Net Neutrality

Hace muy poco tiempo saltaba a los periódicos de medio mundo una interesante noticia sobre la Red que tenía como epicentro los EEUU. Aunque Internet es uno de los elementos que más fielmente representan la idea de globalidad, si comprendemos sus orígenes y fuerzas vivas, rápidamente somos conscientes de la estrecha ligazón que existe entre la nación norteamericana y la red de redes. La noticia
destacaba como la FCC abría las puertas a que los operadores de la Red comenzasen a discriminar el tráfico, con la consiguiente elimina ción del primer principio rector de Internet: la Neutralidad de la Red. En este trabajo resaltamos el principio de la neutralidad de la Red como condición de posibilidad de la instrumentación de un auténtico Gobierno Abierto que vehicule la acción de los derechos políticos mediante Internet.

In many countries, mobile operators have teamed up with social media platforms to offer free access to specific websites or internet services—including news websites. The most well-known of these offerings, Facebook’s Free Basics, has been explicitly pitched as a way to give citizens in developing countries greater access to news, but Facebook is not the only company touting these so-called “zero-rated” arrangements as a bridge across the digital divide. This report examines whether these arrangements are broadening access to diverse sources of news, as promised, and whether they might have broader consequences for the news market.

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) has been, since

1994, the only globally recognised codification of rights and responsibilities of nations in

the international waters, also known as the high seas. For the purpose of this essay we

shall only consider Part VII (High Seas) of UNCLOS, as the international cyberspace is in

many ways comparable to the international waters, and their security regulations, as we

will see throughout the essay, pose many similar challenges. Within Part VII of UNCLOS

the following two relevant themes arise (clustered by author): inclusive and safe usage and

navigation of the high seas (Art. 87-94, 97) and suppression of piracy and other criminal

acts in the high seas (Art. 100-109, 111)

purposes of relevant concepts (free navigation, illegal acts, aggression, etc.) as well as to

consider the rights and responsibilities of the nation states between those applicable in

international waters and in cyberspace.

A critic inquiry on "Cloud Computing" as a buzzword obscuring today's crucial issue of the reterritorialization of internet.

* * *

Un enquête critique sur le "Cloud computing" comme buzzword occultant l'enjeu actuellement crucial de la reterritorialisation d'internet.

The Frankfurt School has been very influential in our understanding of the production and reception of modern mass media. Walter Benjamin, in his 1935 essay “The World of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” outlined how technological change in modern times fundamentally altered the relationship of artist-audience and art-politics. A decade later, Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno argued more pointedly that the economic capabilities of modern capitalism had harnessed the technology of cultural production so completely as to allow for almost no freedom of artistic production outside its framework. For Benjamin and Horkheimer & Adorno, film, in particular, and its expressions in Nazi Germany and Hollywood in particular was the new medium that illustrated their theories, although they also considered others such as radio, architecture, and mass market magazines as well. In this paper, I will show how their ideas can also be applied successfully to the new medium of our day, the Internet, to shed light on one of the most important issues in contemporary media and politics in the US: net neutrality.

Marking the 25th anniversary of the “digital divide,” we continue our metaphor of the digital inequality stack by mapping out the rapidly evolving nature of digital inequality using a broad lens. We tackle complex, and often unseen, inequalities spawned by the platform economy, automation, big data, algorithms, cybercrime, cybersafety, gaming, emotional well-being, assistive technologies, civic engagement, and mobility. These inequalities are woven throughout the digital inequality stack in many ways including differentiated access, use, consumption, literacies, skills, and production. While many users are competent prosumers who nimbly work within different layers of the stack, very few individuals are “full stack engineers” able to create or recreate digital devices, networks, and software platforms as pure producers. This new frontier of digital inequalities further differentiates digitally skilled creators from mere users. Therefore, we document emergent forms of inequality that...

The World Wide Web, now past its 25th birthday, has woven itself into the fabric of quotidian life. One rarely stops to think how significantly the presence of the web has changed the way in which we research, follow the news and even how we interact with one another.

The world wide web, however, cannot and must not be taken for granted. Its openness, flexibility and availability are of paramount importance on an ever-shrinking world. Perhaps no one understands this as well as Sir Tim Berners-Lee, creator of the World Wide Web.

