Environmental Studies, Enviornmental Politics

* ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪار‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ 2 ‫اﺑﺮاﻫﯿﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮاد‬ * ‫ﭘﻮر‬ 3 ‫ﭼﮑﯿﺪه‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮش‬ ‫در‬ ‫ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﯽ‬ ،‫ﺳﺮد‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﺎن‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎي‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬـﻮم‬ ‫در‬ ‫ﺑـﺎزﻧﮕﺮي‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮد‬ » ‫و‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾـﺪ‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿﺖ‬ « ‫رﺷﺪ‬ ‫و‬ ‫زاﯾﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎزﻧﮕﺮي‬ ‫اﯾﻦ‬ .‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺮوري‬ ‫را‬ ‫ﺑـﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫روﯾﮑﺮدﻫﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﻠـﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ‬ ‫و‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪي‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮدﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫و‬ ‫دﻫﻨﺪه‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﯿﺪ‬ ‫آن‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪه‬ ‫در‬ .‫ﮐﻨﻨـﺪ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﯿﺮﻫﺎي‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎر‬ ‫در‬ ،‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎرداﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ‬ ،‫اﻓﺰاري‬ ‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ،‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬ ،‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎي‬-‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫زﯾﺴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﯿﻂ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫در‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﻣﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮاﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪي‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯿﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫اﻗﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮات‬ .‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬـﻢ‬ ‫از‬ ‫ﯾﮑـﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان‬ ‫ﭘﯿﭽﯿـﺪه‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎي‬ ‫ﻣـﯽ‬ ‫زﻣـﯿﻦ‬ ‫دﻣﺎي‬ ‫در‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮات‬ ‫اﯾﻦ‬ .‫اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪن‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫در‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮاﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮه‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫زﻧ‬ .‫ﺷﻮد‬ ‫زﻣﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮه‬ ‫ﻫﻮاﯾﯽ‬ ‫و‬ ‫آب‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮات‬ ‫در‬ ‫اي‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿـﺮات‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫اﻣـﺮوزه‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫در‬ .‫دارد‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫اﻗﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺸـﻮرﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﯿﻦ‬ ‫رواﺑـﻂ‬ ‫در‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾـﺪات‬ ‫اﯾـﻦ‬ ‫آﺛـﺎر‬ ‫ﻣـﺮور‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ .‫ﺷﻮد‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎل‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫دار‬ ‫ﻓﻮ‬ ‫را‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ان‬ ‫او‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان‬ ‫ﻟﯿﻦ‬ ‫در‬ ‫ﮔﯿﺮ‬ ‫در‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ﺣﻮ‬ ‫زه‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮ‬ ‫ات‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ﻗﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬ ‫دا‬ .‫ﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫آر‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ،‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺸﻬﺎي‬ ‫ﺑﺮوز‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼوه‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪات‬ ‫اﯾﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎت‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎي‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫دﺳﺘﻮرﮐﺎرﻫﺎي‬ ‫از‬ ‫ﻓﺮاﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮع‬ ‫اﯾﻦ‬ .‫داﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ‬ ‫دﻧﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﯿﺰ‬ ‫را‬ ‫آﻣﯿﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟـﺐ‬ ‫در‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﯿﺮي‬ ‫ﭘﯽ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎزﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﺎرﭼﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮاﻧﺴﯿﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﺮرﺳـﯽ‬ ‫و‬ ‫دﺑﯿﺮﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺎي‬ ‫ﻫﯿﺌـﺖ‬ ‫ﻫـﺎي‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮراي‬ ‫در‬ ‫اﻗﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮات‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﻟﯽ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺻـﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯿـﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪي‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮان‬ ‫ﺑـﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿـﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠـﻞ‬ .‫اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪه‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ :‫ﮐﻠﯿﺪي‬ ‫واژﮔﺎن‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﻨﯿﺖ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ،‫اﻗﻠﯿﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﯿﯿﺮات‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎزﻣﺎن‬ ‫دﺑﯿﺮﮐﻞ‬ ،‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎزﻣﺎن‬ ،‫اﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ‬. ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫راﻫﺒﺮد‬ ‫اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‬-‫ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬-‫ﺷﻤﺎره‬ ‫ﺑﯿﺴﺖ‬ ‫وﯾﮑﻢ‬-‫زﻣﺴﺘﺎن‬ 95-‫ﺻﺺ‬ 68-49 :‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫درﯾﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ‬ 18 / 3 / 95 :‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﯾﺮش‬ ‫ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ‬ 28 / 9 / 95 1 ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮم‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺎدﯾﺎر‬ .) ‫ﺗﻬﺮان‬ ‫داﻧﺸﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬ h.fazeli@ut.ac.ir (2 ‫ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮي‬ ‫داﻧﺸﺠﻮي‬. (‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮل‬ ‫)ﻧﻮﯾﺴﻨﺪه‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮان‬ ‫واﺣﺪ‬ ‫آزاد‬ ‫داﻧﺸﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﮔﺬاري‬ 3 ‫ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫رواﺑﻂ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮي‬ ‫داﻧﺸﺠﻮي‬. ‫ﺟﻨﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮان‬ ‫واﺣﺪ‬ ‫آزاد‬ ‫داﻧﺸﮕﺎه‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬

