History of Intellectuals

El comunismo, uno de los movimientos político-ideológicos cruciales del siglo xx, dotó de una identidad y una cultura política a millones de hombres y mujeres alrededor del mundo; no solo a trabajadores y campesinos, sino también a amplios sectores de las capas medias, profesionales, artistas, escritores y científicos. Durante décadas, el Partido Comunista Argentino contó con la adhesión de un amplio grupo de intelectuales que participaron de la vida cultural y los debates públicos a través de una vasta red de organizaciones, editoriales y publicaciones periódicas.
El análisis de las relaciones entre los intelectuales y el comunismo en Argentina entre el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y principios de la década de 1960 constituye el propósito de este libro. A partir de un profundo trabajo con fuentes y archivos, Adriana Petra se aleja de las visiones centradas en la postulación de una institución partidaria monolítica, autorregulada y trascendente para las prácticas de sus dirigentes y militantes y analiza la complejidad que entraña el compromiso político de los intelectuales con un proyecto que exige una lealtad sin fisuras. De este modo, ubica el problema de los intelectuales comunistas en el nudo de múltiples contextos, en los que la tensión permanente entre cultura y política produjo formas organizacionales, discursivas y representaciones diversas.
Intelectuales y cultura comunista constituye una contribución fundamental a la historia de las izquierdas en Argentina y demuestra que "la experiencia del comunismo intelectual en el corto siglo xx continúa siendo paradigmática, pues centra sobre sí todas las paradojas de ese personaje moderno que es el intelectual".


Índice de Contenidos

Introducción 11

I. Vanguardistas, reformistas, antifascistas 39
1. La cultura entre el proletarismo y el antifascismo: los primeros años treinta 51
2. Ponce y los inicios del antifascismo comunista 57
3. La AIAPE y la consolidación de una sensibilidad antifascista 65

II. Intelectuales y cultura comunista en la segunda posguerra 75
1. La organización soviética 80
2. Estructuras del activismo cultural: instituciones y sistema impreso 86
3. Hacia un nuevo modelo de intelectual de partido 102
4. Literatura y “espíritu de partido” 111
5. Las purgas antivanguardistas 122
6. La revista Cuadernos de Cultura 131

III. Antiimperialismo y peronismo 139
1. La ruptura con el espacio liberal: la “crisis Real” y los intelectuales 144
2. La polémica Giusti-Agosti 163
3. Frente al peligro imperial: lecturas y organizaciones culturales 173
4. La Casa de la Cultura Argentina 185
5. Literatura y nación: la cuestión de la gauchesca 191

IV. Los comunistas y la paz. Figuras y problemas de un movimiento global 205
1. Latinoamericanos en una nueva geografía 210
2. Pacifistas argentinos: el Consejo Argentino por la Paz 219
3. María Rosa Oliver, sobre la utilidad de los burgueses 227
4. Epílogo cinematográfico: el caso de Alfredo Varela 238

V. La década comunista. Héctor P. Agosti y los debates de los años cincuenta 247
1. Disconformismos 254
2. Echeverría: entre Gramsci e Ingenieros 259
3. Traiciones y revoluciones 265
4. El comunismo después del peronismo 269
5. Los intelectuales: definiciones y funciones 278
6. El “camino argentino” al socialismo y un balance ambiguo 297
7. Nación y cultura 304
8. El tercer frente: neoizquierda y neomarxismo 315

VI. Gramsci y la nueva izquierda. Morfología de una recepción intensa 325
1. Sur: una vía argentina a la literatura italiana 330
2. Fascismo, peronismo y el problema de las generaciones 337
3. Literatura y revolución: la cuestión del realismo 347
4. El primer momento peninsular: la conformación de un gramscismo comunista 355
5. Pasado y Presente: nuevas figuras del intelectual marxista 372
6. Las tramas de la universidad reformista 376
7. El segundo momento peninsular: de Gramsci al “operaísmo” 382
8. Fin de etapa 387

