Economic Globalization

F*ck May 68, Fight Now: Exploring the Uses of the Radical Past from 1968 to Today

Session 1: History is a Weapon

June 8, 2018

Department of History, University of Liverpool

https://archive.discoversociety.org/2018/09/04/circumnavigating-the-past-foreclosing-the-future-commemoration-of-the-radical-past-in-the-amnesiac-present/

This paper introduces several theoretical tools for the analysis of the geographies of institutional transformation and inter-institutional competition under neoliberalism, through the case study of a peripheral trade union from Western Romania to which the author has had a privileged epistemic access. The first part of the paper discusses the truth-effects arising of this access, the second summarises the theoretical background of the research by means of the metaphor of 'polymorphous chorologies', the third excavates the history of the trade union through a five-fold grid of concern (including money and material resources, emotions, political networking, scale performance, and know-how), and the final, concluding part, theorises the failure of this trade union, and pleads for a form of active reflexivity in the practice of research.

Globalization may have positive and negative effects, causing expansion or bring about reduction and crisis. Due to globalization, economic development and economic crisis are spread all over the world much easier and much quicker. Globalization has increased the free trade between countries, but also rich countries now can sell more goods and products to poorer markets. Serbia and Japan had very different path and are taking very different positions in the globalized world. Japan is one of the leading exporter and importer in the world, and Serbia as a part of Europe, but not a part of the European Union, is still struggling to overcome the negative effects of the globalized market. Both economies are constantly changing and the results of those changes should bring
them better integration into the process of globalization.

This research focuses on the social impacts of economic globalization on local sphere in the case of extractive industry in Indonesia. Theoretically, economic globalization is defined as unification process of economic factors into a new standard, and fragment it into all over the world. Rosenau (2003) views globalization in two keywords: integration and fragmentation. One form of economic globalization is the flow of capital on a global scale. Multinational corporations become agents who bring capital from developed countries to developing countries. In the case of Indonesia, the presence of multinational corporation who engaged in mining exploration tends to be problematic with the local community. One of the problem is the mining industry in Bojonegoro, East Java. In this oil-rich region, ExxonMobil operating oil exploration and mining activities. However, the distribution of profits between the state and multinational companies does not seems to be fair and the activity itself causes cultural problem for the local comuunity. Relations between those actors is very complex. In constructivist perspective, it is believed that international relations is not only understood only on the basis of "state" as the main actor, but also elements involved in the area (Reus-Smit, 2005). By lowering the level of analysis down to domestic actors, this study will try to answer these questions: How is the relation between state, multinational corporation, and local community in mining exploration area? Is the globalization process peacefully compromised with local value? From this research, we got three conclusions: First, in many social problems, MNC became the most powerful patron and the social structure became clientelistic. Second, in the context of rural economy, there are problem with MNC approach to control economic resources with farmland acquisition. Third, another problem lies in the "culture shock" of society due to the transition from an agricultural society to the industrial ones. As a conclusion, it is important to the government to take part in encountering globalization, so that the globalization can be compromised with the socio-cultural aspects of society

The following paper is due to review the economic impact of globalization on U.S. national security and national interests. Paper is considered to understand the negative and positive influences of economic globalization. The main question is whether Globalization presents a threat to national security.

Globalization is seen as the cause of increasing economic growth in many countries. Country which adopts economic globalization values such as free trade is also seen as a success story in reducing poverty and creating equality among its society. However based on the facts, these are not always true. In many countries, economic globalization cannot bring prosperity to each person. Inequality still can be found ; the rich people control most capital, access to public service, and get higher salary than those poor people. This is also happened in Chile where economic growth keeps growing higher since the neoliberalism globalization took place in 1974. Even though they have reached a good economic growth each year, but inequality still exists. Based on this fact, in this paper the writer will explain that globalization may increase economic growth but it does not mean that globalization eradicates inequality. In this paper the writer will use the arguments proposed by scholars such as Robert Wade, David Harvey, Branko Milanovic, and Kavaljit Singh in which they opposed that globalization can eradicate inequality.