El libro analiza en profundidad las fuerzas motrices directas y subyacentes que explican la desestabilización de los sistemas de soporte de la biosfera como consecuencia de las presiones e impactos de origen antrópico.

Una vez formulado un diagnóstico integral desde una perspectiva sistémica y holística el ensayo presenta una serie de reflexiones y propuestas con la idea de enriquecer el actual debate acerca de cómo se puede reconducir la situación.

In  this twenty-first  century,  electricity  has  become  the  pivot  of  global  activities.  Electricity  has become  the  engine  for  social  development  and  economic  growth  (Pachauri  et  al.,  2011).  The world  lives  and  operates  on  electricity  -  electricity  is  so  vital  to  our  everyday  lives.  However, access  to  adequate  and  reliable  electricity  is  a  big  issue  in  most  developing  countries  (BrewHammond,  2010,  Kanagawa  and  Nakata,  2008,  Reddy  et  al.,  2000)  and  Ghana  is  of  no exception.  This  provides  the  starting  point  to  this  seven-chapter  qualitative  research  on ‘living  under  the  electricity  load  shedding  in  Ghana;  a  case  study  of  businesses  in  Accra Newtown and residences  in  North Legon suburbs of Accra, Ghana’. The  data  for  this  research  were  collected  in  the  summer  of  2014  in  Ghana.  The  informants were  categorised  under  three  groups;  institutions  involved  in  the  electricity  load  shedding, offset  printing  presses in  Accra  Newtown  and  households in  North  Legon  suburbs  of  Accra. In all,  four  institutions  (MoP,  VRA,  GRIDCo  and  ECG),  ten  business  owners  and  ten  households were  interviewed  with  the  help  of  semi-structured  interview  guides.  One  focus  group discussion  was  also  conducted.  All  the  interviews  and  discussion  were  conducted  in  both English  and  Twi  language,  recorded  and  later  transcribed  into  English  and  analysed thematically  by the  researcher. Theoretically,  I  positioned  myself  within  the  Capability  Approach  by  Amartya  Sen  coupled with  the  Right  Based  Approaches  to  Development  by  Britha  Mikkelsen;  and  Structuration Theory by Anthony Giddens to develop a conceptual framework for the research. From  the  data,  it  was  found  out  that,  the  electricity  load  shedding  is  as  a  result  of  two  major challenges.  The  first  major  challenge  boils  down  to  the  policies  and  decisions  of  the government.  The  other  challenge  had  to  do  with  the  non-performance  of  responsibilities  by the duty bearers. The  research  therefore  argues  that  though  the  duty  bearers  could  contribute  to  the  wellbeing of  the  right  holders  in  the  electricity  sector  in  Ghana,  with  the  findings,  the  load  shedding  in Ghana  has  led  to  an  adverse  impact  on  the  wellbeing  of  the  right  holders  (businesses  and households)  in the research area.

— In 2008, Ecuador became the world's first country to include rights of Nature (RoN) in its constitution. The constitution presents RoN as a tool for building a new form of sustainable development based on the Andean Indigenous concept sumak kawsay (buen vivir in Spanish), which is rooted in the idea of living in harmony with Nature. While much is written on the ethical arguments regarding RoN (and buen vivir), few studies analyze how RoN might be implemented. We fill this gap by explaining why some efforts to apply Ecuador's RoN laws succeeded while others failed. We compare 13 RoN lawsuits using an original framework for analyzing the pathways and strategies RoN advocates (and their opponents) use to build (and counter) momentum behind judicial processes meant to buttress the enforcement of contested RoN norms. The case descriptions and analysis draw on primary documents and in-depth interviews conducted during 2014–15. Through process tracing, we identified key structural conditions and strategic decisions shaping the outcomes in each case. Our findings as of 2016 reveal unexpected pathways of influence involving a symbiotic process among civil society , state agencies, and the courts. Surprisingly, civil society pressure was the least successful pathway, as activists lost high-profile lawsuits. Nevertheless, they facilitated judicial momentum by working on less-politicized local cases and training lower-level judges. Instrumental use of RoN laws by the state produced unintended consequences, including establishing precedent and educating judges. Knowledgable judges are unilaterally applying RoN in their sentencing, even when neither claimants nor defendants allege RoN violations. Ecuador's cases demonstrate how ''weak " RoN laws can strengthen, providing important insight into the global contestation over sustainable development and the strategies and legal tools being used to advance a post-neoliberal development agenda rooted in harmony with nature.

