Name Studies

Personal names are used throughout the world irrespective of language, cultural setting, social class, ethnicity, and etc. However, how these names can be expressed and used can differ depending on both language and culture. Moreover, while hearing individuals are able to use and hear their personal (phonetic/official) names, Deaf individuals use name signs, particular signs associated with the individuals’ names, as a way to indentify themselves to others particularly within the Deaf community because personal names are not accessible in sign languages: it is difficult to teach social and linguistic significance of personal names to Deaf people, as they cannot hear the pronunciation of these names. The perception, formation and categorization of personal name signs is based on visual information, cultural beliefs of the Deaf community and linguistic means of expression. Present study which is a preliminary one for the formation of personal name signs in Turkish Sign Language (TİD) ...

Bu calisma, Turk Isaret Dili(TID)’ nde isaret adlarinin olusumunu inceleyen ilk calisma olmasiyla birlikte, Turk Isaret Dili’nde isaret adlarina iliskin sistemi incelemeyi ve ad verme davranisini, kategoriler ve olusturma yontemleri bakimindan tanimlamayi amaclamaktadir. Bu amacla, anadili TID olan ve Ankara’da isitme engelliler derneklerine mensup olan 25 sagir kisi calismanin katilimcilari olarak belirlenmistir. Bu katilimcilara, kisisel yasamlari ve kendi isaret adlari hakkinda bilgi edinmeyi amaclayan birtakim sorular iceren bir anket isaret dili tercumani araciligiyla bireysel olarak uygulanmistir. Calismanin sonuclari, Turk Isaret Dili’nde dort farkli isaret ad grubu oldugunu gostermistir. Bu kategoriler, diger isaret dillerinde bulunan kategorilerle benzerlik tasimaktadir. Isaret parametrelerine gore yapilan inceleme sayesinde, Turk Isaret Dili’ndeki kisi isaret adlarinin kurala dayali ve sistemli oruntuler oldugu ortaya cikmistir.

The article focuses on the analysis of various aspects concerning the functions of name in Véronique Olmi’s recent novel Bakhita (2017). How can identity be reconstructed after the loss of the name and, more important, after the devastating experience of modern slavery? How relevant is the memory work in putting together the self and what are the literary techniques that the writer uses in constructing the novel? What are the limits of words and language in rendering Bakhita’s Harrowing to Hell and her Redemption?

Les mélodies que l'on entend sont douces, mais celles que l'on n'entend pas sont plus douces encore : jouez doux pipeaux …plus séduisants encore, modulez pour l'esprit des chants silencieux (Keats) 1 « Adorons la voix, elle est la partie immortelle de l'âme ». Dans son bel article « La voix et le sacré », où il cite cette injonction du poète Kalidasa dans un hymne à la déesse Parole, Charles Malamoud (1990) insiste sur le pouvoir que l'Inde du Veda reconnaît à l'intonation de la voix humaine, ses inflexions, les nuances multiples, presque inaudibles parfois, que prend la voix du brahmane lorsque, en des occasions bien définies, il profére un mot. Un nom. Le nom secret d'un dieu. Les historiens des religions s'interrogent encore : ces dieux dont il était si risqué de prononcer en public le vrai nom, ne seraient-ils pas également, en certaines sociétés, des défunts, « grands morts » dont les hauts faits auraient si profondément marqué la mémoire des vivants, qu'ils auraient, au cours des générations, acquis le statut de divinités ? Qu'il s'agisse des brahmanes de l'Inde, des prêtres de l'ancienne Egypte, des Indiens du Nord du Canada, des Aborigènes d'Australie, des Inuit du nord Groenland, de l'Afrique animiste…-les exemples sont trop nombreux pour les recenser 2-l'interdit du nom d'un mort ou d'un dieu, les précautions prises à l'égard de celui d'un vivant, sont la règle. « Mysticisme : mystère du son » écrit Inayat Khan. 1 « Heard melodies are sweet, but those unheard Are sweeter, therefore, ye soft pipes, play on ; Not to the sensual heard, but, more endear'd Pipe to the spirit ditties of no tone… » Les mélodies que l'on entend sont douces, mais celles que l'on n'entend pas Sont plus douces encore : jouez doux pipeaux, jouez toujours, non à l'oreille sensuelle, mais plus séduisants encore, Modulez pour l'esprit des chants silencieux Keats, Ode à l'urne gecque, trad. Edmond de Clermont-Tonnerre, cité par G. Bachelard (1943 :280) 2 Dès 1905, Marcel Mauss soulignait que « se rattachent à la question du nom les problèmes les plus importants de la mythologie, du culte des morts, du droit de propriété. (Année sociologique, 1905, t X, p. 295). Dans un ouvrage de référence très documenté, V. Larock (1932) donne une somme imposante d'exemples pris dans les sociétés les plus diverses. Depuis, les recherches se sont multipliées notamment avec G. Calame-Griaule (1965). Elles mettent en évidence un phénomène quasi universel chez les peuples dits traditionnels : le rôle fondamental que joue le vrai nom d'une personne, non seulement dans la vie sociale, mais aussi et surtout dans la vie rituelle, bien que ce dernier aspect n'ait pas toujours retenu l'attention qu'il mérite.

