Nomadic Art

A series of tattoo were discovered in remains from the Pazyryk culture. Their subjects are usually animals depicted in dynamic poses. There are visible differences in tattoo practices between social groups; for common peoples, the tattoo was normally on the hands or shoulder. Gender preferences are also visible in the types of torment’ scenes and tormented animals depicted. The most popular figures depicted in the tattoos were a monster – a wild goat with an eagle’ beak and a panther’s tail and also a realistic wild ram. A panther with very long spiral tail was known in China as a monster of nomadic origin. There are two images of Chinese zoomorphic goods. On the images of nomadic Iranian groups we see a probable tattoo on the cheeks only with two or three horizontal lines.

The interpretation of depictions in petroglyphs belonging to the Bronze Age in South Siberia as shamanic ones is debatable. Obviously, cultic attributes belonging to men were not removed from barrows 2 and 5 in Pazyryk. Their series can be compared with complexes (known to ethnologists) belonging to shamans of Iranian peoples. Such elements of practicing sequential shamanic rituals as divination, use of musical instruments, entering into a trance state, summoning patron spirits and their “feeding”, exorcism of evil spirits can be reconstructed. 

Keywords: Indo-Iranian shamanism, Pazyryk culture shamans, shamans images, South Siberia, material culture

This monographic study is the 3rd volume of a series of works on the study of Deer Stones, the emblematic symbol of Mongolian ancient civilization and the best representative of monumental art. The 1st and 2nd volumes contain a brief scientific description of 1241 Mongolian Deer Stones, richly illustrated with hand-drawings and color photographs, and some site maps. The 3rd volume is covering all major issues of Deer Stone study, as well as contains the catalogue of about 340 Deer Stones from all over Eurasia and near 80 newly discovered in Mongolia.

(222 plates of illustrations will be in special file. The pages' numeration is special for each big chapter. For real book numeration move the cursor to the right border of each pages / 222 таблицы иллюстраций будут в специальном файле. Нумерация по техническим причинам – отдельная для каждого большого раздела. Подлинную нумерацию стрнице в книге можно выяснить, подведя курсор к правой границе каждой страницы).
ABSTRACT:
In this book, you will find a complex research of the clothes of Iranian-speaking peoples beginning from their appearance in the world politics and in the written sources of the 7th–6th cc. BC and up to the Islamization of Iran and Transoxiana in the 7th–8th cc. AD. The accessories of the costume (except belts), the military costume, the rulers’ crowns and the costume materials themselves are not the subject matter of the text; but the hairstyle and sometimes tattoos are being under consideration. The first three chapters are devoted to analysis of the main periods of pre-Islamic history of the Iranian world (the time bounds being different for different regions): [1] the Achaemenid-Scythian time (the 7th–6th cc. BC — 4th–3rd cc. BC, for Transoxiana—up to the mid. of the 2nd cc. BC); [2] the Parthian-Sarmatian time (the 4th/3rd cc. BC — the 3rd/4th cc. AD); [3] the Sassanid and Early Medieval time (the 3/4th — the 7/8th cc. AD). The sections of these chapters deal with materials on the 13 peoples: (1) the Persians of the Achaemenian time; (2) the Early Scythians; (3) the Scythians of the “classic” period (the 5th–4th cc. BC); (4) the “Pazyrykians” of the Altai; (5) the Chorasmians (for all the 3 periods); (6) the Parnes—Parthians of Iran; (7) the Sarmatians and Early Alans; (8) the Yuech-chihs / Kushans of Bactria; (9) the Sogdians (the 2nd and 3rd periods); (10) the Indo-Scythians of Gandhara; 11) the Persians of the Sassanid time; (12) the Khotano-Sakas of Southern Xinjiang (the 2nd and 3rd periods); (13) the Tokharistanians (with other ethnic elements). As far as each of the above-mentioned peoples is concerned the above-stated ideas are analyzed and new materials (including unpublished ones) are taken into account, the details of many depictions are defined and the data on peoples are generalized for the first time. First of all, we have studied the costume of these 13 peoples, which gives the most abundant and many-sided information on the costume as clothes in real life are a mass phenomenon and can be studied productively and correctly only in big series (in case of single depictions rare costume elements and the looks of gods of foreign origin are mistakenly taken for typical ones).
The main tasks of the book are: 1. The reconstruction of the look of the ethnic clothing complex for each of the above-mentioned peoples: the silhouette, the cut (the information about the latter is limited) and the decorative prin-ciples, the last task being the most labour-intensive. The results allow of a reliable attribution of many artifacts from museums and private collections. 2. Eliciting the aesthetical ideal of different ethnic groups reflected in the costume; the analysis of the depictions of supposed representatives of a certain people in the art of other countries for defining the degree of the authenticity in the costume depiction and its representativeness for this ethnic group. 3. The comparative analysis of the costume of each separately taken synchronous people in each of the three main historical epochs; the analysis of the costume of each ethnic group in different periods for defining the character of the costume evolution and heredity. 4. The retrospective eliciting of the look of the original costume of the most ancient Iranians and the “costume” traces of the Iranian penetration to the west of Iran. 5. Eliciting the type of the costume contacts of ancient Iranian-speaking peoples and the difference in their importance. 6. The analysis of the summarized data on the least studied significant functions of the costume aiming at eliciting the specificity of the Iranian world and some of its peoples.
We suggest a complex approach including following elements: (1) dealing with all kinds of sources alongside ob-serving the most possible scope of facts on each studied people (in case of a technical impossibility, the representative statistic excerpts are studied); (2) the proper selection of the costume décor remnants from burials under analysis (only the accounts and publications of high quality are used) excluding significantly fragmented and stylized depictions and, for some regions, images of gods; (3) the analysis of the material according to the linguistic and ethnic principles—not a regional one (which is not typical for modern research on the costume history); (4) considering all the main costume attributes of the ethnic group as a single costume complex that reflects the specificity of the people; 5) the description of the costume of each ethnic group according to the common program in chapters 1–3; (6) considering ethnic complexes against the background of the synchronous neighbouring ones and both earlier and later ones up to their successors in the 19th–20th cc. AD (otherwise the rightfulness of most conclusions is difficult to guarantee); (7) the analysis of costume evolution of separate ethnic groups under the influence of different factors; (8) compiling a special summary tables on the costume of each people (each drawing in them not being an exact copy of a definite depiction, but given in the most appropriate foreshortening without unnecessary details interfering with perception).
MORE INFORMATION: 2nd Internet ed., Moscow: X-lab, 2011: http://www.narodko.ru/article/yatsenko/eurazia/ .

