Human Rights in Asia / ASEAN

In a crisis scenario caused by the Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemics, a number of social, political, and economic vulnerabilities, which were coming up in the past few years, are aggravated. This set of vulnerabilities do not limit itself to a local reality, since it exposes some deficiencies at the national and international levels. Regional mechanisms for integration and multilateralism, promoted by international organizations, have been an option used as countries are facing the virus. The exchange of information and data about infected people worldwide, the development of a cure, or even a vaccine have been at the top of international institutions' discussion agenda, and the Southeast Asian countries apparently do the same.

The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) is one of the pillars of the ASEAN Community. AEC goal is regional economic integration by 2015. AEC envisages the following key characteristics: (a) a single market and production base, (b) a highly competitive economic region, (c) a region of equitable economic development, and (d) a region fully integrated into the global economy. Yogyakarta is a city in Indonesia where many citizens are involved in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Based on the data obtained from the Department of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives Bureau of Yogyakarta, in 2015 there were 230,047 SMEs. The fierce competition from the single market will have an impact on the survival of the SMEs. The Indonesian government ratified the ICESCR into ICESCR Ratification Act 2005. The government has a binding obligation to take various measures "to respect", "to protect" and "to fulfil" human rights towards SMEs in Yogyakarta.

The main purpose of this paper is to analyse the success and the failure of ASEAN as a regional organization. The focus is mainly about what ASEAN can do and what it cannot do as an organization that has goals, purposes and targets to achieve. As an organization, choices, decisions, decrees, and applications are automatically applied in order achieve the goals and to strengthen the organization. This is going to be the indication of our analysis towards the success and the failure of ASEAN as a regional organization. Hence, the paper will focus more on observing and analysing different issues that concern the organization to be classified as successful or failed.

Peran ASEAN dalam menanggulangi masalah peredaran dan perdagangan narkotika ilegal di Asia Tenggara adalah sebagai fasilitator dengan mendorong negara-negara di kawasan Asia Tenggara untuk ikut aktif dalam menanggulangi kejahatan transnasional perdagangan narkoba dan menjalin kerjasama baik dalam lingkup ASEAN maupun dalam lingkup bilateral dan internasional.
ASEAN telah membangun kerjasama dengan UNDCP, UNDP, dan Uni Eropa. Kerjasama tersebut memberi beberap keuntungan seperti adanya pertukaran informasi dan keahlian (expertise) dalam hal manajemen pengelolaan permasalahan perdagangan narkotika ilegal. ASEAN Regional Policy and Strategy in The Prevention and Control of Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking membawa suatu dimensi baru pada persepsi dan pendekatan untuk memberantas masalah narkoba yaitu memandang masalah narkoba tidak hanya sebagai masalah sosial dan kesehatan saja tetapi juga mempertimbangkan dampaknya terhadap masalah keamanan, stabilitas, kesejahteraan dan ketahanan nasional.
Dengan adanya training centre di kawasan Asia Tenggara, maka kerjasama baik pertukaran informasi, pelatihan, penelitian dan rehabilitasi terjalin dengan baik bahkan kerjasama ini tidak hanya dalam lingkup ASEAN tetapi juga negara-negara non ASEAN.

Burma/Myanmar seems to be a perfect ground for transitional justice with both long-failed transitions to democracy that seemed to succeed in 2015 finally and smouldering civil war taking place there since 1948 (since the 1990s limited to Borderlands). Unfortunately , the political realities in Burma/Myanmar make it unlikely, if not impossible, for transitional justice to be applicable in Burma/Myanmar. The victorious in 2015 elections democratic opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power thanks to the political deal with the former military government and is consequently being forced to co-habitate politically with the army that still holds critical political checks over the government. It made NLD's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi to conduct moderate domestic policy without trying to charge the generals for their former crimes. In this circumstances, transitional justice is unwanted by mainstream political actors (NLD, the army) and seen as threatening to peace by many in the Myanmar society. This approach firmly places Burma/Myanmar on one side of the 'peace vs justice' dilemma. It answers the "torturer problem", one of the central problems of transitional justice-how to deal with members of the previous regime which violated human rights-in 'old fashion' way, by granting them full amnesty. As such Burma/Myanmar case also falsifies an optimistic claim that transitional justice is necessary for political reforms.