The paper examines the questions surrounding the translation of proper nouns from an onomastic
viewpoint blended with the results of translation studies, following a functional-communicational
approach. Its goal is to create a model, which contains not only the applicable methods available to
translators, but the (pragmatic and communicational) aspects and factors that could affect choosing
between these. The novelty of the study is that it takes the meaning (denotation and connotation),
the category (e.g. personal name) and sub-category (e.g. family name) of proper nouns into consideration,
following the practices of prototype theory. Another innovative approach is the emphasise
lain on the influence of composition on the translation of names. According to this, names
consisting of several words should not be handled as single units, as earlier studies have considered
them, but following a two-step method: first holistically (e.g. the Eng. Flint Cliffs : Hung.
Flint-sziklák, a place name), and then morphologically, while defining the categories of the name
elements (e.g. Flint is a family name, cliffs is a common noun). This shows that translators are not
completing a single operation but a combination of operations (transference in the case of the given
name, and translation in the case of the common noun). Translations previously deemed ununderstandably
heterogenous can thus be explained by applying this methodology.

A study on multigenerational Sephardic Jewish women's names in Salonica. In this article, I draw a picture of the changing naming patterns beginning in the Iberian Peninsula- Spanish and Portuguese names, Biblical names,  the effect of the modern times, and the  influence of the Alliance school (French names).