CONTENTS:
PREFACE 5
CHAPTER 1. The Achaemenian-Scythian time (7th/6th cc. — 4th/3rd cc. BC) 29
1.1. The Persians 29
1.2. The European Scythians 47
1.3. The Pazyryk culture of the Altai Mountains 83
1.4. The Khorasmians 102
The main conclusions 106
CHAPTER 2. The Parthian-Sarmatian time (3rd cc. BC — 3rd/4th cc. AD) 112
2.1. Parthian Iran 113
2.2. The Sarmatians, the Early Alans and the “Late Scythians” 131
2.3. The Yuech-chihs/Kushans 170
2.4. The Khorasmians 187
2.5. The Indo-Scythians 192
2.6. The Sogdians 197
2.7. The Khotano-Sakas 201
The main conclusions 207
CHAPTER 3. The Sasanian and Early Medieval (Pre-Islamic) time (3rd/4th–7th/8th cc. AD) 212
3.1. Sasanian Iran 213
3.2. The Sogdians 231
3.3. Tokharistan and the neighboring regions to the South 247
3.4. The Khorasmians 262
3.4. The Khotano-Sakas 266
The main conclusions 274
CHAPTER 4. The mechanisms of the costume contacts and
the ways of evolution of the costume of ancient Iranians.
The symbolism of costume 279
4.1. The mechanisms of the costume contacts 280
4.2. The ways of evolution of the costume of various peoples 314
4.3. The sign functions of the costume 322
The main conclusions 362
CONCLUSION 364
APPENDIX. The suggestions on the methods of fixation and description of the costume relics
in burial complexes 367
Glossary 370
BIBLIOGRAPHY 371
Abbreviations 416
List of Iluustrations (in English)          418
List of illustrations (in Russian) 423
Illustrations 435-657
Summary                    658
Contents                      663

In 2014 the series of specific (‘Post-Saka’) style petroglyphs were founded in the SE Kazakhstan, in Jetusy (Semirechie) region near Almaty. They are very interesting mix of more eastern art style of the Northern Altai and Mongolia (disappeared on its original territory) and unusual for local Sakas, some unique subjects (some scenes with men and monsters, a sex with wolves etc.) and specific tamga-signs (they were not used by local Sakas). This style was created by local Wusun or Yezhi after the mid. 2nd c. BC. In the 2nd-1st cc. BC we see the same types of tamga-signs in the Middle Syrdarya Basin (Kangju) and in the Early Sarmatian sanctuaries in the eastern coast of Caspian Sea, since the 1st c. AD – in the Eastern European Steppes (the Lower Don Basin and the Central Crimea). This fact reflected the migration of same Wusuns to Kangju and later some Sarmatians and Alans from the northern borders of Kangju to Europe.
Fig. 20, 3 placed there after a technical mistake (these signs were not Xiongnu).

The excavations carried out lately at Yassıhöyük/Gordion, Boğazköy/Büyükkaya, Kaman-Kalehöyük, Çadırhöyük, Porsuk and Liman Tepe and also the survey at Hydas and Hisarlık Tepesi/Troya VIIb2 and Tel-el Cüdeyde excavations of which findings were evaluated later, reveals clearly that the Hittite Empire vanished approx. in 1190 BC and it was the end of the Late Bronze Age and beginning of the Dark Age, that is the Early Iron Age (1190-850 BC). These settlements located in North-West, West, Central and Southern regions of Anatolia determine how the movements of people who were called Thracean-Phrygian migrations and the Sea People moved towards Anatolia, and brought to an end of the Late Bronze Age. Not fixing any center belonging to the Early Iron Age on the Black Sea coasts indicates that these movements of people were not by means of Northern Anatolia, that is the Black Sea.

Architecture of the Iron Age in the Central Black Sea Region shows different pecularities compared to the Land and Coastal zones. By the help of present data we have, the earliest samples of the Iron Age pottery in the Black Sea Region can be dated to the end of the Early Iron Age. During the Middle Iron Age important settlements in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend are Boğazköy, Alaca Höyük, Hacı Bektaş Höyük (Suluca Karahöyük), KamanKalehöyük, Eskiyapar, Oluz Höyük, Alişar Höyük, Çadır Höyük and also in the south of the Kızılırmak/Halys, Kültepe, Sultanhanı, Yassıdağ, Topaklı and Porsuk.

The pottery possessed in these settlements, known as Alişar IV, are the painted potteries having composition of figures of deer styled in silhouette technique and a concentric circle motif and sometimes with geometrical motifs. It is observed that the styles of ceramics workshops in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend and its south that had been producing monotonously since the Middle Iron Age had some changes since the Late Iron Age, especially due to their decorations. Instead of figures of deer in silhoutte, figures with a more natural view, using linear and reserve technique appeared. The figures of bird were more abundant in number and in view, and also figures of bull, donkey, roe, goat, lion, dog, fish and insect were used as the main elements in the compositions. Apart from this, various creatures such as bull with wings and sphinx, and also strange, unusual creatures that can not be identified appeared. The figures of human in a styled form which were few in the Middle Iron Age, started to be the most important thing in the Late Iron Age. Mother Goddess/Kubaba of Phrygians, who had been worshipped since the Neolithic Period, was depicted on the pottery during this period. We observe that the pottery workshops in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend and also the ones in the south were influenced by the innovations and also the political events that occurred in the Late Iron Age and showed this on their productions. For instance, figures of horse and cavalrymen that appeared suddenly were most probably due to the Eurasian Horse-Riding Nomads. Besides, it is apparent that the figures of sphinx with crown and beard, depicted on the pottery had an influence of Western Iran that is Median-Achaemenid. Apart from the motifs and figures in the Late Iron Age, there were some notable changes in the paint decoration technique. The traditional colors of dark red, brown and black continued to be used in decoration; however, as an innovation, figures and compositions were started to be drawn in the frames with white and beige base. This frame technique was applied, after sometime, without using the white base. We acknowledge that the pottery workshops continued their productions in the Kızılırmak/Halys Bend, not only by keeping their traditional characteristics, but also reflecting the external influences during the period that is from the beginning of 5th Century BC to the middle of 4th Century BC, Hellenistic Period that is the Last Phase of the Late Iron Age.

