Delhi

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The floodplains of the river Yamuna in Delhi present a curious spectacle of agricultural rurality in a rapidly expanding megacity. Classified as Zone O for “Agricultural and Water Body” land use under the Master Plan of Delhi 2021, the floodplain—or khadar —has been witness to a series of contestations over the long decades of Delhi’s existence as the capital of India. The farmlands on both sides of the river have seen the establishment of thermal power plants and refugee colonies, the emergence of squatter settlements, waves of state-sponsored demolitions, and the quasi-legal construction of private and state structures. Most recently, they have attracted the punitive gaze of planning and judicial machineries as the larger project of cleansing, beautifying, and gentrifying the river and its banks become a symptom of worlding Delhi. Despite these varying, and often contrary, pulls and claims upon itself, the khadar remains predominantly agricultural, its resident farmers managing to exercise a tenuous right to stay put. This paper is interested in examining the political and cultural framework of this right being exercised and claimed by the khadar ’s residents. Given the intense transformative—or disruptive—pressure being brought to bear upon the khadar by various state and private agents, these farmers’ homes and livelihoods are in constant danger of being uprooted. Their identities as citizens of Delhi and as farmers in a megacity are, consequently, always almost-unsettled. Premised on archival and ethnographic work involving land records, court orders, oral life narratives, and key planning and policy documents, this paper will view the contested and constantly changing space of the khadar as emblematic of the deep unsettling wrought by models and mechanisms of urbanisation in contemporary Delhi.

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Previous posts on the subject of late Mughal or Delhi miniature paintings on ivory in the British Library have dealt with portraits, in which the Visual Arts collection is well endowed. Not so well represented in the earlier collection are topographical paintings on ivory, so it was especially gratifying to be able to acquire two superb examples of the genre.
This paper is also published as a British Library blog:
http://britishlibrary.typepad.co.uk/asian-and-african/2016/04/further-delhi-paintings-on-ivory.html

Oct 27 Istanbul Architecture Heals
Nov 12 New Delhi Plenary Address: Int Conf. Islamic Art & Architecture
Nov 13 Mumbai 7 Wonders of Muslim Civilization: Memorial
Nov 14 Mumbai 7 Wonders of Muslim Civilization: Mosque & Fort
Nov 15 Mumbai 7 Wonders of Muslim Civilization: College
Nov 16 Mumbai 7 Wonders of Muslim Civilization: Bazaar
Nov 17 Mumbai 7 Wonders of Muslim Civilization: Tomb
Nov 18 Mumbai Poetry: Drawing on a Drawing Room (site-specific event)
Nov 18 Nashik Building on Words; Words on Buildings
Nov 28 Goa Building on Words; Words on Buildings
Nov 30 Mumbai Building on Words; Words on Buildings
Dec 3 Mumbai Guftagu : an interactive improv on creativity
Dec 7 Lonavala Guftagu : an interactive improv on creativity
Dec 11 Mumbai Architecture Masterclass I & II
Dec 13 Kuala Lumpur Bookstand & The Book
Dec 17 Sydney Animal Rights: Calligraphy exhibition & Poetry
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Dec 19 Auckland Reading from Memoir
Dec 22 Vancouver Poetry Event postponed
(see Father Taught Me To Teach in Memoir Section)

YOW  IST  AUH  DEL  BOM  GOI  KUL  SYD  AKL  YVR  YOW

Women empowerment is an essential precondition for elimination of poverty. Many International and National bodies have stressed on women empowerment giving attention to their participation in society, decision-making, education and health. This paper is an effort to assess the role of women in women empowerment through employment and the perception of improvement in different pre-determined domains. The sample size was restricted to 10 household helpers. This paper also talks about positive improvement in all domains after they started working than they were before. Micro finance has brought tremendous change in their lives at the grass root level, women had better access to credit facilities and increased income which helped them to contribute to the house holds expenses. Thus the participants had economic security, easy credit accessibility, better decision making in family, improved family environment (relative freedom from domination), increased mobility and improved political and legal knowledge.