Conclusiones 393
Fuentes y bibliografía 405
Índice de nombres 429

Pourquoi Freud, mort depuis 1939, fait-il encore régulièrement scandale dans les grands médias ? Plus encore que la psychanalyse, c’est sa personne qui est régulièrement attaquée. Dernier éclat en date : la parution en 2010 du Crépuscule d’une idole, de Michel Onfray, qui affirmait que Freud n’était qu’un simple affabulateur. Le siècle écoulé compte ainsi une série de scandales qui, au lieu d’atteindre Freud, l’ont édifié en mythe. Car dénigrer Freud, c’est le populariser. Mieux : c’est accomplir une prophétie qu’il n’a lui-même cessé de prédire.

Samuel Lézé enseigne à l’École normale supérieure de Lyon, au sein de laquelle il est également responsable de l’équipe DSM (Dire la santé mentale) à l’Institut d’histoire des représentations et des idées dans les modernités (IHRIM). Il est l’auteur de L’Autorité des psychanalystes (Puf, 2010) et codirecteur de La Question morale (Puf, 2013).

The facts, figures and experience of the world have established beyond doubt the impossibility of any given society being perfect, in complete equilibrium. In fact, to use a term popularized by Prof Radhakrishnan, we live in an "uneven world." This gives rise to the need for a sustained and engaged critique of politics, cultures, values and ideas. From time immeorial, intellectuals have been taking leading positions and roles in resisting dominations and countering hegemonic practices. However, in the contemporary world of ever increasing free market forces and consequent conformist values, intellectuals seem to be withdrawing from the world into the narrow alleys of textualities and narratologies, into decontextualized specializations. Edward W. Said has been a constant and consistent critic of this trend, whose life and works strongly resent the "vanishing history" of committed, engaged intellectuals. He works and words constantly reiterate the need for ethical action on the part of the intellectuals. The present paper seeks to engage with certain crucial aspects of the Saidian formulations of and about the intellectuals. An Arab Palestinian working as a professor of literature in an elite American institution, Said was fighting injustice and discrimination at all levels all through. This struggle against his overarching surroundings of power and politics also gets reflected in his deliberations on the role of the intellectuals in an increasingly globalized and conformist world.

В статье анализируется определение и специфика употребления понятия «gli intellettuali» («интеллектуалы») в философии А. Грамши, соотношение этого понятия с понятием интеллигенции, сущностно связанной с русской революционной традицией. Это позволяет эксплицировать этическое содержание понятия интеллигенции, латентно представленного в текстах философа.
The article focuses on the analysis of A. Gramsci’s notion “gli intellettuali” and its correlation with the notion “intelligentsia” related to Russian revolutionary tradition. It allows to explicate the ethical meaning of the latent notion “intelligentsia”in Gramsci’s texts.

Resumo: Partindo de uma análise das representações dos letrados na cronística medieval portuguesa, esta dissertação pretende aprofundar o conhecimento acerca do papel dessas personagens na construção do discurso cronístico, analisar as formas de distinção intrassocial e intersocial dos letrados face às outras personagens e, em última análise, perceber como essas formas de representação e determinados termos terão, ou não, contribuído para o capital simbólico daquelas personagens na cronística. Estes objetivos integram-se, também, num outro conjunto de questões que procurámos aflorar, tais como a importância do conhecimento e dos seus detentores na cronística portuguesa tardomedieval ou a noção da categoria de letrados.

Abstract: Based on an analysis of literate representations in the medieval Portuguese chronicles, this dissertation intends to deepen the knowledge about the role of these characters in the construction of the chronological discourse, to analyse the intrasocial and intersocial distinction between the literates and the other characters and, ultimately, to perceive how these forms of representation and certain terms have or have not contributed to the symbolic capital of those characters in the chronicle. These objectives are also part of another set of questions that we have tried to emerge, such as the importance of knowledge and its holders in the Portuguese late medieval chronicle or the notion of the literate’s category.