Pasian' min siangtho tawh kisai pen akua ma ciat in teltak in thei leng ei mimal khat ciat nuntakna ah Amah tawh kinai zawsem ding hihang cih upna leh lamet na nei ka hihman in hih laitawm ong at ka hi hi. Pasian' min siangtho tawh kisai telkhialhna khai ci pen ei thu um mite lakah Dawimangpa in ong vawh kawikawi ahihman in Pasian' thubu sinna tungtawn in tua khaici hoihlo pen in zungkip ongkhak lohna dingin biak Topa' tha mah tawh khan nelh to ding hi hangh. Piancil Lai Siangtho Lai Siangtho lui hun pen Piancil pan ong ki pan ahihman in, Pasian' min pen tua Piancil 1:1 ah " ‫ים‬ ֑ ִ‫ֱהה‬ ‫א‬ Eloihim," 1 ci-in Lai siangtho in na sam hi. Hih " ‫ים‬ ֑ ִ‫ֱהה‬ ‫א‬ Eloihim," ii cih kammal pen Egypt te kampau pan ong piang khia hi a mualsuang peek tung a kigelh awsuak neilo liim laimal (hiiroglyphic) ahi "ntr," verb 2 ahi hi. Egypt te in zongh a pasian min uh pen min (noun) in na nei lo zaw uh a, asepkhiatna (verb) in nasam zaw uh hi. Hih "ntr," ii khiatna in "soda" (anin te sianthosakna ding akizang, "siangtho"), ahih ban ah, tua liim laimal (hiiroglyphic) "ntr," khiatna pen heitang (axe), in zong na ki zangh uh a, vangliatna ki ciaptehna hi a ci uh hi. Tua ban ah, khuapi sung lauhuaina te leh dipkuat patauhna te alut lohna ding in acing dawi Palik te kiciapteh na ahi khuamtung (pole) a dialkhai kikhai zong agen na hi. 3 Tua ahihman in, Piancil hun lai in Judah mite in amau Hebia kampau tawh Pasian cih kammal pen nanei lo uh ahihman un amau Semites unaupih uh ahi Egypt te kammal "ntr," na zatpih uh a, tua min' ii khiat na tungtawn in Abraham' Pasian min pen verb(sepna) vive in nasam uh a, noun(min) tawh kisai aki helkhakloh lam Piancil Lai siangtho tungtawn in ii tel sitset ta hi. Ei Zomi te in zongh eima pianpih kammal tawh ong bawl Pa min neilo ii hihman un Ama hihna tungtawn mah in Pasian ii ci uh hi. Pasian cih akhiatna in Asiangtho Pa, cihna ahi hi. Paikhiatna Lai Siangtho Laisiang tho sung aki gelh "min," te leh akhiat na te in thutampi gen ahihman in tua min tawh kisai hoihtak ii kancian ding kisam mahmah hi. Judah te ngeina ah "min," cih kammal pen amau Hebia pau in " ֜‫מ‬ ְ‫שׁ‬shem"ci uh a, mihing te, ganhing te, mun leh mual te "min, ֜‫מ‬ ְ‫שׁ‬ shem" lawhna in nazang uh hi. 4 Tua bek thamloh in Lai Siangtho aki ciamteh "min, ֜‫מ‬ ְ‫שׁ‬ shem" te in tua "min, ֜‫מ‬ ְ‫שׁ‬ shem" ii vangliatna leh amizia (character), te hoihtak honghilhcian hi. 5 Tua ahihman in Pasian in Lai Siangtho tungtawn in "min, ֜‫מ‬ ְ‫שׁ‬ shem" tuamtuam tawh ei mihing te tungah kilaakna ong kinei a, tua mihing te piaktawm

An in-depth study of the glorious Name of the God of Israel and the Bible: the rich meaning, the context, the evolution of the pronunciation, what we should do with this glorious Name, the background why Jews and Christians did neglect this glorious Name, etc.

The word Abba is an Aramaic word that would most closely be translated as “Daddy.” It was a common term that young children would use to address their fathers. It signifies the close, intimate relationship of a father to his child, as well as the childlike trust that a young child puts in his “daddy.”

This paper thus, much like the novel attempts to explore the life of Evelina, from her induction into the fashionable bourgeois society at London, her initiation into this pretentiously polite society to the inheritance of her rightful name, title and wealth. The angles of this exploration are as vivid as they are numerous for Evelina presents a “variety of social scenes” in Burney’s malicious style (Glock 129). But for want of space, I have confined my research to the phenomena of names associated with the characters in the novel. Each one of them is either desirous of a name, or already being possessors of titles and wealth in need to share it with someone else. This pursuit makes for some interesting observations at the middle of which is Evelina, whose expedition to gain her rightful status in society enlightens her to the faults of her supposed ‘friends’ and gains her the admiration and acceptance of quite a few others. Thus, in this paper I attempt to explore this name game as one of the possible subtexts  in the novel. The paper has been divided into three sections; the first reads as an introduction to the pretensions that have been addressed by Burney though various characters while the second critically discusses instances where names have been used as identifiers etc. The last section serves to conclude the paper.