Leo Suryadinata's The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas: A Study of Beijing's Changing Policy in Southeast Asia and Beyond is a very welcome addition to the discussion of ties between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and ethnic Chinese living beyond its borders. Suryadinata makes the case in the book that as the PRC becomes more globally prominent, it is increasingly blurring lines in its treatment of PRC citizens and non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese overseas. This claim comes amid allegations of growing PRC efforts to mobilize ethnic Chinese communities abroad to serve its national interests, be they economic, political, or strategic. These concerns are not new and are in fact a throwback to the past. They give the book an added timeliness and importance.
For much of the Cold War, ethnic Chinese communities in non-communist parts of Southeast Asia faced the suspicion of being a possible subversive fifth column for the PRC, especially if they seemed left-leaning. Such perspectives diminished as the PRC engaged in economic reform from the late 1970s, eschewed radical revolution, and passed a nationality law in 1980 clearly demarcating non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese abroad from PRC citizens. Recent reports of PRC efforts to lobby and police opinion in foreign countries using members of local ethnic Chinese communities ranging from Europe and North America to Oceania and Southeast Asia have again brought these long-dormant issues to the fore.1 This is an issue on which Suryadinata has previously written, and he provides readers a brief reminder of these themes in Chapter 3.2 [End Page 151]
An Awkward Closeness
Suryadinata organizes the book into four parts. Part I (Chapters 1–3) discusses the PRC's rise to prominence from the 1980s till the present, changes in ethnic Chinese communities outside the PRC, and the organization of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office (OCAO). The OCAO is the government body responsible for managing official ties with ethnic Chinese communities outside the PRC, be they PRC citizens abroad or ethnic Chinese who do not hold PRC citizenship. Within these pages, Suryadinata introduces his main observation—that Beijing seems to be reverting to its older policy of reducing distinctions between PRC citizens and non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese in foreign jurisdictions. The key motivation behind this move, according to Suryadinata, is PRC efforts to advance and protect its interests and concerns overseas.
Part II (Chapters 4–8) examines how the PRC responds officially to events outside its borders that affect ethnic Chinese and PRC citizens. Each chapter contains a case where ethnic Chinese come under threat from developments outside China and assess the PRC position. Beijing's reaction to the 1998 anti-Chinese race riots in Indonesia and violence in the South Pacific, Middle East, and Africa indicates a willingness to evacuate PRC citizens, especially those who work for PRC state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The 2014 anti-Chinese riots in Vietnam, triggered by a Beijing-initiated escalation in its maritime dispute with Hanoi, suggests that the PRC is not above placing its citizens overseas in danger for the pursuit of more important interests.
However, contrasting PRC responses to incidents involving ethnic Chinese in Malaysia and Myanmar point toward an evolution in Beijing's position. Beijing responded to alleged ill-treatment of its citizens by Malaysian police in 2005 as well as political pressure, even violence, toward ethnic Chinese Myanmar citizens in the Kokang region along the PRC border in 2015 with diplomatic entreaties. Such actions resulted from Beijing's desire to maintain positive official relations with Malaysia and Myanmar. Threats against ethnic Chinese Malaysians in 2015, in comparison, saw the then-PRC ambassador to Malaysia publicly expressing an intention to protect these co-ethnics even though this was tantamount to intervention and divided local opinion. This step appears to portend an effort by Beijing to extend influence over non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese communities overseas, even at the risk of upsetting foreign governments.
The next four chapters in Part III examine the ways domestic considerations in the...

The ASEAN Human Rights Declaration is not a watershed moment human rights groups nor does it exemplify human rights standards of universality and utmost protection of the individual, namely by constraining the state and placing responsibility and duties upon the later. This is a consequence of ASEAN principles and norms and perceived threat to illiberal ASEAN political elites which access relativist language and logic to water down and universalist human rights constructs and undermine progressive protection of ASEAN citizens and persons within the region.