As a result of archaeological survey carried out up to present, no settlement or camp site belonging to the Eurasian Horse-Riding Nomads in Anatolia, that is the Scythians and Cimmerians were determined. Besides, in the light of present data, it is under debate where the Scythians spread and in which regions they were. It is assumed that some tribes of Eurasian Horse-Riding Nomads who moved in to Anatolia through the Caucasia and destroyed Yassıhöyük/Gordion utterly in the end of the Middle Iron Age, then from Paphlagonia to the Central Black Sea Region and from there to the Eastern Black Sea Region.

Another culture that was effective in the Central Black Sea Region, was Achaemenids. Among the satrapies that were established in Anatolia by Achaemenids, we acknowledge that three satrapies comprise the Black Sea Region of today. The first satrapy to mention is Daskyleion that comprises NorthWest Anatolia, together with Paphlagonia and Mariandyns, land means western part of the Black Sea Region. The second satrapy named Katpatuka (Cappadocia) was ruling today’s Central Anatolia and probably the Central Black Sea Region. The third satrapy in the Eastern Black Sea Region was ruling the lands of Mushki, Tibarens, Macrons, Mossyniks, Marelis; the land between today’s Ordu and Trabzon provinces. The second satrapy named Katpatuka (Cappadocia) comprised the today’s Central Anatolia and the Central Black Sea Region; that is the central part of the coasts of northern Anatolia. As we acknowledge, apart from Phrygia, Paphlagonia and Kilikia were the tax regions (nomos) of Achaemenid King Darius the Great, Cappadocians are mentioned as ‘Syrian’, however Pontus is never mentioned, thus, this northern area was included in Cappadocia in 6th century BC. Cappadocia Satrapy most probably comprised the region of Anatolia from the Taurus Mountains reaching at the Black Sea. Cappadocia Satrapy was divided into two parts. The southern part was named as Major Cappadocia and the northern part as Minor Cappadocia or Pontic Cappadocia. We acknowledge that Gashka people who live seminomadic in the Cental Black Sea Region during the Iron Age, did not settle in permanently and also did not let any alien settle in the region. We observe that despite their powerful dominance, some settlements that appeared to be seen on the terrestrial of the Central Black Sea Region during the end of Early Iron Age and also acquired a character with its ceramics with painted decoration of Central Anatolia Iron Age, were dwelled in by the people whose place of origin was the Central Anatolia. We acknowledge that this policy of dwelling was effective completely in the Land and Coastal regions by degrees. In the light of all these evaluations, we can utter that the culture of the Central Black Sea Region during the Iron Age had the local pecularities of Central Anatolian Culture and was an extension to the north.

In upper part of the bronze “censer” from complete set of the sanctuary in Issyk (near Almaty, SE Kazakhstan) of Saka nomadic tribes (the 4th-2nd cc. BC) we see the sitting man with the vessel in his right hand and the horse near him (figs. 1, 3). The early iconographic analogies to this personage are known on the borders of early Iranian World – in the NW Iran and in Eastern Xinjiang (fig. 4). Other iconographic parallels (the sitting man with a vessel in the both hands) are connected with the Early Alans of Lower Don Basin (figs. 7-9) but such image presented the local genealogical legends of Alans. The parallels in other Saka’s images and in the gods’ images of other ancient Iranian nations, the written sources on Transoxiana’ nomadic gods (Hrdt. II. 216) mean that the personage on Issyk “censer” is the local version of the god Mithra.

The specific features of multi-figure scenes of the conflict between two groups of warriors on golden "caps" from the eastern outskirts of Scythia (Perederieva Mogila, Sengileevskoe-2, Kurdzhips) (figs. 1, 5, 8) and on the gilded bronze details of the sarcophagus of 2002 y. from Anapa (figs. 9-10, 14), the costume specificity of the personages, weapons set and the details of composition of each of these two opposing groups are considered. These details were previously overlooked by colleagues. The attempts to connect such compositions with one of the few texts known to Greek authors seem unpromising. These scenes represent the special, folk-like reality of epic songs, where a small group or a single hero defeats more numerous and better-equipped enemies. One of the enemies often tries to suddenly capture a prisoner. The positive heroes in doubles matches are always depicted on the right.
The subjects with the collective hunt and the sacred scenes (the miracle hunt and the horses sacriface) that complemented it are analyzed for the stlengida plate Pesochin unique from Scythian gala female headdresses (fig. 25).
The only deity on the Scythian weapons – the man-rooster with his accompanying dragons from the Soboleva Mogila (fig. 18) is originally associated with the art of Bronze Age Margiana (Margush), then with Khorezm (ethnically related to Margiana) and later used by Sogdians (figs. 20-24).

Key words: Scythians, epic scenes and deitis, images of the 4th – early 3rd cc. BCE in the Eastern Scythia, cpecificity of compositions and costume, clashs of two groups of warriors, golden “caps”, details of sarcophaguses, headdresses and weapons.

ON SARMATIAN-ALANIAN SUBJECT OF WALL PAINTING IN THE ‘CRYPT OF ANTHESTERIOS’ IN PANTICAPAEUN
According to the generally accepted opinion, the wall painting in the ‘Crypt of Anthesterios’ in Panticapaeum (the 3rd quarter of the 1st c. AD; published by M.I. Rostovtzeff in 1913) represents several scenes from the life of aristocracy of Bosporan capital. In reality, the core of this composition (fig. 1,1) is the picture of goddess sitting on a throne, World Tree to the left from her, approaching horseman – to the right. Similar representations dating to the 4th c. BC are known among Sakas and Massagetes of the Central Asia (the rug from Pazyryk, the seal of the 1th-2nd cc. AD from the South Turkmenistan), and since the late 2nd c. BC we find them in Kuban River region (Merdzhany).
The compositions from the Crypt could be compared with the mythological scenes of Indo-Iranians of the Eastern Europe: the Scythian diadem from Sakhnovka (the 4th c. BC) and the reliefs in the crypt of medieval Alans on Krivaya Riva (the 10th-12th cc.) (fig. 1, 2). These three representations includes 9-10 figures, a lot of iconographic details are very similar. That type of composition had been elaborated by Greek craftsmen in the 4th c. BC and was preserved for a millennium and half.
The Sarmato-Alanian compositions, in contrast to the Scythian ones, were connected with the funeral ritual. Archaic elements in Ossetian ‘Nart’ epic are important for understanding of these scenes. One of the variants of epic tell about a trip of a semi-god and ‘cultural hero’ Soslan to the Upper World (to Celestial Plane) where the souls of the dead live. He travels in a company of a younger friend. Soslan meets a goddess sitting on a golden throne which gives him magic food and drinks from the small golden tripod table (fyng). Some children (souls of the dead?) wait upon them. There are also two men sitting in ‘yurt’ nomadic mobile house (probably, two brothers in Ossetian tradition – the Son of Sun and the Son of Moon) who meet the dead in another world. On another wall two horses near the World Tree were depicted.
Among the Scythians, similar scenes depict the ‘sacred marriage’ of Fite goddess Tabiti and the ‘cultural hero’ Kolaxais (Raevsky D., 1977), and among the Sarmato-Alans – the marriage of nameless goddess (Tipati after T.A. Guriev reconstruction) and Soslan. This subject was depicted in Paticapaeum after the beginning of Sarmatian nobles’ sedentarization in the capital of Bosporus Kingdom and some marriages with local Greek elite (Lucian. Tox. 51).