PLEASE WRITE TO ME IF YOU ARE INTERESTED IN THE FINAL VERSION.
Full citation: Neveling, Patrick, 2015. 'Flexible capitalism and transactional orders in colonial and postcolonial Mauritius: A post-occidentalist view', in Jens Kjaerulf (ed.), Flexible capitalism: Exchange and ambiguity at work, Oxford: Berghahn: 207-34.

The chapter offers an alternative periodisation of twentieth century history for the small-island nation state Mauritius, arguing
that in light of the colonial history of Mauritius, which ended only in 1968, it is difficult to identify a neoliberal turn in the 1970s. Secondly, I argue that common notions of pre-capitalist moral economies and the ensuing differentiation in long-term and short-term transactional orders make little sense for Mauritius (and other world regions) because they neglect the long history of integration of plantation societies into the capitalist world-system. Instead I offer an analytical perspective that is open to the
widespread opposition to alliances between capital and religion and gendered exploitation going along with this in Mauritius and elsewhere.

Despite emergent trends of geo-economic integration between nation-states, the role of realist-driven geopolitical calculation appears highly enduring. This paper explores the potential contradictions between state-centric geopolitical concerns and transnational geo-economic formation through an exploration of China–US tensions over Taiwan, a territory of indeterminate geo-legal status and which China regards as its own province. I consider how the Taiwan Relations Act, a domestic public law of the US that frames US–Taiwan relations and has a major influence on East Asian geopolitics, could contradict emergent “China region”, and possibly even China–US, geo-economic integration. This is because the US-sustained arms sales to Taiwan rest on imagining and containing China as a “threat”, while geo-economic integration entails enrolling China as a strategic partner, if not an ally. Consequently, the Taiwan issue could stifle the enhancement of Sino-American relations at a historical juncture when the Chinese and American economies are more intertwined than ever.

Pour ce premier cahier de recherche de l’année 2014, le Centre d’études sur l’intégration et la mondialisation (CEIM) vous propose une thématique consacrée à la gouvernance mondiale de la culture et ses enjeux actuels. Ce cahier de recherche, dirigé par Antonios Vlassis, réunit les neuf contributions rédigées par des spécialistes reconnu-e-s sur la régulation internationale des industries culturelles et publiées tout au long de 2013 dans la Chronique Culture, commerce et numérique préparée par le CEIM pour l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. Chacun d’eux traite d’un aspect particulier des reconfigurations actuelles de la gouvernance mondiale de la culture. Le cahier couvre trois questions majeures : a. Culture et accords commerciaux ; b. culture et développement ; c. culture et technologies numériques.

Economic nationalism tended to dominate U.S. foreign trade policy throughout the long 19th century, from the end of the American Revolution to the beginning of World War I, owing to a pervasive American sense of economic and geopolitical insecurity and American fear of hostile powers, especially the British but also the French and Spanish and even the Barbary States. Following the U.S. Civil War, leading U.S. protectionist politicians sought to curtail European trade policies and to create a U.S.-dominated customs union in the Western Hemisphere. American proponents of trade liberalization increasingly found themselves outnumbered in the halls of Congress, as the “American System” of economic nationalism grew in popularity alongside the perceived need for foreign markets. Protectionist advocates in the United States viewed the American System as a panacea that not only promised to provide the federal government with revenue but also to artificially insulate American infant industries from undue foreign-market competition through high protective tariffs and subsidies, and to retaliate against real and perceived threats to U.S. trade.

Throughout this period, the United States itself underwent a great struggle over foreign trade policy. By the late 19th century, the era’s boom-and-bust global economic system led to a growing perception that the United States needed more access to foreign markets as an outlet for the country’s surplus goods and capital. But whether the United States would obtain foreign market access through free trade or through protectionism led to a great debate over the proper course of U.S. foreign trade policy. By the time that the United States acquired a colonial empire from the Spanish in 1898, this same debate over U.S. foreign trade policy had effectively merged into debates over the course of U.S. imperial expansion. The country’s more expansionist-minded economic nationalists came out on top. The overwhelming 1896 victory of William McKinley—the Republican party’s “Napoleon of Protection”—marked the beginning of substantial expansion of U.S. foreign trade through a mixture of protectionism and imperialism in the years leading up to World War I.