This Discussion Document on Learning to Live Together-Thailand highlights the importance of how a nation needs to make holistic strategy decisions regarding education. The document shows how education interfaces with social, cultural, economic, and political spheres of a nation as an integrated system, and how the lack in one sphere, disrupts the coherence of another sphere. It is critical that Thailand is included in this discussion series, as it has been in the Asian vanguard for the past three decades in terms of economic and social development, humanitarian efforts, and policy development.
Thailand is a natural choice to study education and Learning to Live Together since it has undergone an on-going educational reform process, has participated and cooperated with UNESCO and other major educational organizations in conducting international education initiatives and evaluations, and embraces the concepts embedded in the LTLT philosophy. The nation understands the essential value of education as indicated by its national budget for education - perhaps the highest percentage of its GDP in the world. It has developed a sophisticated educational plan with well-reasoned policies. Its cultural emphasis on King, culture, and Buddhism are naturally inclined to learning, diversity, inclusiveness and peaceful living. With the coming ASEAN integration, it is only natural that Thailand would demonstrate leadership and initiative since Thailand was an original ASEAN member and has been a leader amongst the ASEAN community in its development. It has not only influenced the region, but has made its mark in the larger world.
Included in this discussion document are short summaries of Thailand’s socio-economic and political contexts, the issues that have recently arise or have been long-standing concerns – most of them intertwined with education and the associated objectives linked to LTLT - and they certainly all figure heavily in current economic, political, and educational policies and debates. Issues most pressing are the disparities and inequalities found in the social and economic spheres, but also crossing into the educational sphere.
The past success of family planning has led to a greying society with labor shortages, rural to urban migration, and a glut of college graduates. The large number of refugees and migrant workers, their high fertility, lack of social nets, basic education, and recognition by the state are also assimilating into unintended factors that beg for attention. The sometimes wide chasm between education policy and classroom practice is great and hindered by economic disparity, teacher shortages, preferences for bureaucratic management styles, cultural narrowness, social stratification, urban draw, and political self interest. Overcoming these obstacles does not yet make bridging the idealistic intentions of educational reform with the traditional ways of teaching and learning a particularly graceful process. Yet, with the resilient and tenacious qualities inherent in Thai people, the chances of a better, brighter future are within reach if the nation can extend its philosophical goodness beyond the inconsistent urge to aggrandize the superficial that now handcuffs it.

This paper provides the overview to a special issue of Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs that examines the state of democracy and human rights in Southeast Asia from a regional perspective. In that special issue a number of broad questions are broached : 1) What is the democratic framework within ASEAN? 2) How did that framework shape the establishment of a regional human rights mechanism in ASEAN? 3) What theoretical approach may be most appropriate to study the motivation of states and the condition of human rights in ASEAN member states?

Since the end of the Cold War, studies of regionalism in Southeast Asia have flourished in line with the ever widening of regional initiatives of ASEAN, ranging in scope from regional and extra-regional security, trade, politics and human rights mechanisms. With the widening and apparent deepening of ASEAN integration more theoretically focused studies have been increasingly undertaken. While each theory and method has its merits and assists researchers and students to understand better the nature of ASEAN integration, one is often left with unsolved puzzles, unsolvable by macro level theory. The purpose of this paper is to provide a broad review of prior theoretical works pertaining to ASEAN along with their methodologies, outline the major theories which have been applied to studying ASEAN underlining inherent strengths and weaknesses of current approaches to studying AICHR and human rights regime evolution in ASEAN. Secondly, the paper advances a novel form of current study in international relations research of regime complexity and anchors the methodology in existing research of human rights in ASEAN while providing a methodology of variable testing that can empirically account for historical development and future trajectories.

The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights set up in 2009 signaled a path breaking achievement for human rights. It was the first of its kind, in the last region of the world to adopt a mechanism for human rights protection. However, with the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration of 2012 hopes of a robust and effective regional mechanism for the promotion and protection of human rights in Southeast Asia were essentially dashed. The perplexing question to which an increasing number of academics and scholars are asking is why establish a mechanism that only promotes and offers little or no human rights protection? This paper seeks to provide a theoretical framework for future research and analytical conceptualization of regional human rights and its attendant mechanisms in ASEAN. Beginning with a critique of mainstream theories realism and constructivism, this paper will move on to offer a blended version of regime analysis for studying AICHR. Hopefully this will provide clarity and a theoretical pathway for future substantive research on the absence of human rights protection in the newly established regional human rights mechanism.