This research deals with the surface dynamics and key factors –
hydrological regime, sediment load, and erodibility of floodplain
facies – of frequent channel shifting, intensive meandering, and
lateral instability of the Bhagirathi River in the western part of the
Ganga-Brahmaputra Delta (GBD). At present, the floodplain of
the Bhagirathi is categorized as a medium energy (specific stream
power of 10–300 W m−2), non-cohesive floodplain, which exhibits a
mixed-load and a meandering channel, an entrenchment ratio >2.2,
width–depth ratio >12, sinuosity >1.4, and channel slope <0.02. In
the study area, since 1975, four meander cutoffs have been shaped
at an average rate of one in every 9–10 years. In the active meander
belt and sand-silt dominated floodplains of GBD, frequent shifting
of the channel and meander migration escalate severe bank erosion
(e.g. 2.5 × 106 m3 of land lost between 1999 and 2004) throughout the
year. Remote sensing based spatio-temporal analysis and stratigraphic
analysis reveal that the impact of the Farakka barrage, completed in
1975, is not the sole factor of downstream channel oscillation; rather,
hydrogeomorphic instability induced by the Ajay–Mayurakshi fluvial
system and the erodibility of floodplain sediments control the channel
dynamics of the study area.

The transition to a circular economy requires actions and policies. In the praxis of governance, a common way to steer the transition to a different state proceeds through the setting of targets. Thus far, no study has investigated circular economy targets in a systematic way. To bridge this gap, this study examines which targets can facilitate the transition towards a circular economy. The analysis focuses both on existing and new targets; the latter complement existing targets which are limited to a few discrete cases addressing only partially the goal of a more circular economy. A framework based on 10 common circular economy strategies (i.e. recover, recycling, repurpose, remanufacture, refurbish , repair, re-use, reduce, rethink, refuse) is applied to scrutinise the selected targets. The study clarifies that existing targets for recovery and recycling do not necessarily promote a circular economy, though they are the most commonly applied targets so far. Because of lack of efficacy of recovery and recycling, targets should instead favour other more powerful circular economy strategies. In relation to these, the study looks into new and existing targets showing how they can reduce waste, increase efficiency, close production loops, and maximise retention of the economic value of materials and products. In particular, the study proposes an expanded set of brand new targets for the transition to a circular economy together with a fresh view on targets aimed at scholars and decision-makers alike.

A B S T R A C T Academics across disciplines are increasingly employing political ecology lenses to unpack conflicts related to resource extraction. Yet, an area that remains under-researched and under-theorised is how environmental impact assessments (EIAs) are embedded in politics and imagined as sites of power relations. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in Zimbabwe engaging small-scale gold miners, EIA consultants and government officials, this article examines the changing social significance of EIAs during and after a nationwide police operation that was framed by authorities as targeting non-compliance with environmental policy, illegal mining and illicit trading. Among other articulations of dissent, small-scale miners associations protested that EIA enforcement rhetoric served unjustly as a rationale for halting livelihoods and extracting rent from miners in times of economic difficulty. The article challenges EIA narratives that focus narrowly on risk management or governance failure, exploring technocratic obfuscations and how enforcement rhetoric was perceived in relation to criminalisation and coercion, expert environmental consultancy cultures and adapted legacies of colonial practice in contemporary dynamics of rule. Heavy-handed policing under the banner of enforcing order impinged on livelihoods and had counterproductive effects in addressing environmental problems, while complying with expensive EIA report-producing requirements was far beyond the means of most small-scale miners. The article rethinks how technical EIA rhetoric becomes entangled in spaces of contentious politics, the perils of looking only at particular scales of relations to the exclusion of others, and what it means to re-engage Donald Moore's notion of " shifting alignments and contingent constellations of power. " Suggesting future directions in political ecology theorising in relation to extractive sectors, it calls for careful attention to the situated politics of EIAs – situated in time and space, amid varying relations of power – and how multiple hegemonic practices are con-ceptualised and challenged.

The intent of this paper is to show the extent to which this environmental damage has now become extremely perilous. However, no longer is the fear simply about our eco-system but our species. Ethical considerations can help us to understand both the exploitation of nature of the climate problem and constraints on possible solutions. In doing so, we will focus on how and why climate change threatens our existence as a species, fundamental ethical values and how ethical action to address it raises serious concerns of global responsibility.

O presente artigo apresenta a experiência de elaboração de programas híbridos de educação ambiental por meio do rádio, tendo como público-alvo a população da província do Cunene, na República de Angola (África). Os programas evidenciaram a realidade ambiental, econômica, social, cultural e linguística dos diferentes povos que habitam a região, por meio de pesquisa etnográfica. Os programas foram produzidos em língua portuguesa e Oshiwambo (língua materna falada na província e norte da República da Namíbia), como estratégia de valorização da linguagem e cultura regional.