""This paper presentation is about the potential understanding of the development of defamation, Cyber Defamation respectively. The paper will further assess the development of defamation (origin, meaning, types of defamation, elements and the aspect of innuendo) from traditional defamation to modern means that is Cyber Defamation (Part II). A Detail Discussion on Whether Defamation Differs from Cyber Defamation (Part III) and personal assessment will conclude the work (Part Iv).
The main questions in this presentation will be;
Why users of the Internet are more likely than ordinary citizens to be found publishing comments which are actionable as defamatory, and;
What problems (or, looking at it from the other side of the fence, opportunities) arise if those who are the victims of defamatory comments on the net attempt to seek compensation by taking legal action .
The answers to these two questions will influence at large extent as to whether defamation differs from the cyber defamation.
""

This paper explains Jürgen Habermas’s concept of the public sphere and applies his theoretical model to the Internet. By applying his public sphere model to the Internet, this paper clarifies the threats to democracy posed by modern mass media’s influence, U.S. media related law, electronic media regulations and Supreme Court precedents. This paper also explains how network neutrality enables a check and balance on Internet Service Providers (ISPs) commercial power. Without network neutrality, ISPs undermine American’s First Amendment rights. This is seen through how media ownership concentration decreases a diversity of viewpoints and the way ISPs block the free flow of information. This paper uses the 2012 U.S. presidential election to show how an idealized public sphere momentarily existed. Here, the Internet gives people the ability for citizen participation in debate; however, the Debordian spectacle relationship between citizens and the media shows how commercial interests, for the candidate’s publicity are often not in the public’s best interest.

Il Volume raccoglie gli atti del convegno che si è svolto il 31 marzo 2017 presso il Dipartimento di Comunicazione e Ricerca Sociale della Sapienza Università di Roma. Gli argomenti presentati sono alla base di ogni riflessione sul cyberspazio, la dimensione immateriale che Internet ha affiancato a quella tradizionale e materiale, e sui fenomeni giuridici, economici e sociali che in essa si realizzano. Le tematiche del diritto di accesso a Internet e della net neutrality sono trattate da docenti universitari, esperti, professionisti e utenti di Internet secondo un approccio interdisciplinare e multi–stakeholder. I loro contributi si pongono così come tasselli del grande mosaico della rete.

Il volume è scaricabile gratuitamente sul sito di Aracne al seguente link: http://www.aracneeditrice.it/aracneweb/index.php/pubblicazione.html?item=9788825504170

Die fortschreitende Digitalisierung der Gesellschaft stellt die nationale und internationale Kommunikationspolitik und Medienregulierung vor eine Fülle neuer Herausforderungen: Themen wie Internetkriminalität, Daten- und Jugendschutz oder Urheber- und Leistungsschutzrecht stehen insbesondere in Europa und den USA weit oben auf der politischen und medialen Agenda. In diesem Sammelband werden die bisherigen und aktuellen Entwicklungen in diesem Politikfeld mit empirischen und theoretischen Analysen konfrontiert und der netzpolitische Diskurs so um kommunikations- und politikwissenschaftliche Perspektiven ergänzt.Im Fokus der elf Beiträge stehen dabei ganz grundsätzliche Herausforderungen der Digitalisierung für die Kommunikationspolitik, die von der Politik aus der Digitalisierung gezogenen kommunikationspolitischen Konsequenzen sowie der gesellschaftliche Diskurs über die politischen Antworten auf den digitalen Medienwandel.

La Neutralidad de la Red está de actualidad tanto en EEUU como en Europa y, la Comisión Europea ha pedido al Organismo de Reguladores Europeos de Comunicaciones Electrónicas (BEREC) que lleve a cabo un análisis de la situación respecto a cuestiones cruciales para conseguir una Internet abierta y neutral, como las barreras al cambio de operador, el bloqueo o el estrangulamiento del tráfico por Internet. En la presente comunicación se ofrece una rápida y somera visión sobre las disposiciones relativas a la Neutralidad de la Red del marco regulador de la Unión Europea y las posibles aplicaciones del derecho de defensa de la competencia al objeto de preservar la Neutralidad de la Red. Existen varios mercados implicados en el ecosistema de Internet de acuerdo a su diseño: mercados de infraestructuras de redes y servicios de comunicación electrónica, mercados de servicios relacionados con la organización de Internet, mercados de servicios de la sociedad de la información y mercados de contenidos. En cada una de estas capas deberá aplicarse la normativa “antitrust”. Esta ponencia se centra en contextualizar las implicaciones legales desde la perspectiva del derecho de la competencia de la arquitectura de Internet, así como el rol de la política de la defensa de la competencia al objeto de preservar la Neutralidad de la Red y el ecosistema de innovación generado por su arquitectura.

