Human Rigts

El derecho humano de acceso a la justicia ambiental se relaciona con los medios para acudir a los tribunales y a las autoridades administrativas a exigir la protección del derecho a un medio ambiente sano. Lo cual, a su vez, se vincula de manera directa con otros derechos instrumentales, como el derecho a la información y participación en asuntos ambientales. De manera que el acceso a la justicia ambiental implica la posibilidad de obtener solución expedita y completa de un conflicto jurídico de naturaleza ambiental por parte de las autoridades judiciales y administrativas; lo que supone que todas las personas estén en igualdad de condiciones para acceder a la justicia y obtener resultados individual o socialmente justos. Tanto el acceso a la justicia como la idea de una justicia igual para todos pueden considerarse relativamente recientes;  y ambas nociones importan no sólo a los estudiosos del derecho y a quienes imparten justicia, sino también a la sociedad entera como destinataria de la norma jurídica y como titular de derechos fundamentales. Por ello, la posibilidad de acceder a los instrumentos y procedimientos jurídicos que permitan la defensa de los derechos relativos al medio ambiente y su resolución pronta y expedita es, sin duda, una de las demandas sociales más importantes  de nuestros días.
En definitiva, el reconocimiento del derecho de acceso a la justicia ambiental como un derecho humano obliga a los Estados a realizar actos tendientes a su protección y desarrollo, a través del establecimiento de medios jurídicos, políticos e institucionales en conjunción con la garantía de los derechos de acceso a la información y a la participación pública.

İnsanoğlunun doğaya ve çevreye verdiği kirliliğin boyutu her geçen gün hızla artmaktadır. 20. ve 21. yüzyılda dünya nüfusunun hızla yükselmesi, çarpık kentleşme, teknoloji ve sanayinin hızla gelişmesi çevre sorunlarının da hızla artmasına neden olmuştur. Artan çevre kirliliğinin en önemli nedenlerinden bir tanesini kent öbeklerinde kontrolsüzce kullanılan enerji kaynakları oluşturmaktadır. Özellikle petrol ve kömür gibi fosil enerji kaynaklarının aşırı kullanımı, başta hava kirliliği olmak üzere birçok ciddi çevre sorununa neden olmaktadır. Çevre sorunları beraberinde çok sayıda toplumsal, ekonomik ve bireysel sorunları getirmektedir. Özellikle kontrol edilemeyen çevre kirliliği, başta yaşam hakkı olmak üzere insanın sahip olduğu temel hak ve hürriyetleri tehdit ettiği görülmektedir. Bu yönüyle çevre sorunları salt çevre kirliliği değil aynı zamanda anayasalar ve uluslararası antlaşmalar tarafından koruma altına alınmış olan temek insan haklarını tehdit eden tehlikeli bir boyut kazanmıştır. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı çevre sorunlarını insan hakları perspektiften ele alınarak temel hak ve hürriyetleriyle olan ilişkisi irdelenecektir. Çevreye verilen zararların birer insanlık suçu olup olmadığı sorunsalı tartışılacaktır.

Проаналізовані правові підстави та політичні мотиви введення в Україні воєнного стану. Висловлені міркування щодо змісту політичних прав громадян та доціль-ності їх обмеження в новітніх українських реаліях. Ключові слова: права людини, політичні права, воєнний стан, гібридна війна.
Derevianko Serhii. Restrictions of the political rights of citizens under conditions of martial law: political and legal grounds
The legal grounds and political motives of the introduction of martial law in Ukraine are analyzed. The article highlights The stated arguments about the content of political rights of citizens and the expediency of their restriction in the latest Ukrainian realities.

The major challenge facing Sri Lanka in the post-war period, which came with the end of the long- term civil war in Sri Lanka, was to build the country's economy and peace. Sri Lanka, which was already in the throes of a political, economic and social catastrophe, had to seek the assistance and loans of the world community to overcome this situation, and the opportunity arose to build a strong foreign relationship. The EU is engagement to enhance trade in Sri Lanka through the GSP + mechanism and to promote peace and reconciliation in the country in line with international human rights. In the face of certain conditions imposed by the European Union to provide those benefits, Sri Lanka had to allow adjustments and a temporary suspension from certain policies. This article discusses the challenges faced by Sri Lanka in the face of EU pressure, and how foreign relations between the EU and Sri Lanka were shaped at the time. This research paper is based on  secondary data of previous research papers, related articles, web pages and other virtual media in related this area.

