Ephesus

THE CULT OF DIONYSOS IN ASIA MINOR
IN THE ROMAN IMPERIAL AGE

Making his presence, which can be traced long before the Archaic Age, deeply felt mainly in Hellas, Asia Minor and then in Rome throughout the ancient world, Dionysos, depending on the place and time, appears before us sometimes as a god of grape-wine, sometimes as a god of theatre and acting arts and sometimes as a religious power shaped according to the local needs, however, he has generally been a god of nature representing the fertility and abundance. According to the inscriptions, Dionysos was mentioned with many epithetons in Asia Minor of the Roman Imperial Age, and that he was a god of nature bringing abundance-fertility and his many other features can be observed by these epithetons. Depending on the long stated customs, the cult of Dionysos in Asia Minor survived throughout the Roman Imperial Age (especially in the II-III. Century A.D. with festivals, cult associations and structuring, artists (musicians, players, dancers) that served his cult. According to the written records, festivals such as Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris organized in the name of Dionysos were celebrated. Dance, music and play competitions were made in these festivals maintained by the rich citizens or directors and not commonly known cult rituals were performed. Besides the associations of synodos artists called by different names in different times in the large cities of the west, cult associations broad in scope such as thiasos, speira or cult member groups with large audience in various names were active both in worshipping and these festivals. In order to achieve this, undoubtedly, both artist associations and cult associations had to have a well organized governing structure. Names were given to the cult members according to the task taken. These members also had to pay a membership fee in order to be a member or to continue to be one. Actually, these fees were as important as the epimeletes in the mainta-nance of these associations. In addition, they were supported both mate-rially and spiritually by the Roman emperors or provincial governors. Although the paganic religious activities in the lands of Asia Minor under the control of Rome were left to the free will of the cities, they would not be strong without the respect shown for the cults of the emperors, emperor and the Roman goddess (Dea Roma). The worshipping of Dionysos could only develop with the close relations with the emperors and the Roman Empire. Correspondingly, supporting a paganic cult significant for the people, the Roman Empire gained the sympathy of the people and also kept them loyal to Rome. The deification of the Roman emperors began with General Marcus Antonius, who was wellcomed as “New Dionysos” on his arrival to Ephesos, and continued in the Roman Imperial Age. During this period the associations in Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias and Sardeis characterised Emperor Hadrianus, Commodus and Caracalla by this epitheton. Thus, they deified them by considering them equal with Dionysos. Dionysos also had common worship with imperial or Dea Roma cult besides the common paganic worship of Zeus and Dēmētēr. Like all other paganic religions, the cult of Dionysos broke down with the strengthening Christianity with which it had opposite doctrines and finally with the acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the state. However, many features of the Dionysos cult continued to exist in Asia Minor both in Christian features and local cultures and traditions. Today it still continues this effect.