Il giornalismo di inchiesta, è espressione più alta e nobile dell’attività di informazione; con tale tipologia di giornalismo, infatti, maggiormente si realizza il fine di detta attività quale prestazione di lavoro intellettuale volta alla raccolta, al commento e alla elaborazione di notizie destinate a formare oggetto di comunicazione interpersonale attraverso gli organi di informazione, per sollecitare i cittadini ad acquisire conoscenza di tematiche meritevoli, per il rilievo pubblico delle stesse.

Increasingly mass media in the United States has become owned by fewer people. The principle of net neutrality has come under assault from corporate lobbyists and politicians, alongside media pundits and commentators, and, recently, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) has announced new efforts to gut regulations and end net neutrality. What is net neutrality? Why is it important? What does the end of net neutrality mean for democracy in America?

O trabalho procura oferecer alternativas à regulação
da neutralidade na internet com base na discussão
das distintas relações comerciais e ingerências
governamentais existentes que alteram o comportamento
e o desenvolvimento da internet como plataforma livre
e aberta à entrada de novos agentes, produtos e serviços.
A neutralidade na grande rede é assunto polêmico e o
documento discorre sobre diversos casos em que essa
característica foi posta a prova. Mediante a análise das
principais experiências internacionais de legislações que
tratam do tema, o artigo propõe um novo enfoque para a
problemática. O autor sugere uma regulação por camadas
de serviços e oferece alguns pontos para reflexão. // This work seeks to offer alternatives to the regulation
of internet neutrality based on the discussion of the
various commercial relationships and existing government
interferences that alter the behaviour and the development
of the internet as a free and open platform
to new agents, products and services. Neutrality in the
world wide web is a controversial issue and the document
debates several cases in which this feature was
put under examination. By analysing the main international
experiences of legislation on the same matter,
the article proposes a new approach to the issue. The
author suggests a regulation by layers of services and
offers some points for reflection.

A provocative analysis of net neutrality and a call to democratize online communication This short book is both a primer that explains net neutrality's history and politics, as well as an argument for a more equitable framework for internet regulation. Pickard and Berman assert that we should see access to the internet not as a commodity but as a public good necessary for sustaining democratic society in the twentyfirst century. They aim to reframe the threat to net neutrality as more than a conflict between content providers like Netflix and internet service providers like Comcast-they argue its part of the much wider project to commercialize the public sphere and undermine the free speech essential for democracy. Readers will come away with a better understanding of the key concepts underpinning the net neutrality battle and rallying points for future action to democratize online communication.

This article is a useful tool for both Asian and European readers as regards some of the state-of-the-art technologies revolving around the Internet of Things (‘IoT’) and their intersection with cloud computing (the Clouds of Things, ‘CoT’) in both the continents. The main legal issues will be presented, with a focus on intellectual property, consumer protection, and privacy. India and the United Kingdom are selected because they are at the forefront of the IoT innovation in their respective countries. The IoT is an expanding and heterogeneous universe encompassing all Things which are capable of connectivity and are equipped with sensing and actuating capabilities. One can find Things in very diverse sectors, from agriculture to manufacturing, retail, healthcare, leisure, domotics, urban development, etc. Therefore, not only is providing an exhaustive and static definition of the IoT nearly impossible (or at least pointless), but also the endeavour of providing a complete picture of the phenomenon would be a cumbersome path towards failure. Consequently, I will give account only of the highlights of the IoT in India and the United Kingdom. In India, the IoT will be analysed through the prism of net neutrality, smart cities, manufacturing, computer-related inventions, and a recent bill on the surveillance aspects of the world’s largest biometric database (Aadhaar). In turn, I will look at the British context by analysing some (quasi) regulatory acts with a focus on privacy and consumer protection. One last caveat. When it comes to new technologies, one tends to be either ‘apocalyptic’ or ‘integrated’. Either the technology will save us all by leveraging a revolution leading to a disruptive innovation, or it will destroy our lives and the world will go to the dogs. I take a middle position and believe that through education, collective awareness, and soft law, one will be able to keep the human being at the centre of innovation, to unite people rather than divide them, to empower them and alleviate discrimination and poverty. What is important is neither should one delegate to technology nor to rely entirely on government: if the IoT is to actually become a revolution, it will do so due to the commitment of each and every one of us who will contribute to create the Internet of Citizens.