Corruption has been one of the most debated issues in the social science literature for decades. It has negative outcomes in economics such as: reducing private sector investments, tax revenue, economic growth and development; deterring foreign direct investments; causing misallocation of sparse resources; lowering the resources allocated for infrastructure, public services and anti-poverty programs; deteriorating environmental quality etc... Moreover, it may weaken political stability and democracy of a country. Because of its destructive effects, there are ample studies in the literature trying to identify determinants of corruption. Besides the already identified
determinants of corruption (e.g., trade openness, bureaucratic inefficiency, rule of law, political rights, religion, democracy, freedom, political stability, poverty, education etc.), globalization level of a country may also affect corruption level in that particular country. Hence in this study we analyze the impact of globalization (i.e., over all globalization, economic globalization, social globalization, and political globalization) on corruption in a panel framework for African countries. Our results imply that over all
globalization, economic globalization, and social globalization reduce corrupt activities in an economy.

This research aims to describe the expected and observed educational-instructional effects of economic globalisation on higher education institutions in so called 'developing countries'. It explores how global capitalism forces universities in emerging economies, such as India, Turkey and China, to build up their education systems in accordance with the demands of the global market system. It concludes that a knowledge driven global economy demands a larger proportion of the human capital and that this forces the higher education systems to redesign their strategies, education systems, policies and structures in order to compete effectively in the global economy and meet the demands of economic globalisation.

No weakening, but rather an expansion, of statehood can be observed in the contemporary world. This does not, on the other hand, imply that extensive forms of constitutional ordering do not exist outside the realm of states. Instead, the evolution of world society has been characterized by a protracted dual movement where the expansion and densification of statehood and autonomous forms of transnational ordering gradually emerged in a mutually constitutive fashion. One implication of this is that neither the concept of the state nor the concept of nonstate transnational entities is adequately capable of delineating the object of constitutional analysis. Instead, the concept of normative orders has been introduced as an overarching category capable of identifying the contexts within which constitutional ordering emerges.
Subsequently, a distinction between the internal and external dimensions of the law of normative orders has been introduced, specifying them as respectively oriented towards establishing internal condensation of a given normative order and external compatibility between different normative orders. With this background, a framework for the analysis of constitutional frameworks of normative orders is developed. The central element is a distinction among three dimensions: First, a constitution implies a coupling between a constitutional object, in the form of a hierarchical organization of a given normative order capable of reproducing an autonomous source of authority, and a concordant legal framework. Second, constitutionalization implies a coupling between an internal reconstruction of an external constitutional subject within the constitutional object, and the register of legal rights, establishing a framework for exchanges between the constitutional object and the wider world as represented by the constitutional subject. Third, constitutionalism denotes the institutionalization of a double function, in the form of a principle-based and legally fortified striving toward universal inclusion, providing a sense of direction in time through an articulated form of constitutional consciousness.
The insights developed are briefly illustrated by the case of the global Fairtrade Certification System.

This paper highlights the positive aspects of economic, financial, legal and cultural globalization. Then, it exposes the dangers and disadvantages that attend the rise in globalization. Specifically, it treats the ways that apathy and indifference become a new global phenomenon. It concludes  with a consideration of how a Franciscan imagination counteracts these increasingly globalized forms of indifference.

Even though historians have studied the Edwardian fiscal controversy in great detail, in particular the movement for Tariff Reform, there remain important gaps in the literature. This paper provides an analysis of the Tariff Reform campaign ‘from below’ and with an emphasis on how Tariff Reformers employed creative and innovative techniques in an attempt to embed their ideas within British political and popular culture. Our analysis makes it clear that Tariff Reform was more than just a ‘high political’ disagreement over trade theory; disseminated through a combination of printed and visual material, it was able to mobilise people and resources on a massive scale and sought to become ubiquitous in Britons’ daily lives in print, on the streets, in the shops, or in their entertainment. We further argue that Tariff Reform took advantage of such media to promote ideas in opposition to the phenomenon of globalisation. By focusing on how these featured in discussions of Britain’s relative economic power, how it interacted with patriotic sentiment, and how it touched upon Britons’ material interests and gender identity, we conclude that Tariff Reform was able to make anti-globalisation pertinent to Briton’s daily lives and ubiquitous in public.