2015 season excavations' results were published for two main halls in the palace of the Early Turkic (Turgesh Qaghanate) rulers of the early 8th c. CE in medieval Kulan town of Jetysu/Semirechie region in the SE Kazakhstan. S. Yatsenko part was the analysis of wall paintings and graffiti in the probable Throne Hall (room 2) (pp. 54-63, figs. 15-17), their composition and the personages' costume and other items. Among them, they included the images of Turgesh king (qaghan) and his wife (figs. 15/2, 17/1-2).

The article takes a critical look at the highly popular figure of the NOMAD and counter-reads it with the mobile experiences of pastoral nomads and artists, who count (themselves) among its most ardent Wahlverwandte (family by choice).

Some of the core thoughts are also published in my short essay The Nomadic Artist. Three Reasons to Say Good-Bye to a Fantasy in the 2014 SOLITUDE YEARBOOK (see below)

Modern world has a complex and multidimensional character. This is largely due to such factors as globalization processes that lead to cultural hybridization. The artists who work in this context, in response to its challenges, provide their audience with equally hybrid transmedia forms. They cross the borders of art disciplines as well as the borders between art and existence. Taking the art of Douglas Davis, Sanja Iveković, Antoni Mikołajczyk, Józef Robakowski, Zygmunt Rytka, Anna Konik, and Yumi Machiguchi as examples, the paper presents the artistic tendencies which develop in between various environments, the tendencies within which art takes on nomadic character, resigning from permanent location so as to seemingly become aesthetically homeless. It is in this that art finds its power of character, its clarity of artistic gesture, its energy, values and sense, and-paradoxically-its own place: always in between.

The analysis of costume specificity of the early nomads’ women-warriors is based upon the statues of the C3rd-1st BC from Ustyurt Plateau; on their joint burials with elder and higher status men; on the series of their graves in Novyi Sarmatian necropolis on the Sal River and in some remarkable single burials. Details of two main costume types for women-warriors (similar to male; female with several specific accoutrements practically applicable for war time) were studied for the first time. Evidently, such women were buried in attire appropriate for battles. These women participated in wars not only after getting married but, sometimes, after giving birth to several children. In some nomadic groups neighbouring the Greek-Roman World (the Yuezhi, the Sarmatians and the Early Alans) there is costume décor symbolism of images characteristic for women-warriors’ belligerence: a sitting Athena goddess and a labrys or a double-headed axe, associated with the Amazons.

The detailed English version will be published in Budapest in the collection: "Daughters of Ares: Warrior Women of Eurasia from prehistory to the XVII. c AD".
The tamga-sign on the golden applications from Issyk barrow (note 20) was really the mark of modern museum restorers….

There are many images of mythical Amazons of the Black Sea Region. They were copied the image of the Early Scythians with their costume and weapons or were fantastic and had the sacred weapon of Bronze Age – the ‘labrys’ axe.   
In the paper the unique and very rare images of the early nomadic women-warriors were analyzed. First of all, there are several statues of the 3rd-1st cc. BCE in Kyzyluiik and Akuiik sanctuaries in the Western Kazakhstan, on the north border of the desert Ustyurt Plateau, which were dedicated to the cult of ancestors. They had a daggers and worn the costume of “male type” or the long dress (fig. 1, 1-3). Probably, the woman warrior we see also on the pair Early Scythian tombstone of the 6th c. BCE from Meskety in the Northern Caucasus (fig. 1, 4). The women are touches the military belt it with their right hands. For the Early Turks (fig. 2, 1) (such as for closely connected Iranian-speaking Sogdians - fig. 2, 2) the images of women-warriors were only the rare illustrations of the local epic poems as the memories of the past. At the same time, the girls costume in such scenes in ethnologically correct. There is no exaggeration of details as it happens in epic texts.
The participation in wars not usually did not raise the women’ status in those times, it was the manifestation of exploitation (in addition to sexual and economic ones).

Song Yuan Huaya (the Huaya of the Song and Yuan Dynasties) is a type of seal featuring figurative patterns and sometimes decorated with ciphered or ethnic characters. Their origins are the Song and Yuan Dynasties, although their influence extends to the Ming (1368-1644 CE) and Qing (1644-1912 CE) Dynasties. Although it is based on the Chinese Han seal tradition, Song Yuan Huaya exhibits various elements from the influence of the Silk Road. This is thought to be the first time in Han seal history that the Steppe culture can be seen so abundantly on private seals. This paper takes an interdisciplinary approach to analyse, probably for the first time in the field, some cases of Song Yuan Huaya, in which a dialogue between the Han seal tradition and Silk Road culture occurs. The findings will hopefully advance the understanding of the complicated nature of the art history, society, peoples, and ethnic relationships in question, and will serve as the starting point for further studies of intercultural communication during specific historical periods.