Arkaik Çağ’dan çok daha eskilere götürebildiğimiz varlığını, coğrafi olarak başta Hellas, Küçükasya ve sonraları Roma olmak üzere tüm Antik Çağ coğrafyasında etkin bir şekilde hissettiren Dionysos, yer ve zaman farkına bağlı olarak, bazı yerlerde üzüm-şarap tanrısı, bazılarında tiyatro ve sahne sanatlarının tanrısı, bazılarında ise yerel ihtiyaçlar doğrultusunda şekillendirilmiş dinsel bir güç olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Ama genel olarak bereket ve bolluğu temsil eden bir doğa tanrısı kimliğine sahip olmuştur. Yazıtlardan anlaşıldığına göre Roma İmparatorluk Çağı Küçükasyası’ nda birçok epitheton ile anılan Dionysos’un, bolluk-bereket getiren bir doğa tanrısı olduğu ve diğer başka özellikleri gene bu epitheton’larından anlaşılmaktadır. Küçükasya’daki Dionysos kültü Roma İmparatorluk Çağı boyunca (bilhassa M.S. II-III. yüzyılarda), öncesinden gelen bir geleneğe bağlı olarak şenlikleri, kült dernekleri ve yapılanması, kültüne hizmet eden sanatçıları (müzisyenler, oyuncular, dansçılar) ile varlığını sürdürmüştür. Yazılı belgelerden bu dönemde büyük ve zengin kentlerde hâlâ Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris gibi Dionysos adına tertiplenen şenliklerin kutlandığını; masrafları, epimeletes olarak bildiğimiz kentin zengin vatandaşları ya da yöneticileri tarafından karşılanan bu şenliklerde külte ilişkin dans, müzik ve oyun yarışmaların yapıldığını ve herkesçe bilinmeyen kült ritüellerinin uygulandığını öğrenmekteyiz. Bilhassa batı kesimlerdeki büyük kentlerdeki, farklı dönemlerde farklı isimlerle anılan synodos sanatçı derneklerinin yanında thiasos, speira gibi daha geniş kapsamlı kült dernekleri ya da en yaygını mystai olan çeşitli adlar altında toplanan geniş kitleli kült üye grupları hem tapınımda, hem de bu şenliklerde aktif olmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki bunu gerçekleştirebilmek adına gerek sanatçı dernekleri gerekse kült dernekleri, iyi organize olmuş bir idari yapılanmaya sahip olmak durumundaydı. Bu derneklerde üstlendikleri görevlere göre adlandırılan kült üyelerinin, üye olabilmeleri veya üyeliklerini sürdü-rebilmeleri için ödemek zorunda oldukları aidatlar da vardı. Esasen bu derneklerin finansmanının karşılanmasında bu aidatlar, en az epimeletes’ ler kadar önemliydi. Ayrıca Roma imparatorlarının ya da eyalet yöneticilerinin hem manevi hem de maddi desteğini alıyorlardı. Zira bu dönemde Roma egemenliği altında bulunan Küçükasya topraklarındaki pagan dinsel yaşam her ne kadar kentlerin özgür iradesine bırakılmışsa da, imparatorlara, imparator ve Roma Tanrıçası (Dea Roma) kültüne gösterilen saygı olmaksızın güçlü kalamazdı. Küçükasya Dionysos tapınımı da, tamamıyla imparatorlar ve Roma İmparatorluğu ile kurulan güçlü bağlar sayesinde gelişebilmiştir. Bununla paralel olarak da Roma İmparatorluğu, halk için önemli olan pagan bir kültü destekleyerek, hem halkın sempatisini kazanmakta, hem de böylece onların Roma’ya olan bağlılığını sürdürmek amacını gütmekteydi. General Marcus Antonius’un Ephesos’a gelişinde “Yeni Dionysos” olarak karşılanmasıyla başlayan Romalı devlet adamlarını tanrılaştırma geleneği, Roma İmparatorluk Çağı’nda da sürmüş; bu dönemde özellikle Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias ve Sardeis’teki dernekler, İmparator Hadrianus, Commodus ve Caracalla’yı bu sıfatla nitelendirmişler, böylece onları Dionysos ile bir tutarak tanrılaştırmışlardır. İmparatorluk veya Dea Roma kültü ile ortak tapınımı da görülen Dionysos’un Zeus ve Dēmētēr gibi pagan tanrı-tanrıçalarla da ortak tapınımı söz konusudur. Diğer pagan dinler gibi Dionysos kültünün yıkımı da, öğretilerinin birbirine tamamen ters düştüğü Hıristiyanlık dininin güçlenmesiyle ve nihayetinde M.S. 391’de imparatorluğun resmî dini olmasıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Ancak Dionysos kültünün birçok unsuru, Küçükasya topraklarında, gerek Hıristiyanlık unsurlarında gerekse halk kültür ve geleneklerinde yaşamaya devam etmiştir. Bugün de bu etkisini göstermeye devam etmektedir."