Nuclear hazards, linked to both U.S. weapons programs and civilian nuclear power, pose substantial environment justice issues. Nuclear power plant (NPP) reactors produce low-level ionizing radiation, high level nuclear waste, and are subject to catastrophic contamination events. Justice concerns include plant locations and the large potentially exposed populations, as well as issues in siting, nuclear safety, and barriers to public participation. Other justice issues relate to extensive contamination in the U.S. nuclear weapons complex, and the mining and processing industries that have supported it. To approach the topic, first we discuss distributional justice issues of NPP sites in the U.S. and related procedural injustices in siting, operation, and emergency preparedness. Then we discuss justice concerns involving the U.S. nuclear weapons complex and the ways that uranium mining, processing, and weapons development have affected those living downwind, including a substantial American Indian population. Next we examine the problem of high-level nuclear waste and the risk implications of the lack of secure long-term storage. The handling and deposition of toxic nuclear wastes pose new transgenerational justice issues of unprecedented duration, in comparison to any other industry. Finally, we discuss the persistent risks of nuclear technologies and renewable energy alternatives.

Qu'est-ce que l'écoféminisme ? Une anthologie présentée par Émilie Hache introduit le lectorat français à ce courant de pensées très divers, qui s'attache à penser le lien entre nature et féminisme loin de tout essentialisme. Recensé : Reclaim. Recueil de textes écoféministes, choisis et présentés par Émilie Hache, Paris, Éditions Cambourakis, 2016, 416p., 24 €. Pour la première fois paraît une anthologie en français de textes écoféministes, publiée dans la collection « Sorcières » des éditions Cambourakis, choisis et présentés par la philosophe Émilie Hache. Si le terme d'écoféminisme a été introduit par une Française, Françoise d'Eaubonne (1974), c'est dans le monde anglophone que l'idée s'est développée. Rencontre du féminisme et de l'écologie, à la fois mouvement militant, courant intellectuel, littéraire et politique, l'écoféminisme a émergé dans les années 1980 aux États-Unis. En ayant pris le parti, dans cette anthologie, de présenter des textes écoféministes états-uniens (à l'exception du texte de Vandana Shiva 1) et non pas sur l'écoféminisme, Émilie Hache montre que l'articulation que les écoféministes font entre l'oppression des femmes et la destruction de la nature n'est pas le fait d'une réflexion savante et abstraite mais qu'elle s'élabore collectivement et empiriquement au cours de mobilisations très diverses : manifestations antinucléaires à Washington, luttes des femmes contre les pollutions dans divers États américains, mobilisations contre la déforestation en Inde ou encore expérimentation de communautés rurales lesbiennes en Oregon. 1 Vandana Shiva est une philosophe, féministe et écologiste indienne. Depuis plus de dix ans, elle s'engage aux côtés des citoyens contre la destruction de l'environnement. Elle a publié de nombreux livres parmi lesquels Staying Alive : Women, Ecology and Development qui présente notamment le mouvement Chipko et dont un extrait figure dans le recueil. Pour Émilie Hache ce texte a toute sa place dans Reclaim, puisque la mobilisation des femmes indiennes en faveur de la sauvegarde de leurs forêts, constitue dès le départ pour les écoféministes « un exemple privilégié (…) pour répondre aux critiques accusant ce courant d'idées de ne concerner que les femmes privilégiées du Nord » (p. 42).

Abstract The Yasunı´-ITT Initiative was an innovative
development proposal based on the non-production of oil in Yasunı´ National Park in Ecuador, in exchange for
international compensation, eitherin the form of direct
payment or payment for environmental services. My aim is to investigate how the different actors understand this
compensation for non-production of oil in Ecuador, an oil
dependent country. Using a chronological review of the
Initiative and forty in-depth interviews with key players, I
critically engage the ‘environmental narrative’ around the
Initiative inspired by sumak kawsay -a philosophy of life
based on non-mercantilist values, known as ‘‘well living’’
in English or ‘‘buen vivir’’ in Spanish- and degrowth. In
this article I argue that understanding the Initiative as an
environmental matter and not as a problem of oil rent
dependency exemplifies the limits of sumak kawsay and
degrowth as proposals for an alternative to development. Results from Yasunı´ show that the Initiative ended up reproducing the fictions of nature valuation instead of delinking nature from the valuation process. By drawing on a critical political economic framework, this paper shows that categories such as ‘‘dependency’’ and ‘‘rent’’ are fundamental
in understanding the challenges of moving away
from extraction-based development in developing countries. In summary, failing to differentiate between payment for the non-production of oil and compensation from the environmental services, Yasunı´ was a´lost ‘opportunity fora bottom-up debate on what to produce and what not.
Keywords Sumak kawsay,  Degrowth, Yasunı, Nature ,
Rent, Dependency non-production of oil