Description of the Turgesh Qaghanate' Turkic rulear residence of the 1st half of the 8th c. in Kulan (South Kazakhstan). There are many details of decor in the throne hall and other gala rooms with the clay reliefs, wall painting remains and graffiti

See in English:
YATSENKO S.A.  Archaeological Complex with Extremely Early Banners Found in the Territory of the Former USSR (End of the I and Beginning of II Centuries AD). – In: Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia. 2001. Vol. 7, No. 1 (Leiden, Boston, Köln), pp. 45-54
(there is one mistake in the title: “…not Millenium AD”, but Centuries!).
SEE IN INTERNET (30 $): http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/157005701753359813 .
(with additngs/с дополнениями) - 2015
SUMMARY:
In 1986 Evgenii Baspalyi founded in Dachi barrow necropolis the looting king’s barrow 1 of the Early Alans near Azov town (the Mouth of Don River, Rostov Region of European Russia) (fig. 1). All grave of the late 1st-early 2nd cc. AD was destroyed by robbers. Only sthe hiding-place near the grave (0,6 x 0,6 m) was preserved with more than 16 000 golden artifacts, mostly the small applications (fig. 2). There were 4 layers of the golden applications. The most of them (11 720 rhomb-shaped applications: fig. 3, 15) decorated the rectangulat item (0,9 x 0,6 m, layers 2-3), probably - the ritual carpet. The most interesting finds in the hiding-place were two banners (figs. 4; 6). The upper banner (0,6 x 0,35 m: fig. 6,a) was decorated more then 350 applications of 4 types (fig. 5.1-3, 5). The lower banner (0,58 x 0,4 m: fig. 6, б/b) was decorated by 674 applications of 2 types (fig. 5.6-7).
Both banners have closed analogies in the culture of the Early Alans’ descandants – the Medeival Alans and Ossetians of the Northern Caucasus. The upper banner was wedding (‘chyndzy tyrysa’) according to the popular association: death=wedding. It was red or white and had the several golden ‘pendants’ (a male costume assoceries), had the rounded ends and half moons ornament up to the early 20th c. (fig. 7,c). The lower banner was funeral (‘sau tyrysa’), it was recently black (fig. 7,a). Both banners had also some analogies to the Xiongnu’ banners of that time (Noyon Uul / Noin Ula in the NE Mongolia). Third type of Alano-Ossetian banners – the battle flag of military leader we know after some medieval depictios (fig. 7, d) and ‘Nart’ epic poems. 
ILLUSTRATIONS:
Fig. 1. A map of Sarmatia in the 2nd half of the 1st c. AD with the points of analyzed barrows: I – points where the «kings» barrows were discovered; II – local chiefs’ barrows; III – ancient cities; IV – capitals (after Sergey A. Yatsenko).
Fig. 2. The plan of hiding-place in the barrow 1 in Dachi (after Evgenii I. Bespalyi).  Беспалому)
Fig. 3. The types of gold applications (after Tamerlan A. Gabuev, 2005, 21).
Fig. 4. The silhouettes of artifacts made of organic meterials from the hiding-place: 1 – a small carpet (applications layers 2 and 3); 2 – the upper banner (applicatios layer 1); 3 - – the lower banner (applicatios layer 4).
Fig. 5. The types of golden plaques from the upper banner (1-5) and the lower banner (6-7).
Fig. 6. Banners recinstruction: а – the upper banner; b(б) – the lower banner.
Fig. 7. Banners analogies on medieval Alans and Ossetians meterials: а – the funeral benner, the 11th c. AD (the relief of the stone tomb on Krivaia River, after Vladimir A. Kuznetsov and Nikolai A. Okhonko); b – the types of funeral banners of Ossetians (after Vilen S. Uarziati); c – the wedding banner of Ossetians (after Vilen S. Uarziati); d – the battle flag (the relief of the stone tomb on Krivaia River, after Vladimir A. Kuznetsov and Nikolai A. Okhonko).

Sergey A. YATSENKO

GOLDEN PLATE FROM WUSUN GRAVE IN GROTTO OF KARGALY GORGE  - History and Archaology of Semirechie [Jetysu] (Istoriia i arckheologiia Semirechia), Vol. 5 (ed. by A.A. Goryachev), Almaty, 2017, pp. 143-155 (in Russian)

The golden plate from nomadic Wusun aristocratic grotto grave of the 1st c. BCE from the SE Kazakhstan, weel-known as “Kargaly diadem” (fig. 3: 1; 4: 2), was not the artifact of such type because it was initially arched. It was used for different purposes because it had two different fastening systems (holes for a thread and rivets) (fig. 4: 3). The main damage of the plate was the hands’ rift in the center and two cross punches (fig. 4: 4). The plate was the product of Wusun jeweler who mainly copied the Chinese models (fig. 5). The information on Wusun religion is very meager and it is almost no chance to reconstruct the meaning of its composition. The plate was probably the symbolic detail, the part of applications complex of a ritual vehicle similar to samples found in graves 1 and 3 of Majiayuan necropolis in Gansu Province, the 4th-3rd cc. BCE, here met the similar zoomorphic and floral motifs (fig. 6). In plate’ publications were some mistakes: instead the original the mirror reflection or unknown reconstruction (!) was placed (fig. 3: 2-3).

ILLUSTRATIONS:
(Figs. 2 d; 3, 1 – photo archive of Oleg Belyalov;  Fig. 1, 1 – the Grotto photo from Vladimir Saraev archive).
Fig. 1. Grotto with the grave of noble Wusun woman in Kargaly Gorge, 50 km west from Almaty, 2300 m high, ca. the 1st c. BCE: 1 – grotto photo of Vladimir Saraev: 2 – some types of 370 golden artifacts (National Museum of Kazakhstan).   
Fig. 2. Costume golden accessories from the graves of nomadic Wusun aristocracy in Ili River Basin on Kazakhstan / China border: 1 – applications, Talgar necropolis near Almaty; 2 – applications, Bailequir, NW Xinjiang; 3 - the seal-rings: a – Nilka, b – Xiatai (NW Xinjiang), c - Betkainar near Almaty, d – Kargaly.
Fig. 3.  The golden polychromic plate (“diadem” from Kargaly Grotto): 1- photo from Oleg Belyalov personal archive, ca. 2000 y.; 2 – the mirror image of “Kargaly plate” typical for many modern publications; 3 – unknown reconstruction still often represented as the “real Kargaly plate” in many publications (details); Mikhail Chernov version of the plate’ center reconstruction (2015).
Fig. 4.  The golden polychromic openwork plate from Kargaly Gorge: 1 – Mikhail Chernow drowing (2015); 2 – its correction by Sergey Yatsenko (2017): 3 – two fastenings systems’ remains; 4 – the main types of plate’ damages to the surface.
Fig. 5. Some analogies in the Han Dynasty Chinese art: 1 – Taosist personages with the “dragon” (loong / 龍); 2 – jade images of “dragons” with the feline tails  (www.pinterest.com/sergey1305/ancient-jewellry/ ).
Fig. 6. Ritual vehicles from graves 1 and 3 in Majiayuan cemetery (Gansu Province): 1 – the vehicle from grave 3; 2 – the golden applications of both behicles (Excavations on the Majiayuan, 2008).