Dal "Politecnico" di Vittorini ai "quaderni piacentini" e ai "Quaderni rossi", passando per "Discussioni" e "Ragionamenti", l'articolo ricostruisce la genesi e le traiettorie di un'area di intellettuali di sinistra che, ai margini o all'esterno dei partiti operai ufficiali, s'impegnò nel rinnovamento del marxismo, utilizzando le riviste come "spazio di verità" e strumento d'intervento nella realtà e ponendo le basi "culturali" della nascitura Nuova Sinistra. Si tratta di Vittorini, Fortini, Guiducci, Panzieri, Libertini,
Scalia, Asor Rosa, Luperini e altri.

La littérature comme expression représentative de la nation ; la fonction critique de la littérature ;l'importance de la litérature après 1789 ; la qualité ittéraire des sciences sociales ; les hommes politiques et la littérature ; la présence de la littérature dans la vie quotidienne

На протяжении нескольких десятилетий обсуждаются вопросы природы интеллектуалов как социального явления, их функций, отношений с властью, их ответственность перед обществом. Утвердившаяся в национализмоведении конструктивистская парадигма сделала проблему интеллектуалов одной из ключевых, ее не обошел стороной ни один из крупных теоретиков. На особенности видения места и роли интеллектуалов в национальном процессе накладывают область интересов исследователя, его научный профиль, методологические особенности подхода, понимание самого феномена интеллектуалов, конкретный эмпирический материал. Внутри проблемы можно выделить четыре междисциплинарных исследовательских площадки. Во-первых, интеллектуалы – изобретатели концепта «нация». Во-вторых, интеллектуалы – авторы национальных политических проектов. В-третьих, колониальная национальная интеллигенция. В-четвертых, интеллектуалы как социальная группа, обеспечивающая повседневное воспроизводство национальной идеи.

Having emerged, exhausted but triumphant, from the bloody and divisive Russian Civil War, V. I. Lenin and his colleagues turned to eliminating perceived ideological foes from within. In On the Ideological Front, Stuart Finkel tells the story of the1922 expulsion from Soviet Russia of almost one hundred prominent intellectuals, including professors and journalists, philosophers and engineers, writers and agronomists. Finkel’s meticulously researched and persuasively argued study sets this compelling human drama within the context of the Bolsheviks’ determined efforts to impose ideological conformity, redefine the role of the intelligentsia, and establish a distinctly Soviet public sphere. The book demonstrates that the NEP period was not a time of intellectual pluralism and ideological retreat on the part of the Bolsheviks. On the contrary, from its formative years, the Soviet regime zealously policed the ideological front and laid the institutional and discursive foundations for the Stalinist state.

This paper explores, briefly, the circulation in the River Plate (and Chile) of the discourses and concepts elaborated by Giuseppe Mazzini in the context of his Giovine Italia movement, with an emphasis on the concept of "nation", and its reconfiguration by publicists of the Romantic generations of the Argentinian Confederation, Uruguay and Chile. Emphasized are the prisms -conceptual, discursive and contextual- through which notions encountered in Mazzini (and his followers) were given new inflections -original nuances- by his South American readers. The period covered is 1830 to the middle of the 1860s. This was published in a beautiful British Academy edition, but it is highly expensive and by now somewhat rare. The editors of the volume were C.A. Bayly and Eugenio Biagini.