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought home the fact that humans do not exist outside of the Earth's ecological system. The SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus is zoonotic, meaning it has originated in animals and crossed over to humans. The causes of the increasing occurrence in zoonotic pandemics lie in the higher frequency of encounters between humans and animals (both wild and domesticated). This is exacerbated by how we exploit and abuse the natural environment, and how human influence has become ever more pervasive in the Anthropocene. The pandemic has revealed significant vulnerabilities even in the North, with severe economic consequences likely leading to an extended recession. Much will depend on how we respond to the crisis and how we approach the recovery. The crisis will present an opportunity to rethink what kind of development we as a society want to pursue. We should take this opportunity to reconsider how to restructure the economy towards more sustainability, respect for nature, equality and participation.

Book “Basics of Environmental Sociology” is written keeping in mind the requirement of students and researcher. I was inspired to write this book due to the absence of suitable literature of understanding environmental aspects within sociology in India. Environmental sociology as sub-discipline within sociology needs to be articulated effectively. In India, certain studies on environmental movements and disasters are labelled as sociological study just because these studies are carried out under a sociology department. Unfortunately in present day India, Sociology is just focusing on statistical data analysis without following basic sociological school of thought and approaches to understand the reality. Study of environmental movements, disasters and geographical landscape in India are merely description of certain events that lacks sociological insights. Environmental sociology in the west put forwarded certain argumentative ideas and thoughtful practical ideas and principles. The book intends to develop a mind of understanding environmental sociology as research area that is practical for solving or minimizing environmental problems.  Students, who are aspiring for adopting sociology as profession may get benefit from this book. Researcher can get an outline of the research preparation. It can help the researcher to build a rich bibliography for literature review. Common people or non-sociological public may get the scope of reading some relevant situations of the modern world that usually they ignores or pretends to ignore. Capitalist ideology doesn’t want that mass consciousness uncover their hegemonic ideological power structure. This book may help in building a public consciousness regarding at least studying environmental problems.

COP21 was widely hailed by environmentalists, politicians, and much of the media as “a landmark” and “turning point” in the struggle against global climate change. Yet, there was no binding agreement on emissions reductions, financing of programs, or penalties for non-compliance. Instead, there was a celebration of the rapidly-growing “ambition” on the part of the parties to the agreement. One must suspect that this event was a continuation of the politics of the gesture that was exhibited in previous spectacular events such as the last year’s “People’s Climate March.” Published on the "It Is What It Isn't" Blog, Changing Suns Press, Dec. 18, 2015.

The investigator, out of his severe guilt feeling as he is a member of the leisure class, executed some self-funded projects related to socio-economic conditions of West Bengal. He had surveyed jute cultivation and industry; mines and quarries; unorganized retail market and shopping mall; brick industry; cotton mills; tea-gardens in West Bengal, India. Methodologically speaking, he had not followed any statistical sample survey techniques as he wished to reject state-statistics unholy nexus following Foucauldian paradigm; secondly, under the deployment of scheduled survey techniques, subjects were objectified and they underwent metonymic transformation. According to the investigator, that is a sever violence. Therefore, instead of this technique he followed his own version of ethnomethodology or snow-ball method for understanding such domains.
His findings are as follows:
• Economics is not a so-called natural science that could be guided by the laws of physics. Thus the universalization of economic laws is not at all possible. Econometric analysis does not able to predict future economic condition.
• The governmental statistics does not match with the ground-reality narratives.
• The so-called binary division between organized and unorganized sector does not work at all— a fuzzy zone of organized-unorganized sector has been evolved in the West Bengal industrial scenario.
• The existence of disembodied (a ghost-like entity) owners of several industries has been observed in organized jute industry, coal industry as well as in unorganized basalt-quarries.
• Due to automation and manipulative procedures taken by the owners of industries and due to the conversion of surplus labour-necessary labour ratio in the form of money-sign, null-workers are “working” without any work in the sphere of economy. The extraction is possible due to the diachronically accumulated surplus labor from the deceased null workers. Null workers exist and do not exist.
• By the virtue of the labour of the deceased null workers, owners are creating a accumulative space, where one can convert money-sign to another money-sign, i.e., the domain of dangerous share market. Specters of the null workers are not at all haunting here, where capital to commodity transformation has become merely a place of conspicuous consumption of the minority super-rich people, who have the fetish for the ostentatious display of eco-enemy commodities.
• The role of state is minimal—collusion of super-rich, a minority, is reigning with the help of ideological state apparatuses.
• Image processing and remote sensing satellite technologies make it easier to know the mineral resources. The minority hedge account holders with Malthaseian mindset, evacuate, terminate and annihilate the people of the land to be accumulated by creating a simulated war. Hedge account holders are supplying weapons to the (“terrorist”) state and to the so-called anti-statist (though they are subscribing the statist order of things) “terrorists” ( the investigator is now collecting linguistic data for understanding the import- export of arms and ammunition. Different terms or antilanguage are used both for the fragmented parts of imported arms, which are to be assembled and the division of labour) ---a case of simulacrum or theory of double reflections (anyonyopratibimba) –one is mirroring an-“other”.
• the investigator is emphasizing on using local terms to depict the nature of economics as it is found in glocal (global+local) context of West Bengal. If Sahibs could use so-called antil-anguages like plum or lemon market, what is wrong with the terms like lokkhibar (no consuming day), tola (illegal levy), pORta (covert weight), gunda tax (tax to be paid to the goons), bani (the hidden residue of the gold at the time of reselling), Soru line (illegal path) phoRe (the illegal agent), cinHat (signs or a type of archewriting that regulates the parallel market with legal conflict)?
• The role of political parties here is surprising enough. There is no question of ideology as advertised by the respective parties, rather they are using ideology as a mask. They are acting as private limited company as the corporatization of those parties guided by management gurus has successfully established in the dollar-controlled democracy.
• the investigator added a variable, viz. ecological factors to analyze the socio-economic situations. He is against the market fundamentalism and industrialization as well as urbanization instead he is an activist of eco-economics.
• the investigator’s utopia largely depends on the concept of socially necessary labor, i.e. making one’s own food, clothes and living space. That is the basic education at the vyabaharika level.
• the investigator is proposing “samavaya” in a special sense of the term. Taking cue from the Nyaya darsana, he is explaining samavaya as an non-detachable contact ( samnikarsa) in contrast with “samyoga” (detachable contact). By this term he is not only emphasizing on the samavaya at the vyavaharika level, but also at the paramarthika level. The concepts of samavaya and paravak thus have completed a full circle in the the investigator’s system of philosophy.