ЯЦЕНКО С,А,
ЗОЛОТАЯ ПЛАСТИНА ИЗ УСУНЬСКОГО ПОГРЕБЕНИЯ
В ГРОТЕ УЩЕЛЬЯ КАРГАЛЫ
       
Золотая ажурная пластина из скального погребения кочевых усуней ок. I в. до н.э. в ущелье Каргалы (ЮВ Казахстан), известная как «каргалинская диадема» (рис. 3: 1; 4: 2), ею не была, так как она изначально не была изогнутой. Она использовалась в разных целях, т.к. на ней выявлены две разных системы крепления (отверстия для ниток и заклепки) (рис. 4: 3). Основными повреждениями пластины были ручной разлом в центре и два поперечных удара (рис. 4: 4). Это работа усуньского ювелира, во многом копировавшего китайские образцы (рис. 5). Информация о религии усуней сохранилась весьма скудно, и шансов надежно реконструировать смысл композиции почти нет. Пластина могла быть символически помещенной аппликацией из комплекса украшений ритуальной повозки, подобной найденным в могилах 1 и 3 некрополя Мацзиюань (пров. Ганьсу) IV-III вв. до н.э., где встречены сходные зооморфные и растительные мотивы (рис. 6). В публикациях пластины неоднократно были ошибки, когда вместо подлинника помещали зеркальное отражение и даже неизвестную реконструкцию (рис. 3: 2-3).

Anthropomorphic Images in the Art of the Iranian-Speaking Peoples of Sarmatia in the 2nd-1st cc. BC.
Beginning of the late stage of the Early Sarmatian time (the mid. 2nd – late 1st cc. BC) was the period of migration of group of large Sarmatian nomadic tribes (Upper Aorses, Aorses, Roxolanes, Iaziges, Satarches) from the Central Asia to European Steppes and the development of their culture in the new motherland. Only Siraces of Kuban River was an old nomadic inhabitants; the so called Tauro- (Late) Scythians of Crimea became a mix of various old and new migrants. The visualization of Sarmatian gods and epic heroes’ images was partly connected with the local Greek and Barbarian’ sedentary tribes craftsmen, with the Hellenized Bactria and Parthia’ art (in their Central Asian motherland). The anthropomorphic images of that time are analyze by subjects and their versions (see the cataloque and commentaries on pp. 255-263), by types of artifacts (p. 263), and for their supposed belonging to the ethnic groups known from written records (pp. 263-265). The list of Greek prototypes is limited (Aphrodite, Apollo and Helios, seldom – Dionysos, Nike and Tyche). It is not at all correspondent to similar list with their ancestors – the ‘Classic’ Scythians-Scolotes of the 5th – early 3rd cc. BC. There are new proper Sarmatian subjects: a racing and standing horse-riders with original iconography: fig. 2.5-7, probable epic images (a duel of two heroes: fig. 2.1-2 or of a hero and monster: fig. 2.4, a small idols: fig. 3.1-5 and a dead images of numerous forms, the Master of Animals, a sitting goddess and a horseman on the right: fig. 1.1-2, the Sun God: fig. 1.5). The popular version of N.I. Sokolsky (1967) on the ‘absence’ of specific Sarmatian subjects is absolutely non-correct. The subjects of Scythian time (a goddess with snake legs, two staying horsemen) were preserved only for ‘old’ Siraces of Kuban River. The list of Greek-Roman gods and ‘Barbarian’ subjects with the tribes of Middle Sarmatian (the late 1st c. BC – the mid. 2nd c. AD) and Late Sarmatian (the mid. 2nd – the late 4th cc. AD) Cultures practically doesn’t comply with the evidence of studied period (p. 263). In Bosporan cities we see the terracotta with riding hunter of Sarmatian type: fig. 2.3.
The images of heroes and gods were made on mainly breast junctions: fibulae-brooches, buckles and small idols. The analysis of ‘Barbarian’ artifacts revealed a large variety in representing human figures connected with local peculiarities and individual master’s style (pp. 265-266). The most of these anthropomorphic images are found in the areas of such tribes as Siraces, Tauro-Scythians and far Upper Aorses of Volga River Basin. The ‘Barbarian’ articles were produced, first of all, in Siracena, Scythia Minor and in Bosporus Kingdom.

Προτείνεται η παρουσίαση και ο κριτικός σχολιασμός δύο παραδειγμάτων δημόσιων δράσεων που συσχετίζουν διαφορετικές προσεγγίσεις πρακτικών τέχνης (συνειδητά ή ασυνείδητα), ως αυτοθεσμιζόμενες συλλογικές νομαδικές παρεμβάσεις. Επιδιώκουν δημόσια έκθεση λόγου μέσα από πολιτικές αισθητικής και τακτικές πολιτικού ακτιβισμού στην καθημερινή ζωή και την επίσημη δημόσια σφαίρα αντίστοιχα (Groys, 2014). 1 Τα παραδείγματα αυτά θέτουν ερωτήματα γύρω από ένα εύρος ζητημάτων μεταξύ πολιτικής διεκδίκησης και κοινωνικής διεκδίκησης αναφορικά με το χαρακτήρα της τέχνης (χρηστική, λειτουργική) στις σημερινές επικρατούσες τοπικές και διευρυμένες υπερτοπικές (παγκόσμιες) συνθήκες παραγωγής τέχνης. Θα μπορούσαν να θεωρηθούν δυνητικές παρεμβάσεις, ενταγμένες στην καθημερινή ζωή, οι οποίες σχεδιάζονται στη βάση του ανοικτού ενδεχόμενου, επιτρέποντας να τις διαμορφώσει το τυχαίο συμβάν ή το επερχόμενο από το μέλλον. Έτσι, παραμένουν σε εκκρεμότητα, ασταθείς, ευάλωτες ενέργειες, να προϋποθέτουν επινοητικότητα, διακινδύνευση και ρίσκο, και να καταλήγουν συχνά ατελέσφορες ή ανεκπλήρωτες.