Chi è il dotto? Qual è il suo ruolo nella società? Quali sono le sue com-petenze specifiche e la sua funzione? E cosa s'intende quando si parla di una sua missione o destinazione? Sono queste le domande che Fichte affrontò in un corso di lezioni tenute all'Università di Jena nel 1794. I l successo straordinario tra il pubblico del tempo mostra non solo il sèguito che Fichte era capace di suscitare ma anche il fatto che il tema affrontato non era unicamente destinato a specialisti. Nel delineare la fi-gura del dotto Fichte approfondisce la propria idea di società (e la diffe-renza rispetto allo Stato) come un'articolazione dinamica che funziona grazie alla cooperazione tra diverse professionalità. Inoltre ci parla del modo in cui il soggetto costituisce la sua identità, della relazione tra ra-gione e sensibilità, della concezione aperta e progressiva della storia, di un innovativo modello di cultura, e infine della critica mossa a Rousseau. Quel che ne risulta è uno scritto limpido e agile che fornisce uno spaccato magistrale del pensiero filosofico di Fichte ma insieme spunti stimolanti per continuare a riflettere sulla funzione educativa e su quella intellettua-le, sulle prerogative, gli obblighi e le responsabilità rispetto alla società, su chi non è dotto, su chi non lo sarà e su chi aspira a diventarlo. V issuto a cavallo tra Sette e Ottocento, quando l'Europa sperimentava rivoluzioni fi-losofiche, politiche e sociali, Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814) partì da Kant per arrivare a inaugurare una filosofia in cui la ragione e la soggettività non solo governano e regolano il mondo ma lo costituiscono. In dialogo costante con il suo tempo e sensibile a temi sociali e politici, il suo idealismo continua a rappresentare un campo di prova for-midabile per la ragione filosofica.
Edizione a cura e con traduzione di: Elena Alessiato, dottore di ricerca in Filosofia, studiosa della cultura politica tedesca di Otto e Novecento, ha pubblicato, tra le altre, una monografia su "Lo spirito e la maschera. La ricezione politica di Fichte nel tempo della prima guerra mondiale" (Bologna 2018), premiata con il "Premio Burzio 2019". Collabora con l'Università degli Studi Suor Orsola Benincasa di Napoli, e, nell'ambito di un progetto della Fondazione Alexander von Humboldt, con la Westfälische Universität di Münster.

Journée d'études MOBILITÉS qualifiantes au Maroc et Ailleurs Rabat, 8 décembre 2017 9h00 – 18h30 EGE-CRESC Rabat Argumentaire Cette journée d'études, organisée par le groupe CRESC Mobilités internationales d'étudiants et diplômés : parcours, stratégie et pratiques, verra pour la première fois les membres du groupe se réunir autour du lancement du travail de terrain. La rencontre a comme objectif principal de débattre sur les Mobilités étudiantes et de travailleurs qualifiés en partant des sujets qui concernent plus particulièrement le Maroc, pour enchainer sur les études qui analysent d'autres terrains géographiques : la mobilisation d'une perspective comparative de la part des chercheurs entre différents terrains et études sera le moteur de la journée. Les interventions et le débat s'articuleront plus précisément autour de la problématique suivante : Mobilités étudiantes et de travailleurs qualifiés : le diplôme étranger, avantage ou frein dans l'insertion socio-professionnelle ? Que l'on s'intéresse à la mobilité plus traditionnelle Sud-Nord ou à celle plus récente Sud-Sud, plusieurs membres du groupe se proposent d'analyser la notion du diplôme en tant que capital international. La valeur relative des différents pays étrangers et même des études à l'étranger varie fortement dans le temps. Et pour ceux qui détiennent ce type de capital que nous appelons international, son taux de convertibilité est variable et cela en fonction des conjonctures sociales et économiques qui peuvent être internes ou externes par rapport au pays d'origine (Gheorghiu). Il s'agit alors de se poser la question du comment, du pourquoi et d'où la ressource 'diplôme acquis à l'étranger' est utilisée par les différents acteurs, en sachant que stratégies individuelles et contexte historique s'entremêlent. Dans ce cadre, le Maroc sera étudié aussi bien comme pays de départ que comme pays d'accueil.