PLEASE CITE AS: Guido NOTO LA DIEGA, The Internet of Citizens. A lawyer’s view on some technological developments in the United Kingdom and India, in Indian Journal of Law & Technology, 2017, 12(1), 53-104.

The impartiality of the interpreter has long been an important aspect of and an indispensable quality in healthcare interpreting. Official documents on professional ethics created by professional associations around the world refer to impartiality among the fundamental ethical principles to be adhered to. However, the conditions in the workplace and the background of the interpreter might pose significant risks to ensuring the implementation and adoption of ethics in the field. Furthermore, specific conditions of immigration and the quality (or the existence) of interpreter training in the required language combinations may play a role in either facilitating or impeding the implementation of ethical principles. As a country that has been receiving migrants for a relatively short time, Turkey lacks a code of ethics specifically drawn up for healthcare (or community) interpreters and this may well lead to problems in the field. Therefore, the primary objective of this study is to compare healthcare interpreters' understanding of, preference for and exercise of impartiality with the prescripts of the codes applicable in other countries and to demonstrate how the principle of impartiality unfolds in healthcare contexts. The results of the study demonstrate that helping the patient was the main motivation of the interpreters in the field rather than being guided purely by impartiality. They reported being deliberately on the patient's side to support them and to ensure that they obtained the required treatment, an approach which contradicts the codes of the associations in the countries that prefer "interpreting" rather than "mediation". The analysis pointed to the fact that the meaning of impartiality is shaped by the system in which it is laid down. These results suggest that the codes and the attitudes of healthcare interpreters do not coincide as regards impartiality in a country where healthcare interpreting research and practice are emerging and training opportunities are scarce. They can serve as a useful reference point for policymaking and the professionalization of healthcare interpreters.

In ‘The Internet: State of Nature or Artificial State? A Modern Reflection on Hobbes and Rousseau’, Eva Miléna van Reeven questions Internet governance from an early modern perspective, and highlights the importance of net neutrality in the global economy. Reflecting on Thomas Hobbes’ concept of the State of Nature, as introduced in his famous Leviathan, and on Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s concept of the corruption of the state, van Reeven concludes that the Internet carries elements of both philosophies. Governance in the digital realm may not resemble any traditional form of governance from the physical realm, but the Internet is subject to governance nonetheless. The preservation of net neutrality is crucial, for net neutrality could very well be the only thing keeping the Internet from resembling a Hobbesian State of Nature.

Moving from the ECJ’s decision in the Schrems case, the paper
explores the connections between competition, privacy and net neutrality
in relation to EU-USA transborder data flows.
Collection, manipulation and accumulation of personal and anonymous
information by social media, search engines and other big players
in web 2.0., seems to engender a new type of economic surplus that may
affect market balance, building and strenghthening dominant positions.
In the “big-data” era, stands out the need to promote a data
protection policy more devoted to a “quantitative” approach, trying to
ensure the convergence between anti-monopolistic and privacy rules, in
the frame of a stronger and more effective enforcement of fundamental
rights of solidarity.

Das Konzept der Netzneutralität wird als eines der ungeschriebenen Gesetze des Internets gehandelt. Und obwohl es, wie das Internet selbst, nicht an nationalen Grenzen Halt macht, wird seine Umsetzung bzw. Nichtumsetzung in verschiedenen politischen Systemen unterschiedlich gehandhabt.1 Zuletzt prägten divergierende Versuche, eine Definition in Gesetzesform zu gießen, den internationalen Streit um ein neutrales Internet: so schlug die US-Regulierungsbehörde FCC im Februar 2015 einen Weg strikter Regulierung ein2, wohingegen sich die Europäische Union in Form eines politischen Kompromiss gerade mal zu einer unklaren, stark interpretativen Regelung des Problems durchringen konnte.3
Dieser Tatsache liegt zu Grunde, dass mit dem Aufstieg des Internets zum heute größten öffentlichen Raum, die Netzneutralität von verschiedenen Akteurs- bzw. Interessengruppen unterschiedlich definiert wird. Die Aussage „To date, there is no generally accepted definition of Net neutrality“4 scheint stets aktuell.
Bisher auf Mitgliedstaatenebene unterschiedlich geregelt, haben die Verhandlungen um das Telekom-Paket von 2015 die Frage der Netzneutralität endgültig zu einer Brüsseler Angelegenheit gemacht. Zur Untersuchung der Möglichkeiten von Telekommunikation- sreformen zur Regelung der Netzneutralität soll in dieser Arbeit der Advocacy-Koalitionen- Ansatz nach Paul Sabatier herangezogen werden, um explizit Antwort auf die Frage zu geben, welche politische Richtung die EU in Form des Telekom-Pakets von 2015 eingeschlagen hat.