The articles in this volume conceptually and empirically engage and extend our ‘theory of
access’ (Ribot and Peluso 2003) through theoretically informed grounded analysis. The
articles nuance our repertoire of access mechanisms, suggesting ways to think more deeply and broadly with the concept. They provide an array of new applications and scales at which the analysis of access pertains under changing political economic and environmental circumstances. This helps clarify the origins of environmental problems and conflicts. Several show how the analysis of access helps us understand patterns of resource distribution, sites of struggle over power and authority, and ways that our notion of “webs of power” could be more effectively structured and defined. In this essay we reflect on how this special issue expands our thinking on power and authority, access maintenance and control, distinctions between access and property, and scales of analysis.

The anthropology of activism: Why the alleged threats of uranium exploration are created, presented and believed?

The article deals with the opposition to uranium exploration in Finland, and discusses the role of environmental activism in it, based on a conflict on the claim concession on Kouvervaara,
Kuusamo, NE Finland (2006–2008), and the allegations presented against it by the opponents. The paper looks for reasons on why environmental activists created, presented and believed allegations on the threats of uranium exploration, although uranium exploration causes no demonstrated harm to the environment, and the allegations were repealed at the hearings and in high court rulings, and are
not supported by the geoscientific literature. These reasons are found in the activists’ concept of nature, ideology, radiophobia, education, legitimacy strategy, faith, and sense of
“moral legitimacy”. The self-induced moral legitimacy created a duty and faith for the action and self-created allegations, originating a vicious circle. The causes worked in interaction,
strengthening each other, generating a system which created allegations for the activity’s legitimacy strategy, which then used them as arguments in propaganda, thesis, hearings and
appeals in order to obstruct the claim concession. Their use was justified by the “moral legitimacy”. When the authorities rejected the allegations in public hearings and appeals, licensing the claim, it created a strong disbelief and feeling
of injustice in the activists. This resulted in conspiracy theories on the authorities’ involvement with the company, as a rhetoric strategy to divert attention from the rejected
arguments. These conspiracy theories have made the activists less likely to appropriately consider the facts, and rational discussion with the activists difficult.

The self-created threats and their public presentation can cause social impacts, affecting a company and its employees, local livelihoods (e.g. tourism) and people by creating fear and anxiety. However, they can also affect the activists themselves in the form of public distrust and disapproval of their activity, especially if the local democracy is disrespected.

These issues open interesting questions about the social impacts, responsibility and local license to operate of activism.