Romila’s book on Somanatha, indeed so much of her writings, were salutary in problematising many superficial readings that sustain the meta-narratives in which South Asian History is bound. Her work on Somnath was a particularly interesting methodological intervention: it teased out the successive and contradictory narratives, largely ignored or only selectively read to consolidate apriori assumptions of fanatical Muslim iconoclasm. My paper focuses not so much on multiple narratives but on the more subliminal contribution of Somanatha – on microhistory and its complicated relationships with large meta-narratives. My subject of study is Delhi, largely  known only as the capital of the Sultanate, where its rulers constructed many cities and redoubts. I study Delhi through the prism of Kilukhri, at one time the residence of Delhi Sultans, but I also take into consideration areas in its immediate vicinity: Ghiyaspur and Inderpat and the two rivers. I track the relationship of these spaces from the 13th through the 16th century to bring out a layered and complicated history of Kilukhri that resides uncomfortably with our association of Delhi with its many Sultans.

Les pauvres suscitent-ils aujourd’hui, chez les riches, une répulsion similaire à celle que le peuple inspirait aux bourgeois au xixe siècle ? Autrement dit, les démunis sont-ils encore considérés comme une classe dangereuse, immorale et répugnante ? En interrogeant le refus de la mixité résidentielle manifesté par les catégories supérieures, telle est la question frontale que pose cet ouvrage, issu d’une grande enquête comparative sur les perceptions de la pauvreté et des inégalités dans les beaux quartiers de trois métropoles : Paris, São Paulo et Delhi. À partir d’entretiens approfondis, il montre que la quête d’entre-soi des habitants des ghettos dorés n’est pas seulement motivée par une recherche de prestige et de qualité de vie, mais également par des représentations des pauvres qui les incitent à s’en protéger. Comment parviennent-ils à justifier leurs stratégies d’évitement et de relégation des catégories défavorisées, ainsi qu’à légitimer l’ordre local qu’ils s’efforcent de perpétuer ? Au-delà de la peur de la criminalité et de l’insalubrité apparaît la crainte des élites d’être en quelque sorte contaminées par des modes de vie jugés culturellement indésirables ou moralement nuisibles. À travers les mécanismes du séparatisme social, ce sont les conditions de possibilité de la solidarité que cet essai explore.

This report proposes strategies to foster water resilience in Sangam Vihar, an informal settlement of approximately 500,000 people in Delhi, India. The Centre for Urban and Regional Excellence, a nonprofit organization focused on access to water and sanitation infrastructure, is working with the community to improve water management and quality of life in the area. This report explores the interlocking causes of inadequate infrastructure coverage, and discusses different approaches to the issue. It uses qualitative research and hydrological analysis to design interventions for several case study sites, to contain storm water and wastewater, reduce flooding, improve water quality, harvest rainwater, and handle solid waste. The proposed interventions include rooftop rainwater harvesting, plant-based storm water and sewage filtration, storm water detention, and opportunities for income generation. They are intended as affordable, feasible initial steps in a longer process of environmental remediation and infrastructure construction.

The Government of Delhi introduced the policy of Mohalla Clinics in 2015 in order to improve its health care system. It was aimed at providing primary health care to people in their neighbourhood, with a particular focus on people residing in poor localities of Delhi. This article seeks to assess the role of Mohalla Clinics in the urban health care system. Based on a primary survey conducted in various areas of Delhi, we find that these clinics have helped in easing the pressure on tertiary care hospitals by providing treatment of minor ailments within the vicinity of neighbourhood. Overall, people positively endorse this initiative which contributed to a decline in out-of-pocket expenditure on medicines and tests. We find that Mohalla Clinics are ensuring better geographical access to health services by reduc- ing time in commuting and waiting. Their scope, however, can be further broadened by introducing provisions for pregnant and lactating women, who constitute a major section of the patients visiting these clinics.