This essay explores space through placelessness and the ‘translocal,’ looking at various artistic practices occurring nomadically, outside of institutions, and through a social practice framework. It discusses works that are locally-specific but exist within an international, and perhaps intangible, community.
Reproduced courtesy Runway Australian Experimental Art, Issue #35 'Space', 2017 (online).

Marzan Sharav’ın ‘Moğolistan’da Bir Gün’ adlı başyapıtında, göçebe Moğol yaşamı üzerine kapsamlı olarak eğilir. Sharav bu resimde, çobanların eylemlerini, günlük yaşamlarını ve çiftlik hayvanlarının onun gözlemci bakışıyla görüntülenen psikolojik, maceracı, mizahi yanıyla dört mevsim boyunca bozkırlar, çöller ve üç dağın doğal çevresiyle nasıl uyum içinde sürdüğünü betimliyor. Sharav, tüm yaşam döngüsü içerisinde rol alan bu insanları 328 figürle betimlemiş.
In his masterpiece "A Day in Mongolia" created by Marzan Sharav, he extensively deals with the nomadic Mongolian life. In this painting, Sharav depicts the actions of the shepherds, their daily lives, and the psychological, adventurous, humorous aspect of farm animals, viewed through his observant gaze, throughout the four seasons of the steppes, deserts and three mountains in harmony with their natural environment. Sharav depicted these people, who play a role in the entire life cycle, with 328 figures.

The article deals with the term “Zyryanskoe” in the traditional designations of the material objects and art technologies among the people who live in the boundary territories with Komi-Zyryan’s. The article considers the ethnographic material that was gathered under the research project “The nomadic ornament: ethnic identity in the ornamental tradition of Izhma and Nenets reindeer herders”. The article is based on the published and contemporary field data. The author supposes that widely spread “Zyryan designations” among the Northern Russian, Nenets and Ob-Ugric people is the result of the high level of development and uniqueness of some traditional technologies of Komi-Zyryan. Also, this article presents recent field data on the ornamental tradition in the technique of decorating fur products among those modern Ob-Ugric people and Nenets, who live together in reindeer-herding settlements of the Nenets and Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrugs. The article discusses the ideas of Komi and Nenets masters about what represents the ethnic and cultural specifics in the artistic decoration of fur products Also, this article focuses on the question of the reasons for loss of ethnic identity in the modern arts and crafts of the Komi. Special attention is paid to how Komi ethnicity is visualized in modern folk art. Finally the possibility of a correct translation of the ethnocultural heritage in the works of modern masters of Komi Republic is discussed.

The volume brings the reader closer to indigenous perspectives of performance practice(s) which for them are not so much a matter of art as an analienable part of life. It brings home how the interlocking of the two itself is the most essential element of 'being indigenous'. Comparing an enormous range of scholarship across disciplines and an array of emthodological approaches, the book depicts the imaginative transactions evident in the interface of identity and cultural transformation, raising the issue of cultural rights of these marginalized communities.

GOLDEN PLATE FROM WUSUN GRAVE IN GROTTO OF KARGALY GORGE

The golden plate known as “Kargaly diadem” (fig. 3: 1; 4: 2) was not the artifact of such type because it was initially arched. It was used for different purposes because it had two different fastening systems (holes for a thread and rivets) (fig. 4: 3). The main damage of the plate was the hands’ rift in the center and two cross punches (fig. 4: 4). The plate was the product of Wusun jeweler who mainly copied the Chinese models (fig. 5). The information on Wusun religion is very meager and it is almost no chance to reconstruct the meaning of its composition. The plate was probably the symbolic detail, the part of applications complex of a ritual vehicle similar to samples found in graves 1 and 3 of Majiayuan necropolis in Gansu Province, the 4th-3rd cc. BCE, here met the similar zoomorphic and floral motifs (fig. 6). In plate’ publications were some mistakes: instead the original the mirror reflection or reconstruction was placed (fig. 3: 2-3).

ILLUSTRATIONS:
(Figs. 2 d; 3, 1 – photo archive of Oleg Belyalov;  Fig. 1, 1 – the Grotto photo from Vladimir Saraev archive).
Fig. 1. Grotto with the grave of noble Wusun woman in Kargaly Gorge, 50 km west from Almaty, 2300 m high, ca. the 1st c. BCE: 1 – grotto photo of Vladimir Saraev: 2 – some types of 370 golden artifacts (National Museum of Kazakhstan).   
Fig. 2. Costume golden accessories from the graves of nomadic Wusun aristocracy in Ili River Basin on Kazakhstan / China border: 1 – applications, Talgar necropolis near Almaty; 2 – applications, Bailequir, NW Xinjiang; 3 - the seal-rings: a – Nilka, b – Xiatai (NW Xinjiang), c - Betkainar near Almaty, d – Kargaly.
Fig. 3.  The golden polychromic plate (“diadem” from Kargaly Grotto): 1- photo from Oleg Belyalov personal archive, ca. 2000 y.; 2 – the mirror image of “Kargaly plate” typical for many modern publications; 3 – unknown reconstruction still often represented as the “real Kargaly plate” in many publications (details); Mikhail Chernov version of the plate’ center reconstruction (2015).
Fig. 4.  The golden polychromic openwork plate from Kargaly Gorge: 1 – Mikhail Chernow drowing (2015); 2 – its correction by Sergey Yatsenko (2017): 3 – two fastenings systems’ remains; 4 – the main types of plate’ damages to the surface.
Fig. 5. Some analogies in the Han Dynasty Chinese art: 1 – Taosist personages with the “dragon” (loong / 龍); 2 – jade images of “dragons” with the feline tails  (www.pinterest.com/sergey1305/ancient-jewellry/ ).
Fig. 6. Ritual vehicles from graves 1 and 3 in Majiayuan cemetery (Gansu Province): 1 – the vehicle from grave 3; 2 – the golden applications of both behicles (Excavations on the Majiayuan, 2008).