SEG 60-1998. Religion. Dionysos: his cult in Asia Minor, Imperial period:
On the basis of archaeological, numismatic, and (mainly) epigraphic attestations, B.Öztürk,Roma imparatorluk çağı Küçükasaysı’nda Dionysos kültü (Istanbul 2010), studies the cult ofΔιόνυσος in Roman Asia Minor. After general remarks about the god, he presents a geographically arranged catalogue of the relevant inscriptions with brief comments (ph. of some texts). On 196-209, Ö. provides a register with explanations of the most important terms found in the inscriptions, and on 210/211 a list of epithets.

open access: https://www.austriaca.at/3950-8inhalt?frames=yes



Zwischen 147 und 149 n. Chr. wird im Norden von Ephesos auf einer Fläche von knapp 13.000 m² ein Bad-Gymnasium-Komplex eröffnet, der nach seinem Stifter, M. Claudius P. Vedius Antoninus Phaedrus Sabinianus, heute als Vediusgymnasium bezeichnet wird. Die als Kombination einer römischen Therme mit einem griechischen Gymnasium konfigurierte Anlage entspricht dem Idealtypus der vor allem in Kleinasien anzutreffenden Thermengymnasien. Die vorliegende Publikation nimmt die bereits in den 1920er und 1950er Jahren begonnenen Untersuchungen wieder auf, um nunmehr nach sechsjähriger Feldarbeit und Aufarbeitung eine Endpublikation des Monumentes vorzulegen. Diese beinhaltet sowohl die theoretische Rekonstruktion des Bauwerks mitsamt seiner Ausstattung und die Klärung der technischen Aspekte der Therme als auch eine archäologisch-historische Auswertung der Anlage, die die Nutzungs- und Baugeschichte des Bades beleuchtet. Die Arbeit thematisiert einen monumentalen Gebäudetypus, der das Stadtbild der Metropolen des griechischen Ostens prägte und als Zentrum des öffentlichen Lebens galt. Multifunktional angelegt dienten die Thermengymnasien als Treffpunkte von Vereinen, als Austragungsort unterschiedlichster Veranstaltungen, als Ausbildungsstätten und nicht zuletzt als Orte der körperlichen Ertüchtigung, der Körperpflege und Erholung. Das wechselhafte Schicksal eines der vier großen ephesischen Bad-Gymnasien soll im Zuge dieser Publikation dargelegt werden.



In the years between 147 and 149 A.D. an almost 13.000 m² bath-gymnasium complex was opened in the north of Ephesos, the sponsor of which, M. Claudius P. Vedius Antoninus Phaedrus Sabinianus, gave it its current name, Vedius gymnasium. The combination of Roman baths and Greek gymnasium is an example of the model type of the bath-gymnasium mainly found in Asia Minor. This publication is the continuation of the research started in the 1920's and 1950's and the result of six years of archaeological field work which is now presented in the final publication of the monument. It includes the theoretical reconstruction of the building, its furnishings and the clarification of various technical problems of the baths as well as the archaeological-historic relevance of the complex that explains the usage and the history of the building. The discussion also takes account of the monumental building type that strongly influenced the city structure of the metropoleis of the Greek east and belonged to the core of society. The multifunctional purpose of the bath-gymnasium made it a meeting point for clubs, events took place here, educational needs were met and last but not least it was also used as a place for exercise, body care and general recreation. This publication tries to explain the eventful life of one of the four large Ephesian bath-gymnasiums.

During the reign of Diocletian (284-305AD), Ephesus was reorganized on centralized and authoritarian lines down to the provincial level. A big part of the city was rebuilt by Constantine I. In 401AD after the Edict of Thessalonica from Emperor Theodosius I, the ruins of temple of Artemis was destroyed. The most important role of the city took place in 431AD. There, the Council of Ephesus was assembled by the Emperor Theodosius the younger to settle the contentions which had been raised in the Church by the heretical teaching of Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople. Finally, in 449AD another council took place the Robber Synod, which was condemned by the Fourth Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon in 451.