The reputation of Agha Shahid Ali, the Kashmiri-American poet, as a poet of exile is well established. Much of his poetry deals with themes of loss, lamentation, and longing where he speaks in a powerful voice about the plight of people of Kashmir. Shahid’s personal memories are not only of Kashmir but also of Delhi, the city where he was born, studied, taught, and published his first collection of poems. In his poems about Delhi he revisits both old Delhi and New Delhi: he roams around the city, listens to Qawwali at Saint Nizamuddin’s mausoleum, meets Muslim butchers, remembers his parents, remembers Shahjahan, and recites Bahadur Shah Zafar’s poem. This article investigates the representations and recollections of Delhi in Agha Shahid Ali’s poems and explores the city’s centrality in understanding socio-cultural history, the importance of particular individuals, and spatial specificity. It studies how the poet explores the city in relation to its languages, histories (the Rebellion of 1857, Partition, post-Partition), and cultures (Mughal and modern). I further investigate how Ali’s literary cartography of Delhi is influenced both by indigenous genres such as Shehr Ashob and the modern English poetic tradition, and how certain Indo-Islamic tropes become central to the poet’s literary memorialization of India’s capital city.

A socio-spatial study done with an aim to study how a metro station in Delhi has the potential to transform itself into a destination from just being a mode of transit. The study was done by studying three metro stations (Rajiv Chowk, Kashmere Gate and Nehru Place) and identifying the common elements that makes all of them a place to go to.

Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud, popularly known as Chirag-i Delhi, was the last great saint of the Chishti Silsilah in Delhi. He was the Disciple and the successor of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. On the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin in 1356, it is said that Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq had a tomb raised over his grave. As popular legends around the Shaikh grew, these incited people to visit the dargah to seek answers to their problems. I have tried to understand the relationship between the Pir and the Murid through the transference of authority. Writing during the reign of Emperor Muhammad Shah, Durga Quli Khan confirmed the great popularity of the shrine despite the passage of time. In contrast to evidence of this nature, the dargah seemed to speak a different story when I visited it. Despite being located in the middle of the Chirag-i Delhi village, the dargah stood isolated from the life beyond its immediate environs, with only a few devotees present in the shrine. This was in contrast to the Dargah of his master, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. I have looked at the works of Simon Digby especially the Tabarrukat and Succession: Among the Great Chishti Shaykhs of the Delhi Sultanate, and of Sunil Kumar and others. Through these readings I have tried to dwell upon the questions in my mind regarding the faded popularity of Shaikh Nasiruddin in comparison with that of Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti and of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. In this process, I'm also trying to examine the question of the transition in the veneration for the Shaikh over the centuries. I will study this through a comparison of the shrines of Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag and Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.

If looking back is an integral part of looking forward in the constitution of urban selfhood, then it is imperative to examine the nature of this retrospective glance. Who are the agents and agencies controlling this process? What is chosen as representative and seminal? Which ends are serviced and achieved thereby? Taking Delhi as its case and Shahjahanabad as its site, this chapter examines the affective linkages girding literary and planning imaginaries of this area. Closely reading a cross-section of novels, memoirs, and tour guides and juxtaposing these against key policy documents and project reports on the redevelopment of Shahjahanabad, this chapter argues that nostalgia is a significant qualitative component of planning visions for the future of this precinct. Mediated by and large by this literary corpus on Mughal grandeur, this nostalgia forges socio-cultural continuities out of sync with Shahjahanabad’s recent history of deeply unsettling political and communal ruptures. In seeking to selectively restore the area’s lost glory as the cultural centre of Mughal India, the redevelopment of Shahjahanabad prioritizes heritage tourism and trade over the civic and infrastructural requirements of the area’s residences and its many commercial establishments. Evaluating the discursive prevalence of nostalgia as an affective determinant of public planning and policy in the case of Shahjahanabad, this chapter advocates therefore more grounded critiques of planning, heritage, and affect in South Asian cities.

The story of Delhi goes back in time to the Indus Valley civilization. The city of Indraprastha is a glorious presence in legends, folklore and epics. It has also inspired other later date literary explorations and expressions. Since Indraprastha exists in an indeterminate space between myth and reality, little wonder then that, it has been recreated time and again in the imaginative space. The description of the 'city' of Indraprastha in Mahabharta gets implicated of necessity in the same debates which surround the epic itself today, that is, the reiteration of the existence of the city also simultaneously negates the urban, architectural, material and visual culture imbued in the descriptions of the city. The paper examines these literary retellings featuring Indraprastha. Chitra Bannerjee Divakaruni's Palace of Illusions reclaims of the fluid space of Indraprastha froma feminist perspective, Dalrymple's relocates Indraprastha in his City of Djinns to where he thinks it belongs-to the sites of culture and Trisha Das uses the journey from Indraprastha to heaven and back to New Delhi as a journey of self discovery.