This study focuses on the interaction between Russian prin¬ces and nomadic Cumans (Qipčaqs, Polovcians). The starting point of our work are names and family ties of indi¬vi¬dual Cumans captured in the oldest Russian chronicles which re¬pre¬sent "minimum quanta" of the historical information. N. M. Ka¬ramzin in the notes to his History drew attention to the fact that some of the names of the Cuman families repre¬sen¬tatives are obviously associated with Russia. These "Rus¬sian" names, in our opinion, are the most important indicator of the cross-dynastic interaction, contacts between Russia and the nomadic world. What is the composition of the corpus of Russian names of Cuman elite representatives? In essence, it consists of only a very limited number of an¬throponyms: Yuri (George), Daniil, Roman, Gleb, Yaropolk, Da¬vyd (?), Vasili. It is crucial that all of these names are re¬gu¬lar¬ly used as dynastic by the Rurikids in the 11th — begin¬ning of 13th century. Most of the names, borrowed by Cumans from Rus¬sians, are Christian names. At the same time attention is drawn to the non-trivial dis¬tribution reflected in the information of sources; while dis¬co¬vering Christian names of some representatives of the highest Cuman nobility, we do not find any mention of the fact that any of the owners of these names, their fathers and other close male relatives took baptism. On the contrary, they are con¬sistently characterized as pagans. Moreover, ancient chro¬nicles contain no reports of Cuman princes taking bap¬tism until the beginning of the Tataro-Mongol invasion. Interestingly, Christian names of those few Cumans of whose conversion we can speak more or less confidently can¬not be found in any records, whether it is a Cuman wife of a Russian prince, an anonymous monk of Kiev-Pechersk Mona¬ste¬ry, an author of an inscription on the church wall or a power¬ful Cuman Prince, who was baptized on the eve of the Battle of the Kalka. In our work we have sought to demonstrate that the cause of the appearence of Russian names in this environ¬ment is a cross-dynastic, intergenic anthroponymic communi¬ca¬tion, a desire to consolidate the alliance with the Russian princes, but not a conversion of the male representatives of the Cuman elite. The set of "Russian" names used by Cumans allows us to determine the circle of their "anthroponymical donors" among the Rurikids and identify a number of rules and laws on which this communication in the language of names was carried out.

Русскую историю второй половины XI — начала XIII в. попросту невозможно изложить без постоянного упоминания половцев. Взаимодействие с этими кочевниками, однако, не сводилось к прямому военному противостоянию. Рюриковичи с самого начала стремились использовать «атомную энергию» половецких кланов в собственной внутридинастической борьбе, не переставая, впрочем, время от времени объединяться в общерусских походах на половцев. При этом на протяжении многих десятилетий русские князья женились на половчанках, гостили у своих степных союзников и принимали их у себя, вырабатывали общие дипломатические практики и церемониалы. Одним из воплощений русско-половецкого взаимодействия, своеобразным сгустком династической истории, оказываются «русские» имена, неожиданно появляющиеся у половецких князей. Корпус этих имен относительно невелик, но история их функционирования позволяет выявить многие важные аспекты в том переплетении «своего» и «чужого», которое характеризует сосуществование русского правящего рода и половецкой элиты на протяжении почти двухсотлетнего периода.

Aragorn and Túrin, among Tolkien’s heroes, represent opposing reactions to the forces of destiny: for Aragorn, a willing and eager acceptance of the decades of hard work it will take to become king, and for Túrin, an attempt to escape, by any means possible, the tragedy which always seems to dog his footsteps. Both characters are also notable for accumulating a great number of different names in the course of their careers. This is not merely a shallow coincidence; in Tolkien’s source literature, and especially in medieval romances and in folklore, names, name-changing, and namelessness are deeply meaningful, and we’ll look at how these meanings are embodied in Aragorn and Túrin.