In this article, I examine how the apocryphal Acts of John depicts wealthy Christian converts as part of the “Christianization” of Ephesus. I note how the Acts of John uses its portrayal of leading citizens not only to critique, but to preserve and adapt prevailing expectations surrounding Greco-Roman cultic patronage. My analysis comprises two parts. In the first part, I discuss the ways in which the Acts of John undermines prevalent Greco-Roman practices of benefaction. I note that the Acts of John criticizes monetary offerings as part of cultic “exchanges,” and thus indirectly condemns the patronage of religious institutions by wealthy benefactors. Relatedly, the Acts of John’s portrait scene, most often analyzed for
its witness to early Christian aniconism, challenges Greco-Roman patronage norms by questioning the propriety of dedicatory portraits. In the second part, I track the ways in which the Acts of John preserves and adapts prevailing modes of ancient benefaction. Specifically, the Acts of John positions domestic hospitality as the primary means by which wealthy converts ought to support the Christian mission.Taken together, my two-part examination establishes that the Acts of John both challenges and redirects prevailing practices of Greco-Roman patronage as part of a broader articulation of proper Christian piety.

In this study, two kouroi, found in the Claros sanctuary and exhibited in the Ephesus Museum, were modeled three-dimensionally by using photogrammetric techniques. By using the method developed for the three-dimensional analytical analysis of the sculptures, the proportion system of the kouroi was analyzed and the connection between the artistic lines and proportion system was revealed. Thus, geometric plans were obtained that explain the proportion system of these sculptures. This
study proposes an analytical method to understand the proportion system used in Greek sculpture and to solve the canon problem. Examples of how the proposed method can be used in museology and conservation studies are also given in this study. It is thought that the findings will also contribute to the history of mathematics research and sculpture education and practices.

This is full text of the first part of my monograph "The logos of Heraclitus",  published by Academic publishers "Nauka" in Saint-Petersburg in 2014, in English translation which contains all five chapters of the Introduction on Heraclitus' life, work and philosophy, as well a reconstruction of his lost work,  the Greek text of the fragments with apparatus criticus and English translation.  The second part contains commentary on fragments and is available in the original Russian edition on this personal page. This edition contains 160 fragments in the main corpus and 15 "Probabilia", i.e. probable fragments that are quoted without explicit mention of Heraclitus' name, but supported verbal coincidences and by parallels. Most of "Probabilia", including anonymous quotations in Plato, are based on new attributions. More than 20 fragments of the main corpus are not included in Diels-Kranz and other editions. Some of these fragments are new, some have been known before, but their status of authenticity has been reassessed and upgraded, e.g. from a doxographicum to a paraphrase of a verbatim quotation that contains a unique authentic tenet. In some other cases fragments considered authentic in DK, have been downgraded to interpretive paraphrase (B7, partly B91 DK) or to spuria (e.g. B105, B115 DK). In this edition we understand «fragment» not in Diels' formal sense as a verbatim quotation distinguished from «doxography» (an ill-defined category that we have criticised on our article "The origin and transmiision of the doxographical tradition... 2016), but as any ancient text that contains a unique piece of information on the philosophical content of a lost Preplatonic work, that cannot be reduced to other texts, an elementary «atom» of information.  The status of authenticity may be variable starting from a flawless verbatim quotation in Ionian dialect and descending down to a mixed verbatim quotation with paraphrase, to a good paraphrase close to original text, to a free paraphrase, to an interpretive paraphrase, to a polemical paraphrase that seriously distorts the original, to a mere reminiscence of term or a topos. We usually restrict the admission to the main corpus of fragments by first three categories. Some fragments in our edition are reconstructed on the ground of ancient summary that after quoting a verbatim fragment points to the existence of «other, similar» sayings of Heraclitus (such are 6 hypothetical fragments in 44A and 45A in our edition). Some «fragments» in our edition are «thought-fragments» rather than «text-fragments», i.e. a doctrinal (rather than lexical) convergence of several independent sources that does not allow to establish the exact wording of the lost original, but makes more ol less certain the existence of a certain analogy, idea or other tenet, since the name of Heraclitus appears in one or more contexts. Such cases are found especially in the reconstruction of the section on krafts (τέχναι) imitating nature, fr.106-124 Leb.