This  article  examines  the  social  work  of  maintaining  middle-class  status  in  multiple  national  contexts,  focusing  on  university-educated  Senegalese  in  Paris.  Once  considered  elite  African  intellectuals,  these  Senegalese  find  that  diplomas  no  longer  protect  them  from  stigmatization  in  France.  While  Senegalese  increasingly  associate  Islam  with  lucrative  paths  to  mobility,  in  France,  religion  is  treated  as  a  barrier  to  belonging.  French  fluency  and  formal  education  index status in Senegal and facilitate integration in France, whereas religion is a key point of divergence between French and  Senegalese  notions  of  class,  complicating  efforts  to  achieve  status  transnationally.  I  argue  that  investments  in  multiple middle classes are complicated by a growing political  and  economic  distance  between  Senegal  and  its  former  colonizer,  showing  how  the  symbols  and  stakes  of  middle-classness shift with national context and political–economic transformations.

SUMMARY: The question of Gregory's of Tours awareness of the persuasive potential of his learning he demonstrates in his works is discussed. The Touronian bishop's high evaluation of the erudition of other men is clearly shown and juxtaposed with his opinion concerning his linguistic competence. Gregory's ability to embellish his style, being a sign of the literary training is demonstrated. His degree of acquaintance with the classical literature is assessed and his familiarity with Latin poetry is underlined. The literal meaning of his statements concerning classical literature as detrimental to a Christian soul is contrasted with the subtle and indirect play those statements engage his readers in; their implicit meaning is shown to contradict their direct significance. Various examples of Gregory's efforts to display his erudition in the field of literature and his high degree of learning, including a fair number of erudite digressions are brought forth. Gregory's unambiguous statement concerning the intention with which he inserted them into his text is evoked. Finally, the Touronian Bishop's positive judgement about his audience's capacity of properly evaluating the erudite content of his writing is demonstrated and corroborated with the external evidence provided by contemporary sources.

This article is part of a broader study about the Brazilian Academy of Letters under the military regime (1964-1979) and the behaviour of its members during this period. The central question that guided this research was to determine to what extent this officially “apolitical” institution could serve as an instance of legitimacy to the dictatorship. The aim of this paper is to look at politics through what I am referring to as  “practices of immortality". This research is interested in whether the “House of Machado de Assis”, through its supposedly apolitical daily activities, contributed in some degree to legitimizing the regime implemented in 1964. The inaugurations, the visits received by the academics and the way an official memory was drafted by the "immortals" are examined in this paper. The results revealed a close relation between the Brazilian Academy of Letters and the military dictatorship evidenced by the recruitment of its members and their social networks. They also show that the politic, military, and cultural elites shared values that were remembered and praised in the events of the Brazilian Academy of Letters: civility and patriotism; the idea of an "authentic culture" and a national identity based on a common language and on the Christian religion; as well as myths such as the warmth of the Brazilian people and the absence of violence in the country's history. Besides being a place where a conservative discourse was developed and where conservative men and ideas circulated, these cultural institution was associated to the military dictatorship by the "immortals" and, consequently, to a supposedly “national” memory, culture, and identity.

The French journal ARGUMENTS (1956-1962) was founded after the Budapest insurrection by a team of young Leftists disapppointed with the PCF's stifling Marxism and the reality of Soviet communism. Main editors Edgar Morin and Kostas Axelos, whose personal history of political engagement is detailed previously in my thesis, exemplified the "revisionist" turn to a post-Hegelian radicalism and also did crucial work as translators and interpreters of Western Marxist classics like Lukacs, Gramsci, Adorno, Mannheim, and others: belated but welcome additions to the Pantheon of French radicalism. In practical politics the Arguments team favored, not uncritically, the libertarian bent of workers' councils.

The Soviet Union is often presented as a largely isolated and idiosyncratic state. Soviet Internationalism after Stalin challenges this view by telling the story of Soviet and Latin American intellectuals, students, political figures and artists, and their encounters with the 'other' from the 1950s through the 1980s. In this first multi-archival study of Soviet relations with Latin America, Tobias Rupprecht reveals that, for people in the Second and Third Worlds, the Cold War meant not only confrontation with an ideological enemy, but also increased interconnectedness with distant world regions. He shows that the Soviet Union looked quite different from a southern rather than a western point of view and also charts the impact of the new internationalism on the Soviet Union itself in terms of popular perceptions of the USSR's place in the world and its political, scientific, intellectual and cultural reintegration into the global community.