This article situates Rana Dasgupta’s Capital: A Portrait of Twenty-First
Century Delhi (2014) within contemporary trends in urban writing
from India. It analyses Dasgupta’s representation of the cultural
milieu of Delhi and its explosive growth in 2000s India using Saskia
Sassen’s concept of “global city” and Asher Ghertner’s concept of
“world-class city”. It examines Dasgupta’s usage of the non-fiction
form – comprising extensive commentary and reportage – to chart
the social attitudes underpinning the city’s neo-liberal evolution.
In studying the way Capital critiques Delhi’s gentrification (which
repackages it as a commercial city for the global stage), the article
frames Dasgupta’s work as part of an extended discourse on the city
which foregrounds its development as embedded in the genealogies
of India’s postcolonial nationhood and economic liberalization.

I had written a review of the English translation of Asarussanadid (Asar-us Sanadid), one of the greatest books written on Delhi. In the period of the writing of the two versions of this book, Syed Ahmed Khan was an antiquary and a man with diverse interests. Later, he became a reformer.

An English translation of Asar-us Sanadid was done by Rana Safvi that was published by Tulika Books in 2018. I wrote a review of the translation: short version of which appeared in The Book Review and the longer one, here, on my blog. It came for severe criticism from Safvi's friends and followers. Yet, it has been translated into Urdu and published in the reputed Urdu Adab magazine in its January-March 2020 issue, brought out quarterly by Anjuman Taraqqi Urdu (Hind).

This is the Urdu version of the review.

A total of 830 million gallons (MGD) of water is supplied to the 17 million population of Delhi by the Delhi Jail Board (DJB). The water is sourced from canals bringing water from Ganga and Yamuna from the foothills of Himalayas, 9 water treatment plants (WTP's) and about 4400 tube wells, covering 82% of households in the city as per official DJB data. The areas that are not supplied with the water, majorly fall under the category of illegal settlements like slums and unauthorised colonies. These settlements depend upon sources other than the DJB network for meeting their requirements of water. While majority of slums depend on the water tankers, extraction of ground water is rampant in the unauthorised colonies by installing bore-wells.
There are about 1797 unauthorised colonies in Delhi with an estimated population of 4 million, which is about 25% of the entire population of the city. Being illegal settlements, the unauthorised colonies are not provided with the water supply or other infrastructural services until they are regularised. Consequently, only 847 (about 50%) unauthorised colonies falling under the regularised category are supplied with the piped water by the DJB. As per the survey conducted by the Author as part of his Ph.D. on the Informal Housings, 67% of the residents are drawing underground water, while 31% are getting water from the DJB and a small section of 2% is dependent upon tankers. The survey indicated that a majority of the unauthorised colonies are largely dependent upon the illegal bore-wells to meet their water requirement. The underground water in Delhi is brackish and severely polluted, moreover, its extraction is illegal for the private use. Despite that millions of unregulated bore-wells are installed in the unauthorised colonies with possible ramifications on the health of the people as well as the depletion of the aquifers. While, the illegal water supply in the unauthorised colonies has its own issues the centralised water supply by the DJB lacks in the quantity, quality and cost effectiveness. The large size of the city results in the high pumping, storage and maintenance costs along with the substantial loss due to leakages in the supply network. Moreover, the supply is intermittent specially in summers and the water is also not potable in many cases. In the absence of centralised water supply in the unauthorised colonies and considering the related issues, it is imperative that a solution is worked out, to permit and regulate the underground extraction of water in these settlements and improvise the system to address the purification of impurities and recharge of the aquifers. This paper studies the existing supply of water in the unauthorised colonies and attempts to provide a regulatory model for the same.