Design for All, Universal Design, Inclusive Design and Transgenerational Design are the names given to a movement that arose as the result of many reflections on the accessibility of the environment to people with disabilities or people who are “different”. The Design for All concept goes against the “one size fits all” notion of the average or standard citizen conveyed by anthropometric tables to which few people actually conform. Being “different” often means living with disadvantage in an environment understood as a place of opportunities, but also of limitations. Design aimed at a supposed stereotyped majority sidelines the rights and interests of a huge number of minorities.

Design for All is an important agent of change, as it means that many groups of people that were previously left out are now integrated into the environment.

The Design for All movement was given a major boost in the 1990s at a time when, with the formalist excesses of the eighties behind them, designers were searching for new ethical referents. Preventing environmental catastrophe was one of the new items on the agenda. The other was Design for All, which arose not only out of the striking studies on population ageing in the West (the United States and Europe), but also out of the conviction that the designed physical environment should not be an obstacle to the enjoyment of human rights.

In my opinion, the science of ergonomics is not the origin of the Design for All movement. Ergonomics is the working instrument par excellence of Design for All, but not its aim.

This paper sets out to examine the relationship between the work and declarations of the United Nations and supranational organisations in favour of accessibility to the environment from which Design for All draws its inspiration.

Il Welfare italiano, in gran parte smantellato, è da sempre basato sul lavoro volontario delle donne che si dedicano ai figli, agli anziani e ai maschi adulti: a fronte della mancanza e della carenza di servizi pubblici, la difficoltà della conciliazione dei tempi di lavoro con quelli familiari costringe sempre più le donne a scegliere se sacrificare la propria vita affettiva o rinunciare al proprio lavoro.

Dopo la stagione delle battaglie femministe degli anni Settanta, che ha prodotto risultati importanti come le leggi sui congedi di maternità, i riposi per l’allattamento, l’istituzione degli asili-nido e dei consultori familiari, stiamo registrando una regressione sul piano dei diritti sociali: basti pensare alla carenza strutturale e ai costi degli asili-nido, ai ritardi con i quali partono le mense scolastiche, agli orari ridotti nelle scuole pubbliche che non sono in grado di impegnare i bambini in attività sportive e/o ricreative extrascolastiche.

Dovremmo, oggi, forse parlare non tanto di Gender gap ma di blacklasch: dopo aver rivendicato diritti e libertà, le donne stanno tornando indietro.

The subject of this paper is a discussion on the extent to which state interference in parental rights manifests itself in the freedom of parents to choose a name for their child. It was indicated the existing formal conditions connected with the right of parents to submit to the head of the civil registration office the statement of name choice, and also analyzed the substantive conditions for the voice of the chosen name. The most common situations, which are problematic interpretations for heads of civil status offices, regarding the assessment of the conformity of the proposed name with the applicable legal regulations were also made.

