Nationalist historiography

Senator Claro M. Recto was the first to formally outline the contours of Filipino nationalism when he lobbied in Congress the 1956 Rizal Bill. The said bill mandated students to study the life and works of Filipino hero José Rizal, providing students the opportunity to revisit the period where the concept of a Filipino nation first developed. Radical intellectuals and nationalist academics, however, saw this Recto breakthrough as germinal to decolonize or reshape the concept of Filipino nation and identity subjugated in colonial-oriented historiography and historicism, but this feat ardently trajected to an unanticipated resurgence of nationalism. The period of the 1950s to the 1970s was dominated by three prominent ‘nationalist’ historians: Teodoro Agoncillo, Renato Constantino, and Horacio de la Costa, S.J. This paper hopes to explore how they reinterpreted the study of Philippine history, the positives it contributed to the development of postwar nationalist thought, likewise, highlight the negatives it produced.

The results of the 2010 federal elections in Belgium show a growing divide between the French-speaking south (Wallonia) and the Dutch-speaking north (Flanders) of the country. In the north, the Flemish nationalist party New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) achieved a landslide victory with its campaign for complete political autonomy for Flanders. Never in the history of Belgium has Flemish nationalism been politically stronger than today. A secession of Flanders from Belgium is no longer considered an unimaginable scenario. The N-VA has its roots in the “Flemish Movement,” a collective term for a plurality of people and organizations that have pushed for greater Flemish autonomy since Belgium achieved independence in 1830. This article presents an analysis of this movement, its ideology, goals, achievements and relevance to the current political crisis.

The claim about Europe's and the West's spiritual indefensibility puts forth a critique of the western colonial project as informed by a subtle duplicity anchored on the employment of a techno-scientific and economic-capitalist rationality working under the illusion of a God-given mission civilisatrice. To combat this ideology, present postcolonial discourses, notably in Asia, tend to create a rupture within this linear view of global politics and history by employing discursive strategies of decentralization and destabilization from the perspective of an identity-politics by the marginalized colonial ―other.‖ Within the Philippine context, I claim that this obsessive-compulsive tendency to look for collective identities as basis for anti-colonial struggle is itself contained within that inescapable cycle of colonial violence and oppression. Using Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's notion of epistemic violence, I argue that the insistence on the privilege of a discovered, achieved, or constructed Filipino identity by nationalist discourses, be it from the Ilustrado elite or the hastily generalized and abstract Filipino masses, render them susceptible to becoming subtle—though unwitting—arms of the colonial machinery itself. To insist on a certain Filipino identity as an ideal of who or what a Filipino is or Filipino-ness is to be implicated within discursive complicity, i.e., a process that implicates the anti-colonial struggle within the homogenizing ―identity-trap‖ laid down by the colonial processes themselves and simulates the struggle for a Philippine nationalist liberation as a worse—because more subtle—form of colonial hegemony. I illustrate my claim by describing how historical injustice is propagated and perpetuated through the distorted interpretations of historical data by nationalist historiographies that only solidify the horrible heritage of the Philippine colonial experience.

Admiration of Classical Sparta, though prevalent in German nationalist discourse even before the twentieth century, was taken to altogether new heights during the Third Reich. Praised by Hitler himself as ‘the foremost racial state in antiquity’, Sparta was presented in national-socialist thought as the ideal of a totalitarian, Aryan state whose defining characteristics (Gemeinschaftsleben, enslavement of conquered races, and permanent Wehrbereitschaft) mirrored uncannily those of the new Germany.

However, not only did many of the Reich’s leading figures (such as Goering, Goebbels, Rust and Rosenberg) treat Sparta, for educational and propagandist purposes, as the perfect paradigm of a racially-pure warrior-state, which all Germans should unite in recreating – they also claimed that, in a certain sense, the Reich was Sparta reincarnate. They did not see themselves merely as slavish imitators of the Spartans; rather, they felt that the blood of these Dorian-Aryan Greeks was flowing once more in German veins – confirmation that the Third Reich also embodied a glorious ‘Wiedergeburt der Antike’.

This paper explores national-socialist leaders’ and ideologues’ Spartan self-identification in detail – a subject which has thus far received little scholarly attention.

