion and participation into the civilian economy, and the exercise of equal citizenship in order to guarantee social and civic reintegration. The article presents the results of fifty-four interviews with former combatants from both countries. It is argued that for the purpose of developing effective and inclusive reintegration processes for ex-combatants, it is crucial to address claims for recognition as a central dimension of reintegration. The paper concludes that the recognition of ex-combatants social expectations during the demobilisation stage, and the acknowledgement of their experiences of marginalisation in the course of the reintegration process, is vital to enable former combatants to achieve the self-realisation of their civilian identity.

Comment envisager la prégnance des émotions politiques en temps de guerre ? À rebours de tout irrationalisme émotionnel, nous analysons leur intrication avec des représentations du juste et de l’injuste, en nous appuyant sur la notion de « sentiment moral », expression conjointe d’un affect et d’un jugement axiologique. Ces sentiments moraux sont marqués par le rapport à la violence, l’expérience du combat et le retour du front, et dans certains cas la sortie de conflit. Ils se construisent dans des enchâssements discontinus de réseaux combattants, militants, familiaux et professionnels, et leur expression éclaire un rapport complexe au politique, qui va de formes de légitimation de la violence aux reconfigurations des engagements armés. Cette proposition théorique est ici mise en application à partir de recherches menées auprès de combattants et ex-combattants en Turquie et en Syrie, au Liban, en Jordanie, en Côte d’Ivoire, et au Pakistan.
https://www.cairn.info/revue-critique-internationale-2021-2-page-9.htm
https://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/content/les-emotions-politiques-des-combattants-entre-guerre-et-paix

Even though the rebels, later turned ‘revolutionaries’, actually had an insignificant role as combatants in the violent downfall of the Gaddafi regime in Libya in 2011, they became involved in acts of war in many parts of the country in what came to resemble a civil war. Their militias flourished thanks to the lucrative financial handouts that governments paid to them. To complicate matters, additional militias sprang up in the absence of any sort of viable state/institutional control on the part of the nascent ‘state’ or an inability to restrict and monopolize the use of force. Therefore, disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and security sector reform have not been possible, and the Libyan case demonstrates the failure to emulate international best practices, thus hindering any state-building. This paper seeks to analyse the Libyan case and provide an approach and framework for dealing with the genuine causes of the current situation in order help put the appropriate disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR) policy in place, while simultaneously not ignoring other major, contributing factors. This study suggests that the case of Libya is unique and likely to prove challenging to both established and evolving theoretical approaches to both DDR and SSR. Experiments in the country that have ignored the holistic security sector reform will be examined and its programmes analysed to ascertain whether these have produced any effective state-run structures and mechanisms, norms and procedures, or whether they have only served to reinforce the de facto roles of militias. The article argues that unless the state-building approach is revitalized and national reconciliation made a top priority, Libya’s current debacle and instability is most likely to continue.

This paper asks why the linkage between DDR and transitional justice succeeds in some states and fails in others. To explore this question, I analyze four Sub-Saharan African conflicts in which DDR and transitional justice operated within local, national, and/or international peacebuilding mandates: Liberia, Sierra Leone, Mozambique, and Rwanda. These case studies shed light on the conditions that contribute to transitional justice and DDR’s joint ability to promote or jeopardize reconciliation. As a result of this investigation, I argue that successful reconciliation depends on more than coordinated DDR and transitional justice efforts. An integrated approach to DDR-TJ succeeds when peacebuilders reject its standardization in favor of prioritizing local needs.

This chapter analyzes how victims’ communities are producing grassroots knowledge to find missing people who disappeared during the Colombian armed conflict. It explores by what means this particular construction of knowledge is a tool for demanding truth, justice and reparation to support transitional justice processes in the country. Specifically, this chapter focuses on the grassroots project Cartography and Identification of Mass Graves – an initiative based in the subregion of Eastern Antioquia, Colombia. This chapter examines how victims’ activism can be understood as an expression of public sociology in contested societies, highlighting the relationship between peace-building and transitional justice from a sociological perspective. The final aim of this chapter is to comprehend by what method collective actions of solidarity can help to reconstruct social cohesion inside local communities affected by the war.