PDF AVAILABLE HERE: https://lares.cfs.unipi.it/media/full-text/lares-2020-3-rossi-monti.pdf


The literature on the COVID-19 pandemic is expanding daily. This essay explores
a diverse range of texts written by Western intellectuals of different backgrounds
during the first phase of the pandemic and discusses some of the most
widespread ideas and emotions conveyed by these texts. Four major themes are
addressed: 1) political and ideological uses of the virus; 2) conceptualizations of
nature and of humanity’s relationship to it; 3) discussions surrounding the fear of
infection and death in secular and medicalized societies; 4) the sense of estrangement
expressed by many intellectuals during home confinement. In the conclusion,
these views are placed in the context of the increasing popularity, in our
societies, of various forms of cultural pessimism.

in terms of breadth unprecedented analysis of Spanish writers taking sides when faced with the 1936-1939 civil war. While previous works usually discuss some 15-40 names, this study provides segmentation of 250 authors into pro-Nationalist, pro-Republican and neither-nor groups.

(research article) Utilizzando inesplorati materiali d’archivio londinesi e romani, questa ricerca individua nei dipartimenti di Italian Studies in Gran Bretagna un perno della propaganda del fascismo all’estero. Affiancandosi a filoni di indagine su cui ha insistito la più recente storiografia (dalla propaganda fascista, alla parabola dei Fasci italiani all’estero), questo articolo ricostruisce per la prima volta le modalità attraverso le quali il fascismo sviluppò composite strategie di propaganda nel Regno Unito. Inoltre, misura gli effettivi risultati conseguiti, identificando fasce di pubblico italofile o fasciste nei circoli cattolici locali e in personalità dell’intellighenzia britannica (dal giornalista James S. Barnes a Harold E. Goad, direttore del British Institute of Florence negli anni 1922-39).

This essay is not an attempt to provide a comprehensive historical or sociological treatment of the subject of intellectuals and their role in revolution; rather, it is a conceptual contribution that aims to produce knowledge through critique and the differentiation of key terms-linguistically, conceptually, and historically. In so doing, Bishara examines terms such as "the intellectual," "the intelligentsia," "the organic intellectual," and, finally, "the public intellectual". For the latter, emphasis is placed on public intellectuals' ability to go beyond their specializations and engage directly with the public on issues concerning state and society.
This paper distinguishes between intellectuals and those who work in a field that mainly relies on their intellectual ability; between academics, whose sole focus is their field, and social actors who take an interest in several fields but are not specialized in a specific one. A conceptual distinction is then drawn between the intellectual and the rest of society. Through this endeavor, the author clarifies what he considers to be the main attribute of an intellectual-the ability to take stances based on epistemological grounds and value judgments at the same time.
Finally, the paper concludes that two types of intellectuals are scarce in the Arab revolutions: the "revolutionary intellectual," who maintains a critical distance not only from the regime, but also from the revolution, and the "conservative intellectual," who argues for the preservation of the regime due to the potential for change that exists within it, and the wisdom embedded in the state and its traditions. For Bishara, the role of the revolutionary intellectual does not end with the outbreak of a revolution, but, in fact, takes on greater complexity and significance once the need to propose post-revolutionary alternatives arises.

The heritage of the so-called axial breakthrough is assessed in relation to the role and habitus of the intellectual, seen as an interpreter of social and historical phenomena, a descendant of the intellectuals who inaugurated the axial age, and an active subject whose life is called into question by the spiritual and symbolic heritage of the axial breakthrough itself. Extending Robert Bellah’s interpretation of the axial age, the hypothesis is that intellectuals should be seen as the heirs of the axial breakthrough’s renouncers and, as such, they should live according to its rules and norms. An histo- rical excursus on the habitus and the ways of past intellectuals leads to a critique of current cultural climate and educational institutions as havens for proper intellectual work and forms of life.