In contemporary New Testament scholarship, the building metaphor as reflected in Ephesians 2:19-22 is usually considered to be based on traditional materials. Potential sources include (1) a (baptismal) hymn (cf. Nauck 1953; Pokorny 1962; Barth 1974), (2), Qumran texts (cf. Gnilka 1971), (3) Christian thought, in particular 1 Corinthians 3:9-17/Colossians 1:21-23 (cf. Merklein 1973, 1981; Muddiman 2001; Best 2004), and/or (4) Old Testament temple imagery (cf. Lincoln 1990; Hoehner 2002; Thielman 2010). However, the use of the anarthrous noun ναός (v. 21) implies no specific temple is in mind. In this paper, therefore, it is argued that even though the central message of Ephesians 2:19-22 is probably inspired by some of the Hebrew Scriptures (cf. McKelvey 1969), the metaphor itself originates from the author’s (and hearer’s) familiarity with the building of Graeco-Roman temples. Based on textual and archaeological evidence, it is shown that temple building not only was a social reality of urban life in Asia Minor (including Ephesus), its process of construction also informs the ongoing scholarly debate about the location of the ἀκρογωνιαῖος (v. 20).

The Week in the Life from IVP Academic asks New Testament scholars to imagine a story illustrating various aspects of Jewish or Greco-Roman culture. In this case, David deSilva sketches life in Ephesus in the final years of the first century. Domitian is the emperor and the city is building an imperial cult center dedicated to the emperor.

Ephesus can certainly offer potentially rich source material, due to its historical development. In this chapter, the author is limited here to that material which has been discovered in the course of excavations in the area of private domestic architecture, and the statements. It concerns with the development of the settlement up until the Hellenistic era, in order to reconstruct, at least rudimentarily, the structure, organization, and composition of the social fabric. The earliest indications of human activity can be traced back to the seventh millennium BCE. To the southeast of the later Hellenistic-Roman city a settlement In addition to a variety of finds which can be interpreted in connection with settlement activity, two late Classical courtyard houses with single rooms have been excavated. Therefore, the interconnection between the domestic and working world well enough known from antiquity is manifested in the civic environment as well as the rural one.

The present work deals with the Roman cistophori kept in the coin cabinet of the National Museum in Aquileia. Even if no data concerning the find spot are available, these coins could reflect part of the contents of one or more hoards of denarii formerly uncovered in the area of the ancient city but disassembled in the aftermath. Given the very restricted circulation of cistophorus limited to the province of Asia, finds from Aquileia constitute the largest assemblage of this kind in the entire Western Mediterranean. The reason for such an anomalous presence is to be found in the close commercial ties between Aquileia and the western Asia Minor, well defined by archaeological and epigraphical sources.

Βασιλείου-Δαμβέργης Αλέξανδρος- Νεκτάριος: Αριστοτέλους 1.Αθηναίων Πολιτεία, από τις απαρχές μέχρι το Σόλωνα:
διαθεματική διδακτική προσέγγιση στο πανεπιστήμιο.
2.Ο φιλόσοφος Ηράκλειτος η εποχή του: ο πολιτικός άνδρας, η πόλις και ο πόλεμος: διδακτική πρόταση στο πανεπιστήμιο.

This chapter sets Heraclitus and his work in the historical context of the Ionian  revolt (499 - 494 B.C.).The combined  external evidence and the ipsissima verba of Heraclitus lead to the conclusion that the book of Heraclitus was not only a philosophical treatise, but also a program of radical political and religious reforms whose aim was the creation of a federal state of Ionian Greeks (presumably with further expansion of it into a Panhellenic state) in order to match and to surpass the military might of the Persian empire.  In religious sphere the  Homeric anthropomorphic  polytheism had to be replaced by a monotheistic cult of Apollo the Sun (being a visible manifestation of his Father Zeus, the imperceptible «ever-living fire» imbued with mind, the creator of the Universe) who would unite the Greeks as a «common» (ξυνός) patron of the unified mega-polis. Heraclitus was an ideologue of the Ionian revolt and probably was connected with the «party of war» in Ephesus, hence his glorification of the fallen in battle who would be awarded with a «better portion» in afterlife and become commensals of gods in the Sun region, according to the neglected verbatim fragment in Zenobius Sophista (fr. 159A Lebedev). Heraclitus intentional «obscurity» and metaphorical language can be explained both as imitation of the oracular language of Apollo (whose prophet he claims to be by the prophetic formula “listening not to my logos…”) and as a conspiratorial protection against the spies of the Great king.  Heraclitus’ project probably failed because of the destruction of Miletus (494 B.C.), but his Panhellenic ideas may have influenced the founders of the Delian League who made the Delian Apollo the patron of the new confederation. And his dream was finally realised in full by Alexander the Great.