The essay is an attempt to analyse Khushwant Singh's Delhi: A Novel as a literary work in which topography and existence, life and literature entwine. The essay is divided into three parts, each part has a particular focus. The part entitled Indeterminate Zone concentrates on the paratext in an attempt to see how it channels reader's anticipation with regard to the content of the book. In the second part: Zone of the City: the image of Delhi in its chosen (re)construc-tions within the novel is examined. Here, particular attention is paid to the reconstruction of space and time within the novel. The last section of the paper , Zone of the Body speaks of the body and the symbolic roles it plays within the novel.

This report provides complete details of the development of various mechanisms pertaining to the electrical design of the robot for the competition ABU Robocon 2016, Pune. The document provides full details of all the mechanisms, designs, proof of concept, algorithms and implementation.

Far from talking of the vernacular as a redundant, static, or exotic architectural construct, this research is rooted on the dynamism of the theories of building itself. Based on works of theorists like Amos Rapoport and Paul Oliver, the research questions the scope of vernacular itself. With an understanding of statistics that indicate that there is a greater number of people residing in the urban rather than the rural, there is an attempt to establish conventional concepts in contemporary cities. Acknowledging the fact that the most relatable architectural type to humans is the dwelling, there is no hiding from accepting that way we live is rapidly changing under pressure from multiple forces. What we used to call home does not even exist anymore, having transmuted into a commodity. Through an illustrative study of Delhi, the research presents a take on the lack of theory on of houses in urban settings. A mapping of the house forms in the city post-independence enables the reader to discern the flattening of built forms that has emerged in the 21st century, despite a heterogeneity of people. Cognizance of this flattening is accompanied by cognizance of the fact if there is a vernacular in the city, it needs its own frameworks of study.

If looking back is an integral part of looking forward, then it is imperative to examine the nature of this retrospective glance. Who are the agents and agencies controlling this process? What is chosen as representative and seminal? Which ends are serviced and achieved thereby? Taking Delhi as its case and Shahjahanabad as its site, this chapter examines the affective linkages girding literary and planning imaginaries of this area. Closely reading a cross-section of novels, memoirs, and tour guides and juxtaposing these against key policy documents and project reports on the redevelopment of Shahjahanabad, this chapter argues that nostalgia is a significant qualitative component of planning visions for the future of this precinct.

Asar-us Sanadid was never translated in English – if we discount an unreliable translation of a few portions of Asar done by R Nath, which was translated from the French version of Garcin de Tassey. Unfortunately, Rana Safvi’s English translation of both the versions done from the original is a poor piece of work. Syed Ahmad’s intelligence as an author that burnishes the syntax of every line of Asar and his hard work as antiquarian is scumbled in Safvi’s translation.

Critical regionalism is an architectural approach that seeks to correct sterile and abstract modernism by using contextual forces that focus on local needs and potential. As globalisation disrupts and displaces local building traditions in India's metropolitan cities, critical regionalism offers resistance to the homogenising forces of global modernism. This paper analyses five key architectural works realised in Delhi in the past four decades that incorporate the ideas of critical regionalism in their designs. The different approaches adopted by regionalist architects in dealing with local climate, topography, materials and sociological complexes have been presented. By limiting itself to regionalist works in Delhi, the paper attempts to highlight that critical regionalism is not a set of aesthetic preferences but a philosophical framework capable of producing diverse forms of architecture despite analogous external influences arising from similar site conditions.

My ethnography of Delhi's Metro system, an analysis of the social and infrastructural impact of the system on the city, is now out with the University of California Press. You can read the first part of the Intro here. A South Asian version of the book has been published by Roli Books with the title: Metronama: Scenes from the Delhi Metro.

The back cover blurb:
The Moving City is a rich and intimate account of urban transformation told through the story of Delhi's Metro, a massive infrastructure project that is reshaping the city's social and urban landscapes. Ethnographic vignettes introduce the feel and form of the Metro and let readers experience the city, scene by scene, stop by stop, as if they, too, have come along for the ride. Laying bare the radical possibilities and concretized inequalities of the Metro, and how people live with and through its built environment, this is a story of women and men on the move, the nature of Indian aspiration, and what it takes morally and materially to sustain urban life. Through exquisite prose, Rashmi Sadana transports the reader to a city shaped by both its Metro and those who depend on it, revealing a perspective on Delhi unlike any other.