This article provides a historical reconstruction of the normative dimension (principles, norms, values) of EU-ASEAN relations, with particular reference to the EU’s inclination and attempts to make them an instrument for the diffusion of democracy, human rights and the European model of regional integration in Southeast Asia. Taking into consideration the normative interaction between the two organizations, fueled by particular breaches of democratic principles in Southeast Asia such as the Myanmar case, we focus on the dynamics of construction and de-construction of the EU’s and ASEAN’s political identity, in the framework of the evolution of the interregional relations. The evolution of asymmetry of power relations between the EU and ASEAN is particularly important in this analysis. The gradual rebalancing of power asymmetries between the two organizations, associated with the rising relevance of Southeast Asia and ASEAN on the world stage, has affected the cohesion among member states on normative issues and restricted the EU’s ideational influence on the partner organization. Moreover, this process has induced the EU to adjust its policy towards ASEAN and to rethink the role of European norms in its relations with Southeast Asia.

This paper evaluates the impact of competing “democratic”
discourses on human rights protection in Southeast Asia. The authors identify three key discourses emanating from a set of national governmental policies, advocacy positions promoted by both global and local civil society and international standards and procedures adopted by members of inter-governmental organisations. These discourses, the authors argue, are collectively shaping the emerging ASEAN inter-governmental human rights regime. The political impact of these competing “democratic” discourses and their complex interactions bring a cultural dimension to regional human rights. The authors argue that observers seeking to understand the emergence of norms, the establishment of institutions and their capacity to collectively protect regional human rights, need to understand these competing discourses.

Comparative Analysis of the Systems for Human Rights Protection in the Regions
Summary

The aim of the paper is to highlight the current situation in the field of human rights in all regions of the world, especially by analyzing and comparing the basic instruments adopted in each of them. The general conclusion is that the universality of human rights is not questioned by strengthening mechanisms for regional security. Quite on the contrary, we believe that the current position of human rights in certain parts of the world, due to various political, economic or social factors demands commitment of universal, as well as regional and national mechanisms, which could lead to a favorable outcome only in coordination with each other.
In the first part of the paper, author gave brief analysis of the mayor instruments in the field of human rights, adopted in Europe, America and Africa. Likewise, the author devoted a considerable attention to the region of Asia, which lacks of a developed system on the regional level, but shows significant steps towards the advancing of the sub-regional mechanisms.
The central part of the paper is related to the comparison of the regional systems on the substantive and procedural level. In order to highlight one of the differences in the substantive aspect of the protection of human rights, the author analyzed the provisions on the right to life as a basic human right. On the other hand, the differences and similarities between the regional systems of human rights protection are especially visible in the procedural aspects of protection or in part concerning the jurisdiction and functioning of the mechanisms established under the abovementioned instruments. Given the fact that we put the emphasis on the efficiency of the protection of individual rights, the author pointed out the provisions on the right of individual access to regional institutions since the right of individual petition is "the cornerstone of the international protection of human rights".
The general conclusion is that regional human rights protection systems does not operate in isolation, but in coordination with each other . However, the permeation of the provisions of regional and universal instruments should not be seen as a threat to any of the system or reducing the effectiveness of the various mechanisms, but only as a step toward complete protection of individual rights. In the near future we expect serious engagement of Asian countries in the region to establish a sub-regional, if not regional, human rights protection system, modeled on existing, European, American and African.


Keywords: Human Rights; European Convention on Human Rights; American Convention on Human Rights; African Charter on Human and People´s Rights; Asian system.

The paper summarizes the research the author conducted under the individually targetable mass surveillance systems of the P. R. China dictatorial regime with cyber sovereignty claims. In the complexities of cyber security and mass surveillance, the author adopted natural epistemology in counteracting dictatorial power influences for the resilience for democratic formation and for scientific research security from being utilized by autocratic power ambitions. The research generated some qualitative aspects of evidence and analysis on the dictatorial and autocratic power imposition via market incrementalism that impacts on international relations. The document also serves as a supplement to the author's astronomical researches. Even though the astronomical researches primarily served for the author's mental and psychological health, the a posteriori confirmation and analysis with empirical researches in white hole and black hole gradually becomes of the author's scientific priority. Both the astronomical and social science researches suggest, even with the growing emphasis on data in the STEM and social sciences, without proper values and scientific rigor, the growing popularity in big data may risk of a bubble economy in modern science.