L’IDEAZIONE DEL PROGETTO DELLA CITTÀ UNIVERSITARIA DI TEHERAN
VICINANZE E LONTANANZE DALL’EUROPA

Durante il primo Novecento iraniano (1905-1940) si assiste a fondamentali cambiamenti culturali e architettonici in Persia, fino ad allora radicata nelle proprie millenarie tradizioni. Mutamenti che ancora oggi identificano ampiamente le tematiche architettoniche e urbanistiche integrate profondamente nell’ideazione formale e progettuale e si presentano ai nostri occhi in forma distintamente riconoscibile, seppur implicitamente tendente verso una conservatività allusiva verso le sue radici consuetudinarie. Radici robuste dei suoi poeti millenari come Firdusi, le antiche religioni e la continuità storica territoriale che origina - per mezzo di prove sicure - la presenza di un popolo antico composto da diversi gruppi etnici e tribali che, nel primo Novecento, mettono in luce propositi di dimostrare e di affermarsi autenticamente fra i paesi del mondo attraverso la cultura, la politica e l’architettura.
La ricerca tende ad analizzare l’architettura del primo Novecento iraniano in relazione ad una comparazione estesa con l’architettura europea.........

Until 2010 Belgian history had been rarely studied from a transnational perspective. In the 1990s and early 2000s Anglo-Saxon, French and, to a lesser degree, German literature and theoretical frames were put to use, but from about 2005 transnational perspectives that go beyond the nation(-state) paradigm have made some impact, most particularly in the study of ‘hybrid’, plural and multilingual Brussels. This particular area does indeed offer the most fully-fledged alternative to the national mode of writing history in Belgium.
In the long run regional historiography (be it at the Flemish or the Walloon level) has adopted the modes of its national equivalent. Moreover, when after the First World War Flemish nationalist historians began to present their region as a nation in its own right, they merely challenged the idea of Belgianness, not the national paradigm as such. In fact they appropriated a whole number of Belgian national myths to the Flemish narrative. The broader picture of global and world history was generally absent in Belgian 20th century historiography, despite Henri Pirenne's emphasis on transnational social-economic evolutions in medieval Europe. At the moment a new generation of transnational research is on its way (partly due to the introduction of world or global history to the Flemish universities' curriculum).

Critical and uncritical scholars alike tend to treat Ottoman Armenians as a cohesive group. This article aims to disrupt that way of thinking. After first presenting a critique of the millet system paradigm popular in the fields of Ottoman studies and Armenian studies, this article turns its attention to historiographic debates over late Ottoman demographic data—a topic that has produced considerable tension between these fields. To help bring these historiographies together and to dispel the monolith of “the Armenians,” the succeeding pages use the c. 1907 imperial census as a case study of cooperation between the quintessential Ottoman-Armenian institution—the Armenian Apostolic Patriarchate of Istanbul—and the Ottoman Ministry of the Interior. This example demonstrates the interdependence between these two bodies and ultimately shows that, while some Armenians were victims and opponents of the late Ottoman state, others were very much entrenched in it.

(Demirci Akyol, Esra, International Journal of Turkish Studies, Fall 2015, Vol 21, Nos. 1&2 )
This article analyzes alternative historical accounts transmitted orally within the ethnic or religious communities of the present city of Hatay as part of their group identity- formation strategies. Oral history interviews conducted in the city with individuals of Alawite, Sunni Arab, Sunni Turk and Armenian origin demonstrate that alternative histories are available despite the influence of the official historical narrative that the nation-state created as part of the national-identity formation process. These alternative historical narratives are shaped around such common themes as land ownership, migration and registration for the elections held in 1938 on the eve of the annexation of the Sanjak of Alexandretta to the Turkish Republic. The unique history of the Sanjak makes different communities feel that their loyalty to the nation state is constantly questioned, and the kind of historical narratives that they share with the public are shaped accordingly. Certain points that those publicly shared narratives raise contradict the national historical narrative and guide us to the alternative histories, which are kept within the community and form an important part of the group identity.

As partisan politics began to wane and realign itself voters are questioning who they are politically. Are they Democratic, Republican, populist nationalist or multicultural globalists? How will they categorize themselves Black, White, Hispanic, or some other race? After the 1928 election there were a precarious changes to the electoral demographic that influenced the 1932 election. The 2016 election is perilous will it too result in an era of Democratic political domination or is the old political system crumbling and a new American political order is being born? Furthermore, how will the evolution of artificial intelligence (AI) impact the status of U. S. politic in 2020? The purpose of this research addresses these important issues that will introduce a vigorous and informed debate going forward in a society where transparency is a requirement mandated by an ever transforming voting body.