En su libro "En defensa de la globalización", Jagdish Bhagwati presenta una serie de argumentos por los cuales legitima la acción del esquema económico actual y los múltiples procesos de globalización. El presente ensayo supone una respuesta epistolar a dicho punto de vista, mostrando que los argumentos con los cuales se analiza la realidad económica, social, política y cultural de la globalización son limitados, y no alcanzan a vislumbrar lo que Giddens identificaría como “defectos en el diseño” del modelo económico y “fallos del operador”, tomando éste último la forma del Fondo Monetario Internacional, sus funcionarios y asesores, cuya acción ha sido en muchas ocasiones el detonante de problemas como los desajustes económicos experimentados en los últimos años, el aumento de la pobreza, la desigualdad y la marginación en países en vías de desarrollo, así como la incertidumbre y la globalización de riesgos en todas sus dimensiones.

Due to reasons such as insufficient domestic savings rates in developing countries, the dependency on external debt has been increased so as to provide funding for the purpose of developing of these countries. This has led to the external debts to be unsustainable and a serious economic problem for many developing countries in the following years. However, the rise of economic globalization has increased the speed of international capital flows and

En un mundo globalizado y globalizante la inserción de empresas en los mercados mundiales se
considera una herramienta necesaria para lograr el desarrollo económico, partiendo primero
desde un nivel local para luego convertirse en un objetivo global. El presente esfuerzo investigativo
tiene como objetivo general analizar el tema de la competitividad como herramienta empresarial
necesaria para la inserción de empresas en la macro unidad geográfica mundial. Hoy más
que nunca se considera relevante el tema de la penetración de los mercados internacionales, ya
que a través de esta actividad, se puede generar un efecto multiplicador que ayude a la disminución
de la pobreza y las desigualdades globales. Sólo competiendo –primero a escala local y
luego a escala mundial– se puede generar productos y servicios acordes a las necesidades de
la población en cuanto a calidad, buen servicio, disminución de costos, entre otros.
Palabras claves: Competitividad, empresas, globalización, comercio exterior, servicios.

The year 2015 saw the advent of a new global phenomenon: widespread panic about the state of the Chinese economy. This article argues that despite China’s obvious slowdown, forecasts of imminent collapse are almost certainly exaggerated, and the negative thinking that inspires them is in need of correction.

This paper seeks to examine economic globalization with particular emphasis on its effects and implications on the global South. In doing this, it is first necessary to define the process of economic globalization. This will then be followed by an analysis of the impacts and implications this process has had on the overall global economy, social justice and most importantly on economic development of the global South. Economic globalization is defined to be the intensified interdependency of the global economy owing to; the growth of cross border commerce and transfer of services; international capital flows and the extensive proliferation of technologies (Gao 2000, 3). It is in essence the increasing integration of world economy. According to Mapuva (2010, 392), the most significant characteristics of economic globalization include liberalization of global trade; financial and production activities; flouting of national economic borders as well as how TNCS and international institutions are increasingly becoming powerful. The rise to pre-eminence of multilateral economic and financial institutions like the Bretton Woods institutions; the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation, is perhaps one of the most outstanding outcomes of economic globalisation. These institutions have prescribed the implementation of neo-liberal development policies as prerequisites of economic growth and development, effectively setting these as norms in the global economic system. This has in turn lead to the adoption of liberal trade policies which include free open markets, lower import tariffs, curtailing import quotas; export controls (Soubbotina 2004, 84). Observed increases in international trade, financial flows and foreign direct investment globally are seen to be consequential of liberal trade policies. However, as this paper will show the distribution of the benefits that accrue from economic globalization has been greatly uneven. Most countries that have embraced neo-liberal development policies like those espoused in the Washington Consensus have been adversely affected by them while overall economic globalisation has resulted in the marginalisation of countries in the global South. With a progressively large part of world GDP emanating from trade (Mapuva 2010, 391), trade liberalization policies have served to stimulate expansion in trade and investment (Gao 2000, 2). Gao (2000, 2) refers to how under GATT and WTO frameworks, tariffs and other non-trade barriers have either been eliminated entirely or effectively reduce. For instance, developing countries have seen a reduction in half of the average import tariffs (Soubbotina 2004, 86). Trade liberalization policies have also improved access to international markets (Soubbotina 2004, 85) which has led to specialization of production in those sectors where countries enjoy relative comparative advantage; efficient production has led to reductions in price of goods as well as increased variety in what customers are getting. World exports grew twice as much as Gross National Product between 1965-1999, with the ration of world trade to world GDP reaching about 30%, with an average of 15% in developing countries and 40% in developed countries (Khor 2000, 3; Gao 2000, 5).