Cet article vise à établir des pistes pour une histoire de la
génération d’anthropologues africanistes français nés dans les
années 30. La notion de génération intellectuelle est prise au sens de Sirinelli, pour qui une nouvelle génération apparaît chaque dix ans. Le parcours de ces ethnologues dans les années 1960 est replacé au sein d’une vision du monde commune, et par rapport à une série de filiations et de ruptures avec les générations précédentes, notamment celle née dans les années 1910 – qui leur a fourni deux modèles : Georges Balandier, militant de la décolonisation de la première heure, et Louis Althusser, principale figure du marxisme français de la période ; mais aussi deux contre-modèles: Jacques Soustelle et Jean Servier, défenseurs acharnés de
l’Algérie française. Nous considérons par ailleurs l’opposition
entre marxisme et structuralisme, caractéristique de cette décennie, et son impact sur la génération considérée : comment ces ethnologues ont-ils pensé le pouvoir et l’événement ? Jusqu’à quel point ont-ils pris des distances par rapport au concept structuraliste de culture ? Les divergences théoriques et conceptuelles entre Claude Lévi-Strauss et Louis Althusser sont pour cela abordées. Finalement, c’est la notion d’engagement qu’il faut questionner ethistoriciser.

Quote as:
Bamyeh, Mohammed A. and Armando Salvatore. 2018. “The Role of Intellectuals within Late-Colonial and Postcolonial Public Spheres,” in The Wiley Blackwell History of Islam, ed. Armando Salvatore, Roberto Tottoli and Babak Rahimi, Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 561-83.

The role of intellectuals in Muslim societies is explored with an emphasis on modern times, although continuities and discontinuities from earlier roles of the intellectuals are also emphasized. Analysis revolves around the role of intellectuals in giving form to civic culture, and thus their role as actors in the public sphere is highlighted. The chapter discusses how or to what extent intellectuals provided an alternative source of authority to that of the state, how they operated within a cluster of other sources of customary authority in society, and the effect on their role of modernist transformations and postcolonial developments.

Ce chapitre entend restituer l’engagement de Jean-Paul Sartre au sein du Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire en 1948 et le réinscrire dans sa trajectoire politique, sociale et intellectuelle. Occupant alors une position dominante au sein du champ intellectuel, Sartre participe en effet activement à la construction de cette entreprise politique éphémère dont nous restituons dans un premier temps les logiques de construction, de fonctionnement et de prise de position politique. Ce n’est qu’à condition de prendre au sérieux cet engagement politique, concomitant de la rapide remise en cause du modèle de l’intellectuel engagé forgé par Sartre et de la reconnaissance de son engagement résistant, qu’il est possible restituer cet engagement partisan dans la cohérence d’un rapport fluctuant de Sartre au politique considéré ici sur le temps long.

El trabajo analiza los planteos de Augusto Bunge, intelectual y dirigente partidario del socialismo argentino, en torno al “ideal” socialista como una misión histórica de regeneración de la humanidad y la concepción de este ideal como una nueva religión. Aborda de qué manera su formación, sus vínculos político-culturales y su trayectoria partidaria en las décadas de 1910 y 1920 permiten ubicarlo como un exponente de la sacralización de la política moderna. La perspectiva adoptada considera un cruce entre la historia intelectual del socialismo, sus influencias y recepciones locales y las trayectorias propias de la historia de los intelectuales. Las principales fuentes trabajadas son la obra mayor de Bunge (El Culto de la Vida), donde condensó primeramente los argumentos que luego desplegó en polémicas partidarias y traducciones del pensamiento socialista que completaron su tesis del socialismo como religión.