The frequency boost of the name Lada in 1968 was preceded by frequency smooth growth for about 4 years. Therefore, common noun 'lada' from 1968 hit song was recognised as proper name. However, what's the reason of that foregoing frequency growth?

A primarily-linguistic reassessment of place-names in the historic county of Surrey in South-East England that have been (or could be) suggested to derive from Old English -ingas and the related compound -ingaham. OE -ingas is a plural noun ending that in place-name formations is most often associated with social groups of uncertain status and age, but can be mistaken for elements of different meaning in circumstances where suitable early documentary testimony does not exist.

The purpose of this dissertation is to reappraise previous etymologies of Surrey's supposed -ingas and -ingaham place-names in light of scholarship published in the past 50 years, which has cast doubt on the claim of some to represent the names of social groups - they may be more likely to groups of trees or artificial terraces, for example. This was only possible in cases where there are sufficient published early attestations as to permit their philological/onomastic analysis with a view to testing previously-published etymologies; fortunately, there were only two names for which this was not possible. In cases where the linguistic side of things remained equivocal and yielded options that have a topographical implication, I undertook site visits to see if the present-day landscape might hold the key to determining the best explanation (surprisingly, a couple of times it did).

The research found there is no need for a complete overhaul of the published interpretations of Surrey -ingas and -ingaham place-names, but that even within this relatively small group of 18 examples there is a greater level of diversity of name formations than has been admitted by previous analyses.

(This is a updated, extended 2016 version of a Master's dissertation submitted in 2014, and forms part of the foundations for my current PhD research, as well as the basis for a couple of articles I am in the early stages of preparing for eventual publication.)

Статья посвящена различным ономастическим средствам, которые в средневековой Руси обеспечивали целостность семьи в рамках одного поколения, подчеркивая прежде всего единство между родными братьями. В такой перспективе важными инструментами исследования оказываются история культа личных патрональных святых и феномена светской христианской двуименности, когда человек в миру был обладателем не только крестильного, но и еще одного имени из церковного календаря. Особенное внимание уделяется, с одной стороны, специальной игре с семантикой некалендарного антропонима и, с другой, — работе с повторяющимися христианскими именами в семье; в частности, в научный оборот вводится понятие антропонимической рокировки», призванное объяснить хорошо известные в эпоху позднего Средневековья казусы внутрисемейного дублирования имен и подчеркнуть системный характер этого явления. «Язык имен» позволяет демонстрировать властные чаяния рода, апеллировать к его истории, подлинной или мнимой, по-разному расставлять акценты в семейном благочестии и текущей политической конъюнктуре. В статье показано, каким образом имена собственные становятся инструментом планирования будущего при наречении первых и последних Рюриковичей на престоле, бояр братьев Морозовых и безвестных контрагентов многочисленных грамот, написанных в XVI–XVII столетии / The paper dwells on various onomastic means that ensured family unity within a generation in Medieval Rus’, highlighting, fi rst and foremost, the unity between brothers. The important research tools are the history of personal patronal saints cult and the fact that many Christians of the pre-Petrine time uses to have two names: a baptismal one, as well as an additional name from the church calendar. Particular emphasis is put on intentional semantics play of non-Christian names, on the one hand, and on working with recurring Christian anthroponyms in a family, on the other hand. The article introduces a term anthroponymical castling, which is supposed to explain the cases common in Medieval Times where the members of the family carried the same names and underline the systemic nature of this phenomenon. ‘The language of names’ allows to demonstrate ambitions of the family, invoke its history, whether actual or fi ctional, highlight various aspects of family piety and current political situation. The paper demonstrates how given names acted as a means of planning when they were given to the fi rst and the last of the Rurikids to rule on the Russian throne; to the Morozov brothers, the boyars; and to some other obscure participants of numerous events described in the 16th and 17th centuries