Der erste Teil dieser Arbeit (2. und 3.) soll die Definitionen für die im zweiten Teil darauf aufbauenden Analysen (4.) bereitstellen. So wird zuerst eine objektive und für diese Arbeit grundlegende Definition des Konzepts der Netzneutralität erarbeitet und dabei aufgezeigt, was auf dem Spiel steht. Dann werden theoretische Grundlagen und Vorteile des Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) dargestellt, sowie dessen Anwendbarkeit auf das politische System der EU geprüft. 
Anhand des ACF wird schließlich ein Überblick über die im europäischen Kontext relevanten Akteure und deren inhaltliche Ausrichtung gegeben, um die Rahmenbedingungen von Telekommunikationsreformen zur Regelung der Netzneutralität abzustecken. Im anschließenden Fallbeispiel wird das Zustandekommens des Telekom- Pakets von 2015 analysiert.

'Net Neutrality' is a very heated and contested United States policy principle regarding access for content providers to the Internet end-user, and potential discrimination in that access where the end-user's ISP (or another ISP) blocks that access in part or whole. The suggestion is that the problem can be resolved by either introducing greater competition, as for instance in certain Western European nations under the Telecoms Framework 2002 (as proposed for amendment 2007), or closely policing conditions for vertically integrated service, such as VOIP. This assumes that competition in the 'local loop' or 'last mile' to the end-user subscriber provides a choice of platform, and therefore rigorous telecoms competition regulation resolves the issue in Europe. However, that may not be the whole story. The question this paper aims to answer is: Are Internet Service Providers motivated to require content providers to pay for superior service via lower levels of service for the same price (e.g. blocking or 'throttling' content) or higher price for higher Quality of Service? Can abusive discrimination take place even where an ISP does not have dominance? I consider market developments and policy responses in Europe and the United States, conclusions and regulatory recommendations.

Analisi della proposta di riforma costituzionale sull'art. 34-bis, accesso ad Internet come diritto sociale.
Proposta recepita nei disegni di legge n. 1561 del 10 luglio 2014 al Senato della Repubblica e n. 2816 del 14 gennaio 2015 alla Camera dei Deputati.
Il contributo è estratto da:
M. R. Allegri – G. d’Ippolito (a cura di), Accesso a Internet e neutralità della rete fra principi costituzionali e regole europee, atti del convegno del 31 marzo 2017. Sapienza – Università di Roma, Aracne, 2017, pp. 65 e ss.
Scaricabile gratuitamente dal sito internet dell’editore: www.aracneeditrice.it/index.php/pubblicazione.html?item=9788825504170

Mémoire réalisé dans le cadre de mon master à Sciences Po Lille : Si la menace terroriste grandit en France, elle se modernise également : la propagande web de l'Etat Islamique est l'exemple même de cette adaptabilité du terrorisme aux nouveaux outils numériques, qui lui permet toucher un maximum d'audience. Face à cette propagande, de nombreux outils ont été mis en place aussi bien par les États, que par les géants du web, mais aussi par les citoyens pour la contrer, de façon organisée ou spontanée : le blocage administratif, la modération, le détournement par le rire, la surveillance via algorithmes, etc.. Aussi il est essentiel de se demander dans quelle mesure ces outils mis en place sont à la fois efficaces et adaptés à Internet pour lutter contre cette propagande ?