The Association of Southeast Asia Nations is a regional organisation comprising ten Southeast Asian states which promotes intergovernmental cooperation and facilitates economic integration amongst its members. In terms of upholding human rights, ASEAN state members established ASEAN Intergovernmental

In reference to the decision by NUS Press's decision to cancel Pavin's book contract, the problem here is not a university press per se NOT publishing one academic's book, this happens to academics all the time-books are constantly rejected on the basis of peer review, incompatibility with the mission of the press and so on. An abandonment after selection and contract would seem to indicate that a university press responded to undisclosed "stakeholder" concerns. This seems to fit a pattern that has overtaken the evolution of universities across Asia. Professionally, I advocate the role of historians in trying to explain the background of contemporary problems and that policies could be better informed if they are made with an understanding of the history behind them, and this is what I will try to encourage briefly here. Across the long history-and I look beyond the first university at Bologna to early proto-universities at Nalanda and Gundishapur as well, so thousands of years-universities were actually given to parochialism, the teaching of religion, the education of noble sons to do and think exactly as their fathers had done and their peers would do, the university was a place where thinking was structured according to what I call state-think-I am here applying James Scott's concept of state space to the patterns of thinking 1-in a way that made thinking easy to conform to the state, to run the state, to lead the state. 2 The unspoken part of this process was learning how to control, suppress, and exploit the vast majority of the population. Colonial authorities knew this when they introduced colonial universities in the decades up to and just after World War I. These were to teach the colonial mother tongue, European ideas and values, and both obedience and the figurative whip through the provision of certain kinds of knowledge and behaviour. Select Southeast Asian youth of means and merit, would walk in elite children and walk out colonial bureaucrats, military officers, and intermediary elites. They saw or were meant to see the world as sharply defined, hierarchically stacked ethnic minorities, right and wrong moral sexual behaviour, the legitimacy of the huge global and racial disparities in wealth and just why Southeast Asians on the whole deserved to be servants and peasants, and why the indigenous mode of thought was inherently inferior to the western mode of thought.

North Korea’s human rights violations are unparalleled in the contemporary world. In Dying for Rights, Sandra Fahy provides the definitive account of the abuses committed by the North Korean state, domestically and internationally, from its founding to the present.

Dying for Rights scrutinizes North Korea’s treatment of its own people as well as foreign nationals, how violations committed by the state spread into the international realm, and how North Korea uses its state media and presence at the United Nations. Fahy meticulously documents the extent of arbitrary detention, torture, executions, and the network of prison camps throughout the country. The book details systematic and widespread violations of freedom of speech and of movement, freedom from discrimination, and the rights to food and to life. Fahy weaves together public and private testimonies from North Koreans resettled abroad, as well as NGO reports, the stories and facts brought to light by the United Nations Commission of Inquiry into North Korea, and North Korea’s own state media, to share powerful personal narratives of human rights abuses. A compassionate yet objective investigation into the factors that sustain and perpetuate the flouting of basic rights, Dying for Rights reveals the profound culpability of the North Korean state in the systematic denial of human dignity.



Complete book can be purchased via:

https://cup.columbia.edu/book/dying-for-rights/9780231176347

This chapter contributes to the growing literature on international human rights and National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) in Taiwan. Despite decades of debate, Taiwan has never established a NHRI that complies with international human rights norms. At present, Taiwan is confronted with three viable options: the creation of an independent NHRI, the creation of a national commission under the Office of the President, or the reform of the Control Yuan into a NHRI. In this chapter, I focus on the latter option, the use of the Control Yuan as a NHRI. Specfically, I consider the historical relationship of the Control Yuan to human rights in Taiwan, and further consider the socio-legal, as well as constitutional, implications of reforming this branch of government into a NHRI that complies with international human rights norms.

The ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community gives ASEAN its human face as ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) is committed to creating an ASEAN that is people-oriented and socially responsible. The ASCC Blueprint has six major components. These are in the areas in which member-states would focus in terms of development programs. The Philippine government supports the call of the ASEAN to uplift the well-being of the region's people, but is it prepared for the integration?

Protecting and promoting human rights in ASEAN is a topical issue due to the specific approach of ASEAN. The paper analyzes influences of different factors such as “ASEAN way”, “Asian value” and principles of ASEAN on its approach to human rights issues. The paper also points out obligations of ASEAN members, including Vietnam in this field and assesses the practice in Vietnam, aiming at giving recommendations towards compatibility between practice and Vietnam’s regional commitments, especially in the context of becoming United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Candidacy for the 2023-2025 tenure as ASEAN candidate.