#毕业证 #成绩单 #毕业证成绩单 #文凭 #文凭证书 #证书 #学历 #学历文凭 #学历认证 #学历认证书 #使馆认证 #教育部认证 #回国证明 #学生卡 #驾照 #offer#结业证 #雅思#留信认证 #留学 #留信 #transcript #degreecertificate #degree #certificate #diploma #certification #grade #ielts #toefl#病假条#托福#transcriptproofreading#transcriptproofreader#transcriptionist#transcriptor

　  ①毕业证、成绩单、使馆认证、教育部认证、留信认证、学生卡
　　、OFFER等
　　②教育部学历认证咨询(网上可查、永久存档、快速稳妥)
　　③各国各大学文凭(各类英文材料,全程可监督的到)
　　④真实留信认证(留学生信息网可查)
　　⑤英美美加澳转学申请学校保录取(毕业可真实教育部认证)
　　⑥真实使馆认证(即留学生回国证明,不成功不收收费)
　　⑦详情请咨询Apple Q/微211457004(全天在线,免费咨询)
　　⑧【诚招各地区代理】(如果你也也在从事出国留学相关事业)

The peace accord between the Federal Government of Nigeria and the Niger Delta (ND) militants, within the framework of the 2009 amnesty programme, immediately yielded positive results. Daily oil production, which had drastically declined to an all-time low of 1.4 million barrels, soon shot up to 2.2 million barrels as the deal restored relative calm in the region. In recent times, however, the seeming peace in the region has disappeared, to the consternation of those who had touted a DDR approach to the conflict in Nigeria’s oil ‘republic’. Kidnapping, for ransom in the region, shifted from high profile abduction to anyone in society that can offer a price. More than any other explanation, this article locates the resurgence of violence in the region in the fault lines of the DDR programme implemented in 2009. The author contends that the deal was a ‘cash for peace’ programme cloaked in ‘amnesty’; which has inadvertently created a violence appeal for those who seek a slice of the so-called ‘national cake’.

In this article I am concerned with how affective transactions and related practices of love, care, and solidarity are experienced and thought through by former female combatants who were mostly recruited as children.5 I propose the concept of “affective labors” to understand female experiences and affective practices within guerrilla organizations. I argue that by focusing on the performativity of human emotions and transactions present in military structures, policymakers and peace-building practitioners could improve the management of human and financial resources and, subsequently, facilitate social reintegration.

★★主营项目：
◆办理真实使馆公证(即留学回国人员证明,免费申请货后付款,不成功不收费!!!)

◆办理教育部国外学历学位认证。(网上可查、永久存档、快速稳妥,回国发展,考公务员,落户,进国企,外企,创业,无忧愁)

◆办理各国各大学文凭(世界名校一对一专业服务,可全程监控跟踪进度)

◆提供整套申请学校材料

◆可以提供钢印、水印、烫金、激光防伪、凹凸版、最新版大学毕业证、真实大使馆教育部留信认证，100%让您绝对放心满意。

【真实可查】---【永久存档】---【安全可靠】---【值得信赖】

八年从业经验,专业指导,私人定制,倾心为您解决留学毕业回国各种疑难问题

教育部学历学位认证服务:

做到真实永久存档，网上轻易可查，绝对对客户的资料进行保密，登录核实后再付款。


留信认证的作用：


2：同时对留学生所学专业等级给予评定。

3：国家专业人才认证中心颁发入库证书

4：这个入网证书并且可以归档到地方

5：凡是获得留信网入网的信息将会逐步更新到个人身份内，将在公安部网内查询个人身份证信息后，同步读取人 才网入库信息。

6：个人职称评审加20分。

7：个人信誉贷款加10分。

8：在国家人才网主办的全国网络招聘大会中纳入资料，供国家500强等高端企业选择人才

一整套留学文凭证件办理#QQ:211457004和微信:211457004#--包含毕业证|成绩单|学历认证|使馆认证|归国人员证明|教育部认证|留信网认证永远存档，教育部学历学位认证查询，办理国外文凭国外学历学位认证#Ｑ微信211457004#我们提供全套办理服务。
[Q：211457004]/微信：211457004]专业办理各国大学.毕业证.成绩单.教育部真实认证.使馆认证.永久存档可查<在读证明，学生卡，成绩单》实体公司，行业标杆，精益求精！

--高精端提供以下服务：
一：毕业证、成绩单等全套材料，从防伪到印刷，水印底纹到钢印烫金，
二：真实使馆认证（留学人员回国证明），使馆存档
三：真实教育部认证，教育部存档，教育部留服网站永久可查
四：留信认证，留学生信息网站永久可查
联系人：Amy  QQ:211457004 微信：211457004