Profiling activities used to personalise user content can place online corporations in a position of significant influence over user behaviour. The ability to deliver different search engine results, news feeds, discriminatory prices, and so forth, can be exploited to grant unequal access to different kinds of content. This is likely to intensify with the Internet of Things (IoT), which will surround individuals with sensors capable of 24/7 full tracking. This content-shaping power jeopardises the neutral accessibility that a democratic internet should ensure. Indeed, both neutrality and accessibility should refer not only to the service connection but also to the content it delivers. This study examines this personalisation and filtering power in light of Privacy and Data Protection regulations to explore how privacy principles can be used to enhance IoT accessibility. It elaborates a comparative analysis of legislative sources related to public goods and interests, data flows and contract law relationships, into a holistic narrative reasoning. The discussion addresses the monopolistic economic position of platforms, their connected revenue models and the power to control and influence information. Fake news plays a crucial role in this and is addressed consequently. Therefore, the study analyses how these factors together could form profiling 'multi-monopolies' in connection with a non-neutral Internet of Things. Furthermore, techniques of influence have more grip where there is a lack of awareness and knowledge, and a new model of digital "divide et impera" seems to enhance these phenomena. Besides, social score systems and discriminatory pricing can be powerful tools in this sense. We discuss the gap between regulatory approaches and real-world situations, offering common legal tools and Privacy by Design (PbD) as potential solutions for neutral accessibility. We highlight how the current regulatory framework requires more harmonisation to guarantee effective user protections, especially in an IoT ecosystem. Neutralidade da rede importa: anticorpos de privacidade para monopólios de informação e profiling em massa Resumo As atividades de profiling usadas para personalizar o conteúdo disponibilizado aos usuários podem colocar as empresas de Internet em uma posição de influência significativa sobre o seu comportamento. A capacidade de fornecer diferentes resultados de mecanismos de pesquisa, feeds de notícias, preços discriminatórios, dentre outras, pode ser explorada para garantir acesso desigual a diferentes tipos de conteúdo. É provável que isso se intensifique com a Internet das Coisas (IoT), que cercará indivíduos com sensores capazes de rastreamento completo 24 horas por dia, 7 dias por semana. Esse poder de modelagem de conteúdo põe em risco a acessibilidade neutra que uma Internet democrática deve garantir. De fato, tanto a neutralidade quanto a acessibilidade devem se referir não apenas à conexão do serviço, mas também ao conteúdo que ele fornece. Este estudo examina esse poder de personalização e filtragem à luz dos regulamentos de Privacidade e Proteção de Dados para explorar como os princípios de privacidade podem ser usados para aprimorar a acessibilidade da IoT. Elabora-se uma análise comparativa de fontes legislativas relacionadas a bens e interesses públicos, fluxos de dados e relações de direito contratual, em um raciocínio narrativo holístico. A discussão aborda a posição econômica monopolista das plataformas, seus modelos conectados de receita e o poder de controlar e influenciar as informações. Fake news desempenham um papel crucial nisso e, consequentemente, são abordadas. Portanto, o estudo analisa como esses fatores podem, juntos, formar 'multimonopólios' de profiling em conexão com uma Internet das Coisas não neutra. Além disso, as técnicas de influência são mais abrangentes onde há falta de consciência e conhecimento, e um novo modelo digital de "dividir para conquistar" parece intensificar esses fenômenos. Ademais, sistemas de pontuação social e preços discriminatórios podem ser ferramentas poderosas nesse sentido. Discutimos a lacuna entre abordagens regulatórias e situações do mundo real, oferecendo ferramentas legais comuns e o Privacy by Design (PbD) como possíveis soluções para acessibilidade neutra. Destacamos como a atual estrutura regulatória exige mais harmonização para garantir proteções efetivas ao usuário, especialmente em um ecossistema de IoT. Palavras-chave Privacy by design; Profiling; Neutralidade da rede; Fake news; Preços discriminatórios; Sistema de crédito social; Internet das Coisas.

El presente estudio investigó la etapa actual de reglamentación y
efectividad de la neutralidad de red en cuatro países de América Latina: Brasil, Chile, Colombia, y México. Entre ellos, el primer país que reglamentó elprincipio de neutralidad fue Chile, en 2010 - pionero no solo entre los paísesestudiados como en el mundo. El segundo fue Colombia, en 2011. En Brasil, se empezó a discutir la reglamentación de los derechos civiles en la internet en 2008, pero el Marco Civil de la Internet solo fue sancionado en 2014 y el decreto que lo reglamentó, en 2016. En México, en el año 2014, fue sanciona da la Ley Federal de Telecomunicaciones y Radiodifusión, que todavía espera la reglamentación con definición de normas relativas a la neutralidad de red.

In March 2015, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) released a consultation paper inviting responses and comments from the public to recommendations that private telecom operators be allowed to charge extra for third-party internet-based applications and services. This was in response to certain telecom companies deciding to charge internet-based voice calls at the rate of voice calls, paving the way for differentiating between kinds of content transferred via the internet using mobile phones. In response, an unprecedented online movement inundated the TRAI website, seeking to overturn the recommendations, and laying the groundwork for what has come to be seen as robust net neutrality laws.