ကျွန်တော် ရဲ့ စာအုပ် ကိုယ်ကျင့်သီလဒီမိုကရေစီ ၊ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်၏ နိုင်ငံရေးအတွေးအခေါ် (The Moral Democracy: The Political Thought of Aung San Suu Kyi) ဗမာလို ဘာသာပြန် ထား ပါ တယ်။ ဒီ စာအုပ် ပိုလန် ဝါဆော မှာ ၂၀၁၈ နှစ် ၁၂လပိုင်း က မူရင်း ထုတ်ဝေ ပါ တယ် ။ ဗမာလို ဘာသာပြန် ၂၀၂၀ နှစ် ၁၁လပိုင်း က ရန်ကုန် မှာ ထုတ်ဝေတယ်။ နာမည် အတူတူပဲ။

စာအုပ် အကြောင်း ဗမာလို ဘာသာပြန်သူရဲ့ မှတ်ချက် ။
ဒီစာအုပ်က ပညာရပ်စာအုပ်ပါ။ ပိုလန်က ပရော်ဖက်ဆာ မိုက်ကယ်လူဘီနာက ပြုစုထားတာကို လင်းငယ် က ဘာသာပြန်ထားတာပါ။ ပညာရပ်စာအုပ်ပီပီ ဘက်လိုက်မှုနည်းအောင် အားထုတ် သုံးသပ်ပြတဲ့ စာအုပ်ဖြစ်ပါတယ်။ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် တစ်ယောက်ကို ချီးမွှမ်းခန်း ဇာချဲ့ထားတာလည်း မဟုတ်၊ ပြစ်ပြစ်ကာကာ အရမ်းကာရော မျက်မှုန်းကျိုးတဲ့ အရေးအသားမျိုးလည်း မဟုတ်ပါဘူး။ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ရဲ့ မိန့်ခွန်းတွေကို နှိုက်နှိုက်ချွတ်ချွတ် လေ့လာဆန်းစစ်ပြီး သူမြင်တဲ့အတိုင်း ရေးသားထားပါတယ်။
နောက်တစ်ချက်ကတော့ နိုင်ငံတစ်နိုင်ငံရဲ့ အတွေးအခေါ် ရှုထောင့်အတွက် တစ်စုံတစ်ရာ အသုံးဝင်မယ် ယူဆပါတယ်။ လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် တစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်ရဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေး အတွေးအခေါ်ကို လေ့လာခြင်းလို့ ဆိုပေမယ့် နိုင်ငံကို ဦးဆောင်သူ တစ်ဦးရဲ့ နိုင်ငံရေး အတွေးအခေါ်ဟာ ကောင်းသည်ဆိုးသည် အပထား ဒီနိုင်ငံမှာ အမွေအဖြစ် ဆက်လက် ကျန်ရစ် ရှင်သန်နေနိုင်တယ် မဟုတ်ပါလား။
ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်ကို လေးစားထောက်ခံသူတွေအတွက် လေးလေးနက်နက် ဆင်ခြင်ဖွယ်ရာတွေ ပါသလို နိုင်ငံရေး အခြေအနေတစ်ခုမှာ ပိုကောင်းတဲ့ အနာဂတ်အတွက် တွေးဆစရာ မြန်မာပြည်ဖြစ် နိုင်ငံရေး အတွေးအခေါ် တစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်နိုင်ပါတယ်။
နိုင်ငံရေးကို စိတ်ဝင်စားသူတိုင်း၊ အတွေးအခေါ်တစ်ရပ်ကို လေ့လာလိုသူတိုင်း၊ ဒါမှမဟုတ် ကိုယ်ချစ်ခင်လေးစားတဲ့ ခေါင်းဆောင်တစ်ယောက်ရဲ့ အတွေးအခေါ်ကို နားလည်လိုသူတိုင်း ဖတ်သင့်တဲ့ စာအုပ်လို့ ဆိုပါရစေ။
ဒီ စာအုပ် မူရင်း ဒီမှာ ရှိ တယ်:  https://scholar.com.pl/en/books/3711-the-moral-democracy-brthe-political-thought-of-aung-san-suu-kyi.html
ဒါမှမဟုတ် ကျွန်တော် ကို အီးမေးလ် ပို့ ပါ ။ ဗမာလို ဘာသာပြန် စာအုပ် ထုတ်ဝေ သူ ဆီ မှာ ရ နိုင် ပါ တယ် ။ theeras2001@gmail.com ဒါမှမဟုတ် ဘာသာပြန်သူ ကို ဆက်သွယ် ပါ ။ https://www.facebook.com/LinNgeWriter

ကျွန်တော် ရဲ့ စာအုပ် ကို စိတ်ဝင်စား ပေးလို့ ကျေးဇူးတင်ပါတယ်!