The following is an analysis of the work on violence against women done by Marcela Lagarde under 'Preface' in Terrorising Women: Feminicide in Americas. In this analysis, what I find the most intriguing is how she moves away from the use of the overly popular term femicide to the adoption of the term feminicide to describe the violence against women in Ciudad Juarez and throughout the entire Mexico. She goes on to describe feminicide as " genocide against women, and it occurs when the historical conditions generate social practices that allow for violent attempts against the integrity, health, liberties, and the lives of girls and women " 1. Some questions arise in this analysis: Does this term apply only to certain types of crime like genocide? What then qualifies as being feminicide vis-à-vis femicide? The term genocide is defined as " killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to the members of the group (…) " 2. Additionally, for feminicide to qualify as genocide it must meet a threshold of aspects one being that these crimes must be against humanity. More simply, they must be crimes targeted at a group of people which may include, but not limited to the following: murder, extermination, enslavement, torture, rape, sexual slavery, and enforced disappearance 3. Indeed, acts of violence such as murder, torture and enforced disappearance took place in Mexico between 1999 to 2005, and were targeted against women/girls. Conversely, femicide does not always lead to death. It can encompass verbal, emotional, or physical abuse of women/girls 4.With this backdrop, it becomes easier to differentiate what crimes would fall under feminicide and femicide. Genocide has been used to describe incidences such as the events that took place in Rwanda in 1994. Just like in Rwanda, Marcela Lagarde uses this term to show that it can occur " because the authorities (…) are omissive, negligent or acting in collusion with the assailants " 5. Feminicide happens because there is a " partial breakdown of the rule of law because the state is incapable of guaranteeing respect for women's lives or human rights (…) " 6. In addition, with this understanding I can confidently state that for a crime to qualify under feminicide it must be part of systematic killing of women/girls based on sexist, misogynist, homophobic and lesbophobic ideas 7. Crimes that fall under feminicide and genocide are hefty and constitute a significant violation of human rights. In conclusion, the term feminicide brings in a new dimension in terms of how society views violence against women. By using the word genocide in defining the term, Marcela Lagarde captures the gravity of the crimes against women and the large numbers of women that die because of this vice. This substantial insight would have been lost if the term homicide was used because it does not capture the meaningful gravity of the crimes under feminicide.

Opšti okvirni sporazum za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini, zamišljen je kao dokument koji treba da završi tragični sukob u regionu Zapadnog Balkana, koji je u BiH plamtio od 1992. do 1995. godine. Poznatim Aneksom IV ovog sporazuma definisan je Ustav BiH, u kome su deklarisana određena ljudska prava, dok je Aneksom VI uokviren Sporazum o ljudskim pravima, kojim su se entiteti i BiH obavezali na poštovanje ljudskih prava i osnovali organe za njihovu zaštitu. Pored vojnih, tehničkih i civilnih pitanja, ljudska prava i njihovo buduće poštovanje su imala jednu od centralnih uloga u Dejtonskom mirovnom sporazumu. Nakon njegovog donošenja, sukobi su zaista nestali, a situacija u zemlji se polako normalizovala. Dvije i po decenije nakon Dejtonskog sporazuma, veliki je znak pitanja iznad toga da li su entiteti, BiH, političari i državni službenici u stvari shvatili ljudska prava i da li razumiju šta ona u stvari predstavljaju, koje su dužnosti države u njihovom štićenju, te na koji način ih valja unapređivati.

Nakon 25 godina od donošenja Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma, građani u BiH, na papiru imaju ljudska prava zaštićena ustavima, zakonima i međunarodnim pravnim aktima, kao i instrumente za njihovu zaštitu. Ali iako se deklarišu mnoga prava građanima, i iako se kroz vrijeme konstituisalo mnogo organa koji imaju za cilj da prate i/ili štite ljudska prava, u praksi se ta prava svakodnevno krše.

Analiza predstavlja analiziranje i objašnjenje procesa koji se događaju u BiH, a koji su vezani za (ne)poštovanje ljudskih prava, i obuhvata analizu određenih konkretnih prava, njihovog kršanja i odnosa javnih vlasti prema tom kršenju i svojim građanima.

In the legal system of Islam, women have a special status, and issues such as gender, morale, emotions and their social status have been considered by the Islamic legislator in defining punishment and limits. Throughout the jurisprudence, and in particular in Qisas and Hodod, there are numerous discounts for delinquent women, all of which are based on the components mentioned. This volume of microbiology and attention to the morale and psychological characteristics of women in the Islamic legislative system have raised a wide umbrella for women, which has led to a privileged position among the world's legal systems. This descriptive-analytic method has been documented in the Shari'a of Islam and the Iranian legal system in Iran, including the following: punishment of apostate women, punishment of marriage women, punishment of women in offense, discount on punishment, lack of The license for the exile of a woman, the lack of adultery and discount, and the postponement of the execution of pregnant women, Breastfeeding, Hayes, and Peculiarities.