In the 1930s, when Nicolae Iorga chose to propose the interpretative scheme of ‘Byzantium after Byzantium' -a  scheme very dear to Modern Greek historiography- he was in fact "correcting" a number of problematic points in the Rumanian nation's past, particularly regarding the Slavs. But determining the continuity between the Byzantine and the Ottoman empires -for this is what ‘Byzantium after Byzantium' entails- has been the basis of diverging narratives in many Balkan historiographies during the 19th century ("diverging" with respect to the scheme of continuity that was put forward with great effort by the leading representatives of each national historiographic canon). Thus, the rival Balkan nationalisms that arose from the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire engaged inter alia in a ‘war of interpretation' as to the nature of Byzantium, assuming different, though ever-ambiguous, positions of adoption/rejection of its imperial model.

In Το Βυζάντιο μετά το Έθνος (Byzantium after the Nation), Dimitris Stamatopoulos undertakes the first systematic comparison of the dominant ethnic historiographic models and "divergences" elaborated by Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, Albanian, Rumanian, Turkish and Russian intellectuals with reference to the ambiguous inheritance of Byzantium. More specifically, he discusses what Byzantium  represented for 19th and 20th-century scholars, and how their perceptions related to their treatment of the imperial model; whether a different perception of the medieval Byzantine period prevailed in the Greek national centre as against Constantinople; how 19th-century Balkan nationalists and Russian scholars used Byzantium to invent their own medieval period (and, by extension, their own antiquity); finally, the central question of whether there exist continuities or discontinuities in these modes of
apprehending and making ideological use of the past.

Ali Saim Ülgen (1913-63), a preservation architect, architectural historian, author, bureaucrat and educator, was a leading figure in the nascent field of heritage conservation during the early decades of the Republic of Turkey. This was a time when the Republican leaders sought to establish the national character of art and architecture by interpreting the "Turkishness" and uniqueness of the Ottoman heritage through the tenets of the Modern Movement. The reconciliation of the modernist rationale with nationalist historiography created contested paradigms in a nation searching for its cultural roots. Ülgen considerably contributed to the nationalist appropriation of the Ottoman heritage, but his taxonomical gaze stands out for its focus on contextual analysis. This essay addresses the dichotomy of documenting the Ottoman architectural patrimony through the lens of modernism, which is visible in Ülgen's work, a remarkably understudied Republican intellectual.

This article focuses on the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre (1900-1987). It is my goal to demonstrate how Freyre applied Nietzschean ideas to his interpretation of Brazilian society in an attempt to concretize the prophecy of the “new man” in the shape of the multiracial “mestiço.” By Nietzschean ideas I mean ideas indebted to Nietzsche directly or indirectly and reflected in the rhetorical, stylistic and argumentative strategies used by Freyre. It is not my intention to discuss whether Freyre interpreted Nietzsche’s ideas correctly; rather, I wish to highlight parallels to Nietzschean concepts and to indicate how the eclectic, even opportunistic, use of Nietzsche’s work allowed Freyre to move the discussion on Brazilian identity in a new direction.

Casa-grande & Senzala (1933), a obra secular de Gilberto Freyre, foi traditionalmente interpretado de um ponto de vista sociólogo e histórico. Esta interpretação deixou duas questões essenciais em aberto: 1) Como se pode explicar que Freyre interpretou a noção de miscegenação de uma forma (muito) mais positiva do que sociólogos anteriores e 2) Como se pode explicar as tendências elitistas e aristocráticas na sua obra? Este artigo explore estas duas perguntas analisando a influência em Freyre da filosofia de Friedrich Nietzsche através da interpretação de Henry L. Mencken. Argumenta que a influência de Mencken foi maior do que tradicionalmente tem sido admitido e que na obra de Mencken sobre Nietzsche se pode encontrar a mesma interpretação de miscigenação que Freyre mais tarde explorou em Casa-grande & Senzala. Argumenta também que Mencken profundamente influenciou Freyre com as suas ideias aristocráticas e elitistas."

This work was presented to Baku Forum 2015 in Azerbaijan on October 7, 2015. In it, I use the concepts of positionality and subjectivity as developed by Ponty-Merleau and Hall in order to explore the historian's work. I utilize the idea of the historian's unique position in time and space as a heuristic for examining the influences of class, gender, language, ethnicity and régime ideology on the investigation and interpretation of historical events. To this end, I propose that recognition of subjectivity and reflexity on the part of the historian will allow her to overcome the tropes common in all nationalist history, and to employ her métier in the pursuit of conflict resolution and mutual understanding.