ခင်မင်လျက်,
မိုက်ကယ် လူဘီနာ (ခ) ပြည့်စုံ

Discourse Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, and Queer (LGBTIQ) well known as a taboo thing in Asia especially countries that has strong relation with one particular religion such as Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei Darussalam. The peak of the international LGBTIQ movement took place in 2011 after the declaration Yogyakarta Principles in Action. The year 2000 become the year where LGBTIQ increased in Indonesia, until finally United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) came up with a initiative project “Being LGBT in Asia” in 2014. On this paper would revealed the result of this initiative project in Asia, also look forward how people in Asia can accept LGBTIQ.

The current presentation is an offshoot of an ongoing project of collaborators driven by the question of growing incidences of ethnic conflict within Southeast Asian countries--all of them members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The presentation makes three major arguments and observations. First, Southeast Asia’s ethnic, political, and cultural diversity already poses a major hurdle towards a common community. Second, ASEAN’s “non-interference” clause allows each member state to respond to diversity with exclusionary and discriminatory nation-building, as a means of increasing legibility in governance. Third, a proposed model shows how each Southeast Asian country's nation-building policies favor a particular/existing ethnic or “ethno-religious” majority, resemble racist ideology, causing domestic conflicts and stymies meaningful regional exchange. The study also points to further points of inquiry and research to address this phenomenon.

This paper evaluates the impact of competing “democratic” discourses on human rights protection in Southeast Asia. The authors identify three key discourses emanating from a set of national governmental policies, advocacy positions promoted by both global and local civil society and international standards and procedures adopted by members of inter-governmental organisations. These discourses, the authors argue, are collectively shaping the emerging ASEAN inter-governmental human rights regime. The political impact of these competing “democratic” discourses and their complex interactions bring a cultural dimension to regional human rights. The authors argue that observers seeking to understand the emergence of norms, the establishment of institutions and their capacity to collectively protect regional human rights, need to understand these competing discourses.

Consensus is the language of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 1 diplomacy. It is the spirit that embraces us in word and deed in our quest for a certain world order and a future identity. To prophesy and wish its end means abandoning our faith in the infinite sense of the possible and surrendering the power and the freedom to speak with one voice in the concert of peoples and nations from all ages and in the remembrance of all time. Consensus is our legacy. But such confidence in our past and future state of affairs and the singular pursuit of harmony within has somehow been shaken by a logic of discord, one that extends from the utility of consensus in window-dressing the pursuit of national interest, to the facile application of the rule of the lowest common denominator, and the 'collective muteness' that it cloaks in the face of humanitarian crises. These charges are not to be dismissed lightly if we are to clear what we think is a quite unfair mockery of consensus.

One familiar, even pervasive, narrative in Singapore is that the country and its people live under the shadow of ever-present existential threats. Such dangers are supposedly always lurking just beneath the surface of internal prosperity and calm or just outside the country’s borders, ready to ensnare Singapore and Singaporeans if they should ever let down their guard. From successive generations of political leaders to senior civil servants, estab- lishment elites repeatedly remind Singaporeans of these grave external dangers.5 ey reiterate the need for Singapore to be ever vigilant in the constant defence against perils beyond the border just to be able to survive. An extension to this account is the need to keep political and social liberalisa- tion in check lest they render Singapore vulnerable to deadlock, susceptible to unrest, and prone to predation. According to this perspective, only a government headed by a strong and capable ruling party that guarantees political stability can protect the nation, its people, and its prosperity from danger. is reasoning provides continuing justi cation for Singaporeans to accept the political status quo and continued controls over political contestation and civic organisation in Singapore. By taking a comparative perspective that considers other states in positions of external vulnerability, this essay brings the tension between security imperatives and greater political openness, plurality, and contestation into sharper relief. In doing so, I wish to encourage re ection over the possibilities for stable political evolution, security, and prosperity in the face of di cult conditions.