While there is an expected demographic shift of the ethnic minority population in the United States to become the majority population by 2020, few minority women successfully attain baccalaureate degrees in science, technology, engineering, and mathematical (STEM) fields.  To address this gap, this article employs critical race feminism and narrative analysis methods to examine minority women’s challenges while pursuing undergraduate STEM degrees. Findings suggest that limited access to the field, isolation and alienation, and affordability create barriers that result in many minority women leaving STEM majors. Implications for practice include targeted institutional efforts to increase recruitment and retention efforts towards degree attainment for minority women to achieve the national goal of  increasing America’s global preparedness.

In this chapter, the proximate causes of breed losses and the processes involved in this are outlined and the relevance of Swanson's theory (Swanson, 1994) of species extinction is considered. Then a discussion follows of how the extension of markets and economic globalization accelerates the loss of breeds and encourages the tendency to concentrate on a few breeds. Subsequently, the growing practice of decoupling the husbandry of animals from their natural environment is examined. This is partly a market-driven phenomenon which mostly involves industrial-type livestock production. It further adds to genetic erosion and raises serious sustainability issues. Loss of local breeds of pigs in Vietnam is introduced as an illustration of socio-economic changes influencing biodiversity loss in livestock. Next, consideration is given to the consequences of the development of livestock industries for the loss of other than livestock biodiversity, and the impacts of livestock husbandry on food security are discussed. It is emphasized that livestock production can, in specified circumstances, add to food supplies available to humans. The view that it reduces this supply needs to be qualified.

Abstract: Trade in consumer electronics and household appliances in Bolivia operates mainly from popular marketplaces. Multinational corporations enter these once informal, now enhanced economies. This article analyses the expansion of global brands into urban street markets, together with the local branding of electronics and the advancement of popular traders along transnational commodity chains. I argue that these socio-spatial transitions offer a counterintuitive articulation between the informal and the formal. Looking at specific localities along the commodity chain from East Asia to Chile and Bolivia, one sees not mere formalization of informal economies as often expected nor a rampant informalization as attributed to current economic globalization, but piecemeal formalization of traders as much as a partial informalization of all actors involved.

Resumen: En Bolivia, la venta de equipos electrónicos se realiza principalmente en mercados populares. Empresas transnacionales están operando en esos mismos lugares. Este artículo analiza la expansión de marcas globales en el comercio popular y la creación de marcas locales al mismo tiempo que el avance de comerciantes a lo largo de cadenas de acopio transnacionales. Mi argumento es que esas transiciones económico-espaciales marcan una articulación contra-intuitiva entre lo informal y lo formal. Enfocando localidades específicas a lo largo de la cadena comercial desde el Este de Asia hacia Chile y Bolivia, no se observa una mera formalización de la economía informal como muchas veces esperada ni una informalización total atribuida a procesos actuales de globalización, sino una formalización incompleta de comerciantes y una informalización parcial de todos los actores involucrados.

This essay examines the implications of economic globalization on the labormarkets in the Philippines and Indonesia. Today's economic globalization characterized by liberalization of the market, privatization of state-owned enterprises, and minimal government intervention in the economy, results in ;ob losses, retrenchments and irregular employment and rising wage differentials among workers. Both countries follow liberal economic policies that have constrained the state's response in terms of labor market policies to mitigate the negative impact of economic globalization. Free market proponents consider as labor rigidities the state's policy interventions in the labor market and the participation of trade unions. Labor flexibility and the free interplay of labor supply and demand are the ones valued in the liberalized labor market. Though constrained and weakened to address the economic restructuring brought about by globalization, the labor movements in the Philippines and Indonesia continue to find ways to develop new unionisms and strategies to organize themselves as social movements.