This article gives the historical context for the epistle to the Ephesians by examining the historical and religious background of the city of Ephesus. The religions of ancient Ephesus included the worship of Artemis, the worship of the Greek pantheon of gods and goddesses, the  Roman emperor cult and the practice of magic. The city experienced conflicts between Jews, Gentiles and the church established by Paul. The article surveys the spiritual war for Ephesus and explains how the gospel penetrated this pagan city in spite of spiritual and demonic opposition. This article was published in The Journal of Ministry and Theology 15.2 (Fall 2011), 77-131.

This work is an essential companion for understanding each book of the New Testament in its cultural context. It provides information and analysis on each biblical book, covering its cultural and historical background including the author and fresh outline of each biblical book. From the life of Jesus in the Gospels, to the life of Paul in Acts, you’ll find the answers you are looking for here. Cultural and archaeological discoveries are provided throughout, helping to bring the Bible alive for any reader. It is beautifully illustrated with over 200 colorful, maps, timelines, charts, photographs, and illustrations. A helpful glossary defines technical terms, and extensive footnotes with hundreds of commentaries and books listed in the For Future Study section, as well as an extensive bibliography, provide an invaluable resource to readers seeking further study.
    An engaging resource intended for laypeople who want to know more about the New Testament, whether in seminary courses, college classrooms, church groups or personal study.

The epistle to the Ephesians is considered one of the finest theological treatises in the New Testament. Its contents reveal the plan of the Father, expressed in a Trinitarian nature, to unite all as His chosen and root them in the knowledge of His love for them and what He has given them. Christ was sent as the enabler of this unification and those who have received His salvation have been granted a seat with Him in the heavenly places. The goal of this paper is to reveal distinctives of Ephesians despite its close association to Colossians. To do this, background of the writing, structure and theological issues will be examined.

This article retraces the 'formative' building phases of the church of St. John at Ephesos from its origins in the 4th century to the 6th-century completion of the great vaulted monument whose ruins dominate the site today. The point of departure of our new approach to the building phases of St. John’s is not the discovery of new archaeological evidence. The present work is rather based on the realisation that some of the evidence that has already been published has either been misinterpreted or overlooked. The aim of this article is, therefore, to review, synthesise, and reinterpret all the evidence published since the 1950s. Grouped together and re-interpreted, these clues provide new insights into the history of the church. What distinguishes this new interpretation from previous ones is its architectural standpoint. The remains of St. John’s are viewed both as structural fragments but also as design fragments. In other words, traces of walls and pilasters are not only indicative of dates and construction methods. They also reveal the design ideas that shaped the church. Identifying parts of structure that correspond to different design ideas helps to distinguish building phases that are difficult to be spotted otherwise. Another characteristic of this methodology is its multifaceted approach to the remains. Archaeological evidence is compared with information from written records. The examination of construction details is combined with the study of the overall design. The combination of structural survey, design analysis, typological investigation, and research in written records addresses the need for a holistic approach to the development of the church.