Özet Renk kavramı, ad bilim ile anlam bilimin kesiştiği noktada kaynak dilin kavramlaştırma yolları açısından ele alınabilir. Bu tür bir yaklaşım aynı zamanda söz konusu dilin dil içi dünya görüşünü ve adlandırmada başvurmuş olduğu yöntemleri ve tercihleri de ortaya koyması bakımından önemlidir. Aynı niteliğe sahip bir başka nesne ile renk yönünden karşılaştırılarak veya onun renk tonu ile tanımlanabilen renklerin farklı kültürlerde özel adlara dayalı olarak da kavramlaştırılmaya çalışıldığı görülür. Örneğin Akdeniz Mavisi, Ankara armudu yeşili, Bursa Yeşili; Berlin blue, Eleanor blue, English red gibi. Özel adlar ile ana ve ara renk adlarının birleştirilmesi ile oluşturulmuş bu tür adlandırmalar bir yandan ait olduğu ülkenin özelliklerini yansıtır ve onu örneklerken bir yandan da kaynak dilin üreticiliğini ve diğer dillerden etkilenme derecesini de göstermesi yönünden kayda değer özellikler taşır. Hatta kaynak dilde üretilen bu tür adlandırmaların bazen diğer dillere de geçtiği görülür. Türkçede kullanılan Edirne kırmızısı adlandırmasının İngilizcede Adrianople red şeklinde kullanılması gibi. Türkiye Türkçesi, özel adlara dayalı adlandırmalarda diğer Türk lehçelerine göre daha zengin olup, şehir (Bursa Yeşili, Edirne Kırmızısı), milliyet (Fransız Mavisi İngiliz Yeşili, Keşmirî, Türk çinisi Yeşili), ülke (Çin kırmızısı, İran kırmızısı, Prusya mavisi, Saksonya mavisi), kutsal mekân (Kâbe yeşili), sanatçı (Van Dyke esmeri) vb. unsurların bunda belirleyici olduğu görülür. Özel adlarla türetilmiş renk adları İngilizcede de mevcuttur. Örneğin Turkey (kırmızı), Turkey blue (Türk Mavisi), Turkey red (Türk kırmızısı), Turkey umber (koyu kahverengi, amber) gibi. Bu çalışmada Türkiye'de Hatice Eminoğlu'na (2014) ait akademik anlamda hazırlanmış ilk renkler sözlüğü ile İngiltere'de Ian Paterson (2003) tarafından İngilizce için hazırlanmış renkler sözlüğünde yer alan özel adlara dayalı renk adları tasvirî bir yöntemle ele alınacak ve değerlendirilecektir. Anahtar Sözcükler: Renkler sözlüğü, ad bilim, anlam bilim, özel ad, kavramlaştırma. Abstract The concept of color can be considered in the intersection between onomastics and semantics from the point of conceptualization ways of the source language. Such an approach is also significant in terms of revealing the worldview of that language, and the methods and choices it uses while giving names. It can be seen that conceptualization is made by making comparison with the color of another object having same qualities or with the colors that can be defined by * Bu çalışma YKD-186 Proje Numarası ile ORDU ÜNİVERSİTESİ Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Koordinasyon Birimi tarafından desteklenmiştir.  Ordu Üniversitesi, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bölümü, sakucuk@hotmail.com

Книга посвящена описанию такого малоисследованного явления средневековой русской культуры, как многоименность. Каким образом у одного и того же
человека за жизнь может накопиться три, четыре, а то и пять личных имен, употреблялись ли они все вместе или попеременно, каков был функциональный статус каждого имени, каковы были правила подбора имен и менялись ли эти правила со временем?
Все эти и некоторые другие вопросы обсуждаются здесь в связи с одним из самых загадочных древнерусских документов — завещанием великого князя московского Семена Ивановича Гордого, составленном в охваченной чумой столице.

Very short and general essay on the magical name, focusing on the shift away from using publicly-known personal names in magical practice to the use of specifically-picked ritual names that are often kept secret.