Garbatella (between1922-1935) represents one of the peculiar aspects of innovated urban planning in the interwar period in Italy. It is identifiably a garden city portion of the capital of the modernist/nationalist power. An empire that by establishing auto praised and sheer rules extracted from a span of 20 centuries of historical – culture times, aimed at generating a superior nation that was supposed to speak for the Italianism in the 20th century. This rather original form of nation-state has been called furthermore Fascism in terms of ideology of a nation, which had gradually opened its glorious and victorious mind-set, presumably identified as such by its very authors, towards a more sophisticated understanding of the other modern contexts of the thirties. This latter led many Italian architects to reproduce models of the other nations such as the northern European garden city-scheme by internalizing it amidst an implicit sense of historical continuity. In order to ponder on the architecture and the urbanism of the fascist context, this paper suggests valid references at the end but recommends scrupulously the reader to attain upon an important consideration. In order to have wider clarifications regarding the analysis on the Garbatella, it is recommended the comparative study of the entire ideological contexts characterized by the romanticised reading of their history. Attempting to study how each preceded and utterly ended and finally to this extent, examining Germany, Spain, Turky, Iran, USSR and particularly the Jewish context which are of excellent examples. Furthermore other Italian

As partisan politics began to wane and realign itself voters are questioning who they are politically. Are they Democratic, Republican, populist nationalist or multicultural globalists? How will they categorize themselves Black, White, Hispanic, or some other race? After the 1928 election there were a precarious changes to the electoral demographic that influenced the 1932 election. The 2016 election is perilous will it too result in an era of Democratic political domination or is the old political system crumbling and a new American political order is being born? Furthermore, how will the evolution of artificial intelligence (AI) impact the status of U. S. politic in 2020? The purpose of this research addresses these important issues that will introduce a vigorous and informed debate going forward in a society where transparency is a requirement mandated by an ever transforming voting body.

[TITLE PAGE AND TOC ONLY] In Nation and Ethnicity: Chinese Discourses on History, Historiography, and Nationalism (1900s-1920s) Julia C. Schneider give an analysis of nationalist and historiographical discourses among late imperial and early republican Chinese thinkers. In particular, she researches their approaches towards non-Chinese people within the Qing Empire and the question on how to integrate them into a Chinese nation-state.
Non-Chinese people, mainly Manchus, Mongols, Tibetans, and Turkic Muslims, (Uyghurs), have not been considered as important factors in the history of early Chinese nationalism so far. But Chinese nationalist and historiographical discourses tell not only a lot about the Chinese image of the Other, but also shed new light on the images of the Chinese Self and its assumed ability to assimilate and integrate other ethnicities.

FollowingthedeathofSaadZaghloul,oneofthenationalist leaders of Egyptin1927,hispartysupportersprintedmanynotesabouthim.One of themostimportantoftheseworkswasthebookSaadZaghloulwrittenby MahmoudAbbasAqqādin1936.In1939and1941,Abdal-Rahmanal-Rafi publishedtwodetailedbiographyaboutMustafaKameland Mohammad Farid, the other nationalist leaders of Egypt. Showing an ideal image of Egypt's national leaders is the common feature of above-mentioned historiographicworks,althoughtheywerewrittenindifferentyears. This article is to study the quality and the reasons of such imaging through the historical space of Egypt during this period. On the basis ofhistoriographicspecifications,exploringandunderstandingthe relationsbetweenthecomponentsoftexts,authorsandpolitical - cultural context of Egypt in this time is very important. The results show that the competition of Egyptian parties in the field of historiography, especially the biographies of their national leaders, had accelerated during the period between 1919 up to 1952. Each of these parties tried to introduce their own leaders as the pounder of Nationalist Movement and to push the leaders of their competitor parties to the margins.

... For a detailed overview of Varma's politics, literary outlook, and oeuvre, see ShashiBhushan Singhal (1989). 4Many later historical and fictional works in Hindi and Marathi, too numerous to list here, draw extensively on Varma. ...

""""http://www.revistadecatalunya.cat/ca/noticia-detall.asp?id=57


"About maps of the thematic atlas "Cartografía hispano-
científica, o sea, Los mapas españoles, en que se representa a España bajo todas sus diferentes fases" (Francisco Jorge Torres Villegas, Madrid, 1852 1st ed. & 1857 2nd ed.), in particular “Mapa político de España en que se presenta la división con la clasificación política de todas las Provincias de la Monarquía segun el régimen especial domin[an]te. en ellas”.

L'article, que no penge ara a academia.edu perquè acaba de ser publicat, no només es deté al mapa polític d'Espanya: també en parla de les dades etnogràfiques de la península ibèrica contingudes a l'atles temàtic de Torres Villegas. Estranyament, les consideracions d'aquest autor del segle XIX no van suposar l'elaboració del mapa etnogràfic corresponent, i a l'article en propose una hipòtesi.
Adjunte algunes imatges del mapa polític i les referències bibliogràfiques de l'article."""