Korunk ökológiai válsága alaposan átalakítja mindennapjainkat, s azon keresztül mindennapi gondolkodásunkat is. Ami fontos volt a múltban mára elenyészett, s olyan új dolgok tágítják horizontunkat, amire tegnap még csak gondolni sem mertünk. Ez a paradigmatikus fordulat bizony hatással volt a politikai ideológiák világára is. Mindezt leginkább az ökológiai politika fejezi ki, amely önálló politikai filozófiává és ideológiává vált, átalakította azt a módot, ahogyan a demokráciáról gondolkodunk, mindezek nyomán pedig jelentős hatást gyakorolt a klasszikus ideológiákra (liberalizmus, szociáldemokrácia és konzervativizmus), és jelentős kihívást is intézett feléjük. Jelen kötet arra vállalkozik, hogy (1) bemutassa az ökológiai politika kialakulását és önálló ideológiává érését; (2) megvizsgálja a hatását a demokráciára és a klasszikus ideológiákra, amelyek olykor „gyomorrontást” kapnak a közélet zöldülésétől, máskor pedig példaértékűen tudnak az ökológiai irányzatokkal együttműködni; (3) tüzetesebben megvizsgálja a baloldal és az ökológia ellentmondásoktól sem mentes viszonyát olyan irányzatokat segítségül hívva, mint a ökoszocializmus, az ökoanarchizmus és az ökofeminizmus, továbbá bemutatja a rendszerváltás utáni magyar (kormányzó és nem kormányzó) baloldal környezetpolitikáját. A kötet egyik fő állítása az, hogy az ökológiai politika korántsem üresíti ki vagy foglalja el erőszakosan a nagy ideológiákat, hanem éppenséggel a 21. századba „teleportálja” őket, másrészt pedig a baloldal tudott a leginkább együttműködni a bolygó megmentését célként kitűző ökopolitikával, s lehetséges egy ökológiai keretbe ágyazott baloldali környezetpolitika kialakítása. Éppen ezért a kötet utolsó részében a szerző – a diskurzus kialakításának szándékától vezérelve – vitapontokba szedve felvázolja a baloldal által potenciálisan követendő, önálló, az ökopolitika felé nyitott környezetpolitika alapjait.

In this chapter we describe how the courts have often been utilized as a method of
conflict resolution since the late 19th century. Our analysis begins with the Western
US, and works toward specific elements related to Arizona. Our research hypothesis
is as follows: Whereas historically, the resolution of conflicts in the courts has created
norms, rules, and instruments that take the form of legal and institutional tools, in
more contemporary times, water management has political strategies at its core,
often with the aim of avoiding court action, and producing social consensus between
professionals of water management and the public.
To say that there has been a consistent historical movement from conflict to
cooperation would be far too simplistic: the water in the Colorado River Basin has
not been managed in a smooth, linear fashion. Instead, conflict and cooperation are in
constant flux (Zeitoun & Murumachi, 2008), and both of these components cohabitate
in the complex world of water management. Conflict and cooperation necessitate
a social, and therefore relational, way of thinking about water. Consequently,
water management cannot be evaluated by a singular focus on the hydrologic cycle
(Linton & Budds, 2014), groundwater-surface water interactions, legal structures,
climate change, or the need for policy solutions to manage drought. The social agents
involved, taken alongside the institutions and norms they created and continue to
create, are of primary interest for a social analysis of the legal structures underlying
water management in West United States.

The Environmental Protection Agency’s Clean Power Plan, designed to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, is a monumental regulation that has the potential to shape the way the United States produces and consumes electricity. While most states will submit their own plans for meeting emissions goals to the EPA, the agency has released a proposed model and federal rule for states that do not want to develop their own plan. These plans support emissions trading, yet the plan asks for comment on what mechanism for trading will be preferred. The first trading system, rate-based, focuses on CO2 emissions per megawatt hour and ignores total emissions. The second system, mass-based, simply caps the total amount of emissions and allows trading around that cap. Implementation of the federal plan should be based on maximizing emissions reductions and reducing costs. Using these criteria, a combination of logic and modeling data support the belief that focusing the federal plan on a mass-based trading system will best maximize the benefits of the Clean Power Plan.

This chapter discusses the so far under-explored role of the study of agenda-setting in the history of European integration. Drawing on the theoretical literature in political science and (European) policy studies in particular, the chapter proposes an analytical framework for the historical study of agenda-setting. Subsequently, it analyses agenda-setting in the early environmental policy of the European Communities in the 1970s, in particular concerning the action programmes that defined the policy and the birds directive as a pioneering policy project in nature conservation.

The idea of Sustainable Mining (SM) has gained increasing traction in the past two decades as an industry-based response to concerns over operational pollution, the (mis)treatment of local/Indigenous communities, and a growing awareness of diminishing and finite mineral stocks. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is currently the theory of choice for thinking about and implementing change at the industrial level, however, this thesis argues that Henri Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space illuminates the serious limitations of such approaches. Lefebvre challenges the dominant modern understanding of space as a neutral, passive, empty container arguing that it is a socially produced realization of particular modes of spatial production. Every society produces its own space, which facilitates and constrains different forms of life. CSR remains mired in that abstract and reductive spatialization exemplified by extractive processes that have made, and continue to make, spaces unliveable for thousands of communities around the world. I suggest Lefebvre’s work offers a quite different way of thinking about sustainability itself, not as an abstract balancing act between three distinct pillars – economy, society, environment, but in terms of how these are, in actuality, always already combined together in and through different modes of spatial production. The focus of sustainability then becomes one of producing and reproducing continually livable spaces, rather than ensuring economic growth.