--高精端提供以下服务：
一：回国证明的用途：
《留学回国人员证明》是留学人员在国内证明留学身份、联系工作、创办企业、落转户口、申请国内各类基金等必备的材料。留学人员持有此证明还可以享受购买国产汽车免税等多项优惠政策。
二：教育部认证的用途：
如果您计划在国内发展，那么办理国内教育部认证是必不可少的。事业性用人单位如银行，国企，公务员，在您应聘时都会需要您提供这个认证。其他私营、外企企业，无需提供！办理教育部认证所需资料众多且烦琐，所有材料您都必须提供原件，我们凭借丰富的经验，帮您快速整合材料，让您少走弯路。
实体公司专业为您服务，如有需要，请联系我:Amy QQ:211457004 微信：211457004

January 2021 was the most violent month since the peace deal was signed, with 12 mass killings and total of 45 people murdered, according to the Colombian NGO INDEPAZ. The United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia and Human Rights Watch have recorded the deaths of 261 FARC ex-combatants and more than 400 human rights defenders and social leaders since 2016.

The impact of massacres on the implementation of the peace agreement is colossal. Peacebuilding is a lengthy process requiring long-term engagement and commitment from a diverse range of people and institutions. Community leaders and human rights defenders play a key role in representing the interests of ordinary people during the implementation of the peace deal and are vital in the fabric of social life after the war.

But these are the people being murdered in large numbers. If the Colombian government continues in denial like it has been, the 2016 peace agreement is under severe threat.

办美国毕业证【BU毕业证】微信BG815897918办理波士顿大学毕业证/留信网认证学历认证Boston University (BU) diploma※高仿业务:【本科、硕士】毕业证，成绩单（GPA修改），学历认证（教育部认证），大学Offer,学生卡，驾驶证ID，留信认证，使馆认证，雅思，语言证书等高仿类证书；
可以提供的技术服务：【本科、硕士】钢印、水印、烫金、激光防伪、凹凸版、设计，印刷，DHL快递。
※真实可查业务:留信认证（可网查有编号证书），英国澳洲等国家大学申请（QS前200保录取），雅思成绩单、雅思保分班。
------------微信：BG8158 97918------------
【诚招代理】校园学生代理，报酬丰厚（网上可查，实体公司，专业可靠）
　-办理各国各大学文凭（世界名校一对一专业服务，可全程监控跟踪进度） 　
-全套服务：毕业证、成绩单、留信网认证，让您回国发展信心十足！
-可以提供钢印、水印、烫金、激光防伪、凹凸版、最新版的毕业证、百分之百让您绝对满意、设计，印刷，DH L快递;毕业证、成绩单，真实留信网认证，速度快。
&我们的业务：
1.如果您只是为了的应付父母亲戚朋友，那么办理一份文凭即可
2.如果您是为了回国找工作，只是进私营企业或者外企，那么办理一份文凭即可，因为私营企业或者外企是不 能查询文凭真假的！
3.如果您是要进国企 银行 事业单位 考公务员等就需办理真实教育部认证！

------------微信：BG8158 97918------------

Determining the criteria that have contributed to the success or failure of a Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) program has led to the publication of countless documents on lessons learned, new pathways, and revised theories. The large number of DDR reports is justified, considering the high value that a successful program would yield: DDR is the largest intervention in nearly all of the United Nations’ ongoing large-scale peacekeeping missions tasked with restoring social capital and promoting long-term peace. However, the argument also holds true in reverse: the post-conflict era risks renewed war if demobilized combatants are not properly reintegrated into society. Despite numerous lessons learned publications, reintegration programs seem to run into the same obstacles in every new context, resulting in badly implemented plans and at best suboptimal results. The constant evaluation and negative assessments suggest that we have not learned our DDR lessons; so we repeat mistakes of the past, run into unforeseen problems in the implementation phase, and face unexpected results that defy explanation. This paper critically reviews the conceptual literature on DDR/DDRRR (Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement) as well as practitioner/donor publications on DDR approaches and lessons learned. The review focuses mainly on programs in Africa’s Great Lakes Region, specifically the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Burundi, South Sudan, Uganda, and the Central African Republic (CAR). Reviewing a large number of works between 1990 and 2017, the paper draws conclusions on the conditions that contribute to endemic violence in the post-conflict period and the factors that make social repair possible among and within communities that have undergone acute social stress. It shows the ways in which standardized peacebuilding approaches to return within DDR programs are irrelevant to people on the ground that negotiate conflict realities, and explains how ex-combatant returnees affect local governance structures. In the end, it considers the possibility of reintegration programs dealing with ex-combatants in conflicts characterized by violent extremism.