Originally published in: Mystic and Esoteric Movements in Theory and Practice. History and Discourse: Historical and Philosophical Aspects of the Study of Esotericism and Mysticism. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference (December 2–5, 2011, St. Petersburg) / Ed. by Sergey Pakhomov. — St. Petersburg: Russian Christian Academy for Humanities, 2012. — 234 p. ISBN 978-5-88812-581-6

Исследователь, да и просто заинтересованный читатель,
обращающийся к истории культуры Древней Руси X–XIII вв., неизбежно сталкивается со своеобразным парадоксом – с одной стороны, роль выходцев из Скандинавии в русской политической и церковной жизни домонгольской поры трудно переоценить; с другой стороны, известия собственно русских письменных источников об этих переселенцах не слишком обильны и весьма фрагментарны. На таком фоне тем более ценны любые отрезки связности и сочленения элементов, обнаруживаемые непосредственно в самих древнерусских источниках. На всем пространстве повествования о X–XII вв., если не считать рода Рюриковичей, здесь можно обнаружить, как ни странно, одну-единственную семью, для которой эксплицитно указывается ее варяжское происхождение, отмечается тесная близость со Скандинавией, и при этом сообщаются сведения о трех поколениях ее представителей. Речь идет о варяге Якуне, его племяннике, Шимоне, и сыне Шимона по имени Георгий. Понадобилось весьма причудливое сплетение обстоятельств для того, чтобы на страницах древнерусских памятников появились представители по меньшей мере трех поколений скандинавского рода, да еще и с недвусмысленным указанием на их варяжское происхождение. Этот неисчезающий пунктир варяжского родословия, как кажется, укрепляет предположение о том, что часть нетривиальных рассказов летописи – это не что иное, как отголоски родовых преданий знатных семей, чьи потомки так или иначе лично соприкасались с книжниками, причастными к созданию письменной истории Древней Руси (Any scholar, or indeed any interested reader, concerned with the cultural history of Rus’ in the 10th to 13th centuries has inevitably to face a kind of paradox: while the role of Scandinavians in the political and ecclesiastical life of pre-Mongol Rus’ was far from insignificant, the evidence from native Russian
sources concerning this group of immigrants is scarce and quite fragmented. Against this background, any coherent sequence of elements on Russian–Scandinavian relations in extant Old Russian written sources acquires particular importance. Extraordinarily, across the entirety of the narrative space of the 10th to 12th centuries, Rurikids aside, there is just a single family whose Varangian origins are identified explicitly, whose close affinities with Scandinavia are noted, and for whom biographical details of three men representing three generations are given. These three men are Yakun the Varangian, his nephew Shimon and one of Shimon’s sons, named George. A very curious series of coincidences was therefore needed to leave records of at least three generations of a Scandinavian family in Old Russian manuscripts – and records containing unambiguous indications of their Varangian origin. This ongoing investigation into Varangian genealogy seems to support the suggestion that some of the chronicle’s more complex and enigmatic stories may echo oral histories of aristocratic families whose descendants, in one way or another, had personal ties to
writers involved in creating the history of Rus’.)

My aim is to give a general overview of sources of various information on onomastic studies. Here I argue that onomastic blogs and social network groups may function as an interface between the onomastic community and the public, hence they may be particularly well suited for public outreach and science communication. I will clarify where and how we could be informed about onomastic events and publications, what kind of available sources (web pages, blogs, newsletters, Facebook and Twitter communities, bibliographies, etc.) exist, how they could be used and what kind of developments should be desirable in this field. Working in cooperation with various scientists and new media in pursuit of onomastic information improves the connectivity of onomasticians worldwide. Finally, I will address the issue of the possible onomastic future.

• Alderman, Derek H. 2015. “Naming Streets, Doing Justice? Politics of Remembering, Forgetting, and Finding Surrogates for African American Slave Heritage.” Geographical Names as Cultural Heritage, Seoul: Kyung Hee University Press (edited by Sungjae Choo), pp. 193-228.