The Canadian insolvency legislation has borne the shield and shear paradox: of advancing immovable force of environmental law  or  promoting  unstoppable  force  of  creditors'  interests  and  the  private  relief  afforded  by bankruptcy. Or, manage the two by appropriate deference to the balance sought by the Canadian Parliament. This paper examines the issue in five parts.

Part I walks through the introductory notions, principles and rules under the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act, and Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act. In Part-II, the state of law is assessed through the prism of trilogy of cases (Bulora, Panamericana and Lamford) during 1990s leading to 1997 legislative amendments to culminate in Part-III. Part-III takes a resume of case laws post-1997 amendments till Atibibowater case [2012 SCC 67, dated 2012-12-07]. Part-IV deals with critique and discussion of two post-1997 amendment principles of the abandonment rights  and  crown  super-priority  in  the  light  of  prevailing  jurisprudence (General  Chemical  and  Nortel).  In conclusion,  I have stated that the on-going stewardship obligations in the insolvency proceedings and historical obligation of the state to remediate environment have to operate like an "organic living tree" promoting the former while upholding the protection of the environment as a fundamental value in Canadian society; arrest the collision of the unstoppable force (shield) of corporate restructuring with the immovable object (shear) of the imperative of responsible environmental stewardship only possible with a principled and pragmatic perspective brought to bear on the appropriate deference to the balance sought by the legislators.

The present work shows the results obtained in the anaerobic digestion of coffee wet wastewater processing. The anaerobic reactors were operated with two configurations, single-stage and two-stage in mesophilic-controlled conditions. The effect of both organic loading rate (OLR) and reactor configuration in the anaerobic digestion of coffee wet wastewater was investigated. The OLR values considered in the single-stage system varied in arrange of 3.6-4.1 kgCOD m-3 d-1. The acidogenic reactor of the two-stage system was fed at a rate of 11 kgCOD m-3 d-1, whereas the methanogenic reactor load varied in the range of 2.6-4.7 kgCOD m-3 d-1. For the same HRT and OLR global conditions, the two-stage system showed the best results in the treatment of this type of wastewater. The present study suggests that the experimental design technique is a suitable tool to the investigation of the wastes anaerobic treatment technologies.

Keywords: Single-stage and two-stage anaerobic digestion, coffee wet wastewater, UASB reactor, acidogenic reactor, methanogenic reactor, experimental design technique

Public feelings toward sharks are expected to grow negatively following shark bites on humans. Media and government responses are often predicated on this presumptive emotional response; however, there have been no published data on attitudes toward sharks following shark bite incidents. This study shows that levels of “pride” in white shark populations in the absence of an incident remained steady after a shark bite occurred. This was consistent across response areas regarding other marine life and “confidence” in beach safety programs. Results are based on a pilot survey conducted in the Cape Town beach suburbs of Fish Hoek and Muizenberg before and after a shark bite at Fish Hoek beach. The study found no statistical significance between survey responses and the occurrence of the shark bite incident. The results indicate a previously undocumented level of public sophistication following these events. This data challenges the underlying basis of policy responses to shark bites and suggests that new considerations of public knowledge, endemic value and causal narratives should be incorporated into decision making.► This paper examines the first survey of the public before and after a shark bite incident. ► Results show that feelings of pride toward sharks were independent of the shark bite. ► No decline in confidence was reported in a government-funded beach program. ► Findings challenge existing rationales for shark control policy responses.

This political essay advocates for the traditional Native American values of making decisions that protect the sustainability of the natural world for the next 7 generations. The essay was inspired by a long-term correspondence between the author and social critic Noam Chomsky on the subject, a theme at the heart of Chomsky's recent book Requiem for the American Dream. Other leading progressive critics including Sen. Bernie Sanders and Chris Hedges are cited. The thrust of the argument is that now is the time for creating an institutional forum where Indigenous leadership and wisdom-keepers can be heard in time to save the species from extinction. This manuscript can be read in published form, beautifully presented, at the following URL:
http://www.societyforritualarts.com/coreopsis/autumn-2017-issue/portfolio-item/now-we-must-fight-for-the-children/

The impact of policy and regulations on the labeling of organic foods directly influences the markets for these resources from the top down. Imported products are not tested for chemicals or labeled. There are few environmental standards in their originating country. Many banned chemicals in the United States are used. There is a gap in government policies. It is illegal to use certain chemicals in food production in the United States. However, it is legal for consumers to eat imported produce covered in these banned chemicals. There is no monitoring of imports or GMOs for labeling information available to the public. The Federal Trade Commission fails to follow their mission in the case of GMOs or imports: “The FTC enforces federal consumer protection laws that prevent fraud, deception and unfair business practices.” Consumers are challenged to find accurate labeling since the words “natural” and “organic” are difficult to regulate.