Eine erklärende Übertragung des Briefes an die Epheser. Textgröße ca. Faktor 2,5 zum Originaltext. Benutzte Kommentare: Gnilka, Arnod, Hoehner, Keener, Schlier, O`Brien, Calvin, Darby, Kelly, Schnackenburg, Lindemann, Wright, Stott, Stadelmann, Gese, Yoder, Best, Muddimann, Fowl, Talbert, Bruce, Lincoln, Cohick, Foulkes, Chafer

El artículo trata de responder a una cuestión muy debatida entre los autores sobre si San Ignacio de Antioquía conoció o no el Evangelio y las Cartas de San Juan. La cuestión es importante para la datación de la literatura joánica. Se ha escogido la Carta de San Ignacio de Antioquía a los Efesios porque la tradición habla de Éfeso como lugar de
omposición del cuarto evangelio. En esta colaboración se estudia en primer lugar la carta de San Ignacio fijando la atención principalmente en los lugares que tienen resonancias joánicas tanto en el vocabulario como en las concepciones teológicas. A continuación se hace una visión sintética concluyendo con la respuesta afirmativa a la cuestión planteada.

open access: https://austriaca.at/6842-3inhalt?frames=yes



Im letzten Jahrzehnt vor der Zeitenwende wird im Norden des ephesischen Staatsmarktes ein Gebäude errichtet, das uns heute als eines der wenigen sicher identifizierten Prytaneia der griechisch-römischen Welt bekannt ist. Als Hauptkultgebäude der Polis fungierte das Prytaneion als Amtssitz der höchsten magistratischen Beamten der Stadt, als Ort öffentlicher Ehrenmäler und als der Ort, an dem der sog. Staatsherd untergebracht war – ein ewig brennendes Feuer, das das Leben der Stadt symbolisieren sollte. Zwischen den Jahren 2007 und 2009 wurde das Prytaneion von Ephesos einer abschließenden archäologischen und bauhistorischen Analyse unterzogen. Dabei konnten nicht nur die Baugeschichte, die Funktion und die Struktur der Anlage weitgehend geklärt werden, sondern auch Transformationsprozesse an einem antiken Monumentalbau nachgezeichnet werden, die einen Funktionswandel von einem kaiserzeitlichen Verwaltungs-, Repräsentations- und Kultgebäude zu einem einfachen byzantinischen Werkstatts- und Wohnviertel dokumentieren. Das wechselhafte Schicksal dieses Komplexes, das sich über die ersten acht nachchristlichen Jahrhunderte verfolgen lässt, soll im Zuge dieser Publikation dargelegt werden.



In the last decade before the year zero a building in the north of the so-called State Agora of Ephesos was erected, that is now known as one of the very few securely identified prytaneia of the ancient world. As the main cultic building of the city the prytaneion functioned as the official office of the highest magistrates within the city, as the site of banquets in honour of worthy citizens and foreigners at the cost of the state, and as the site of the so-called hearth of the state, upon which the eternal flame burned, symbolising the life of the city.
Between the years 2007 and 2009 a final thorough scientific study has been carried out that clarified the building history, its structure and function. In this context processes of transformation could be determined that proved a change in function of an Imperial structure of government, cult and representation to a Byzantine area for craftsmen in connection with simple residential structures. This publication tries to explain the eventful history of this complex, that can be traced over the first eight centuries AD.

“Gathering a mob of rustics, [Memnon] has convulsed the city, sending his clerics to the houses of the most God-beloved bishops and uttering countless dire threats” (ACO I.1.5, 121). This passage reveals an underlying common understanding of markers of urbanity: of urban vs. rural, civilised vs. uncivilised, the use and abuse of urban infrastructure. In this paper, I argue that one may identify a certain ‘rhetoric of urbanity’ when it comes to the documents and proceedings of the Council of Ephesus 431 CE. One may distinguish three categories, pertaining to 1) urban vs. rural (civilised-uncivilised, discipline, lawlessness), 2) urban audience (crowds, mobs, marches, unrest), and 3) urban infrastructure (public manifestations, hiding, separation). Both Cyril’s and Nestorius/John’s parties employ these categories in their rhetoric to cast their antagonists as anti-urban as opposed to themselves as civilised urbanites. I will demonstrate by an analysis of the documents of the Council of Ephesus that on the basis of a ‘rhetoric of urbanity’ there exists a particular shared understanding of urbanity that is used as a tool in ecclesial-political disputes.