The movement was magnified online by a group of artists, journalists, technologists, lawyers, and policy experts who came together under the Save The Internet campaign and encouraged internet users in India to take part in the consultation process. TRAI received over a million responses. It was this public outcry that defeated some of the most powerful players in the digital realm – from telecom companies to Facebook, leading to the net neutrality laws that now exist in India.

This paper will attempt to chart the evolution of net neutrality in India, focusing on how the net neutrality regulations came to be. In so doing, the paper hopes to understand how a leaderless citizen movement helped shape policy within a highly technical space, normally considered the domain of ‘experts.’ As more and more ‘users’ of the internet are transformed into ‘consumers’ of internet-related products, the lines demarcating ‘consumers,’ ‘citizens,’ ‘users,’ and ‘data subjects’ are becoming increasingly blurred. In moments such as the public debate on net neutrality, not only did the ‘citizen’ aspect of internet users come to the fore, it also allowed for the observation of participatory democracy in action.

Turkmenistan presents an unusual[1] situation compared to other countries in the region, is an island of regional stability, but still a closed system, which addresses a questionable neutral policy. Turkmenistan's foreign policy raises a number of questions: Why aspire to political neutrality? How neutral, in fact, is the political line followed by the country's leadership? How Turkmen attitude is reflected in the overall situation in the region, especially in the field of regional security in Central Asia and Turkmenistan? Turkmenistan became an independent state totally unexpected, neither leadership or population being prepared for such a development. The results of the 1989 union referendum are very informative in this sense: at that time more than 90% of the population favored the preservation of the Soviet Union and think that Turkmenistan should remain in the Union as a republic !!!

In view of Trump's attempt to punish CNN by blocking the Time Warner merger with AT &T, I thought it helpful to post my 1998 op-ed in The Industry Standard, which argued that the U. S. government's plan to break-up Microsoft was not only ill-advised but unconstitutional and unnecessary. (Note: The Industry Standard supplied this sarcastic title.)

The problem of ensuring network neutrality is perhaps one of the most pertinent issues the world faces today. Our modern societies are intrinsically tied to the internet as a hub for information, e-commerce and communication. With a dizzying array of multimedia devices being developed and with a continuous surge in internet users year after year, the magnitude of the internet continues to grow in importance. Almost all new devices are internet ready, including smartphones, televisions and even printers. What this means, is that there is an increase in data creation, transmission and storage. Network neutrality is central to the issue of data access and transmission. Just how quickly we can retrieve data, and what kind of data we can access are the main questions surrounding the issue of network neutrality.

This report seeks to identify the causes for the recent surge in net neutrality debates, the international, regional and local implications of this debate, the epistemological and sociological impact of this issue and lastly, we look at a plausible solution which seeks to satiate the demands of both network users and operators.

This paper provides the reader with the practices of ISPs that undermine net neutrality and also critically assesses allegations found in the open letter in regards to the Open Internet Regulation signed by Sir Tim Berners Lee, Lawrence Lessig and Barbara van Schewick.

En los últimos años, se debate sobre el principio de neutralidad de red como parte de la regulación de Internet, principalmente por los incentivos que podrían tener los operadores de servicio para discriminar contenidos, y las tensiones entre los actores. Este trabajo analiza el diseño e implementación de las políticas de neutralidad de la red en cinco países de Sudamérica usando la Teoría Actor-Red para mapear la red sociotécnica formada a su alrededor. Se pretende evidenciar los elementos heterogéneos que conforman la red y analizar su estructura, identificando y caracterizando las diferentes posiciones de los actores involucrados. Metodológicamente, se usa un enfoque empírico sobre los procesos de implementación y se emplea una recolección de datos que incluyen documentos dentro del contexto de neutralidad de red en Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia y Ecuador. A partir de estas herramientas se identifica a la neutralidad de la red como una controversia sociotécnica que moviliza el debate debido a múltiples interpretaciones, diferentes intereses y poder de mercado de los actores siendo poco probable que un solo conjunto de reglas aborde todos los enfoques hacia la neutralidad. Finalmente, se concluye que a pesar de la implementación de leyes estas son ambiguas y producen disputas entre actores de diferentes niveles, como consecuencia los operadores continúan afectando el principio sin ser observados por la falta de instrumentos legales que permitan una mejor implementación para mantener un Internet abierto.