A series of 20 primitive but detailed bronze idols of the 2nd-1st cc. BC founded in 1900 near Sapogovo / Novo-Burino Village in South Trans-Ural Region, on the border of Forest and Steppe Zones, in former lake (see Figs. 1-2 from V.Yu. Zuev article-1993). This treasury divided into three parts and not studied until 1998. Now there are several small articles of V.Yu. Zuev and S.A. Yatsenko. There are several groups after V. Zuev: A-Б – a gods or chiefs, В-Г – an epic heroes, Е-З – an armed dancers, Д-Ж – man-woman pairs. In these images we see the unusual combination of nomadic Sarmatian and ancient Ugrian elements of iconography and attendant artifacts. It was the votive complete set prepared especially for the sacrifice to the sacred lake. In Ugrian rituals such series of warriors’ figurines in sanctuaries depicted the enemy heroes and their wives killed by the local semi-god hero. The pairs of the main personages А-Б (with torques, bracelets and also daggers and swords of different types), probably, reflected of the pairs of the main god Mir-Susne-Khum of Iranian origin, Topal-Oika - the god of local territories and their sons. These figurines were created by the local Ugrian craftsman. But it is still darkly, are they prepared for the local Ugrian chief adopted some Sarmatian traditions or for Sarmatian military leader adopted some Ugrian beliefs.

The article deals with two objects found in aristocratic man’s burials of nomads from the Eastern Europe and Transoxiana (the 1st-2nd cc. AD), both of which represent two potential mutually complementary epic scenes.  There are (a) two or three horseman hunting ungulate animals; (b) combat of two pairs of warriors (the silver vessel from Kosika on the Lover Volga, made by Sarmato-Alans - fig. 1; the bone belt plates from Orlat / Kurgantepe burial in Sogd, usually attributing to Kang-Kü Empire – fig. 2). 
The author traces an analogy between these scenes and the ones on some Scythian artifacts of the 4th c. BC (a vessel and comb from Solokha barrow, placed near the dead person’s shoulder) as well as with the ones of the Kuban River Siraces in the end of the 2nd c BC (a relief from Yubileinoe) and in the 1st c. AD (a pot from Starokorsunskaya - fig. 3), one of Tashtyk Culture of the South Siberia (the wooden plates from Tepsey). Of crucial importance are also similar paired scenes in the Medieval Alans culture (a stone idol from Etoka River dated back to 1130, the mouth of Leather wineskin from Sarkel).
Both objects feather a battle scene in which the protagonist has just unhorsed his opponent and is piercing his belly with long spear. The horse had earlier been wounded in the head. To the right of the protagonist stands a somewhat more modest “assistant”, armed with bow instead of a spear. The protagonist can be told by specific details of his gala costume and especially by the equipment of his horse. The faces of the characters however are usually alike.
The Orlat scene obviously features a “magic hunt” since the horseman have neither arrows on their bowstrings, nor any weapons for killing animals. Of some interest is that respect are the similar “hunting” scenes on the silver disc from the Treasure of Oxus, on the Achaemenid dagger from the Scythian Chertomlyk barrow and on the Kushan bone chest from Takhti-Sangin.
The nomadic tribes who created these objects have vanished without a trace – all except the Alans whose descendants, the Ossetians, still inhabit the Caucasus and have preserved many traditions of the ancient religion as well as the archaic “Nart” epic cycle. If we examine this cycle’ texts, we can discover two subjects which are quite close to those discussed above. Both of them are connected with the male protagonist, the semi-god and cultural hero Soslan, and his marriage with Atsirukhs, the goddess of fertility. In the first case Saslan catches a sacred anima into which the goddess has transformed herself. In the second case Soslan helped by a friend tries to rescue his bride from the kidnapper Tschelakhsarton, ruler of the land of evil spirits, finally killed him. Thus, we are dealing with important ethno-genetic legends.
The iconographic stability of two studies scenes during many centuries among different nomadic Iranian peoples is an evidence for close relationship of their epic tales. There are no visible traces of their being influenced by highly developed art traditions of Iran and Greece.

The new finds of compositions with the anthropomorphic images of Saka personages are rare for some reasons. On the bronze plaque fragment from Nurken-2 necropolis in the Central Kazakhstan (fig. 1) we see the probable scene of dead’ mourning near his coffin. The bronze censer details from Issyk-Kol Lake near Dolinka village, the Northern Kyrgyzstan (fig. 5) represents the struggle of two camels with the similar schematic figurines of men standing on chariot (Mithra?). The Goddess from the votive bronze table from Chilpek in the same region (fig. 2) had a costume which main details were analogous to European Scythians images. The Persian king on triumphal Achaemenid wooden comb of the late 6th – early 5th cc. BC from Taksai I cemetery of Dahae tribe (on the western border of Kazakhstan) (fig. 3) killing the enemy which costume is typical for Saka-Haumavarga of the South-Eastern Kazakhstan. Some specific costume details on the relief with Indo-Scythian king from Bharhut stupa in the Central India (ca. 80 BC) (fig. 4) have the analogies only on the non-identified nomadic enemies on the Persian triumphal seal of the 5th c. BC No 124015 from the British Museum.

The first part of the book deals with nomadic journeys through drama and threatre of the second half of the last century, which trace rhizomatic structures and turning points, interruptions of intertexts as fabrics of citations.  In tracing the mutual operation of texts it lingers over selected examples of Slovenian drama and theatre texts from around 1990 (Dane Zajc, Mirko Zupančič, Dušan Jovanović, Drago ¬Jančar, Ivo Svetina). The sites of intertextuality and maps of nomadic paths in the continuation are found within the dramatic works of Veno Taufer and Emil Filipčič and the dialogues between the dramatic and novelistic writings of Dane Zajc and Samuel Beckett. Thus it tracks the techniques and tactics of intertextual seduction and suspicion.
    The second part of the book covers the crossing over of the dramatic to the (no longer) dramatic, post-dramatic, and rhapsodic. Of interest are the processes and results of the rhapsodic emergence of the theatre, the intensive rhapsodization of theatrical texts: montages of forms, tones, deconstructions and reconstructions of theatrical, paratheatrical (especially the philosophical dialogue) and extra-theatrical (the novel, novella, essay, letters, diary, confession, etc.), as practiced by such different  writers as Ivan Cankar, Bertolt Brecht, Samuel Beckett, Heiner Müller, Marguerite Duras, Gregor Strniša, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Thomas Berhnard, Elfriede Jelinek, Bernard Marie Koltès, Umberto Eco; and by directors in dialogues with writers, for example, Mile Korun with Dostoyevsky and Jančar, Dušan Jovanović with Dostoyevsky and Tolstoy, and Krystian Lupa with writers such as Alfred Kubin, Robert Musil, Thomas Bernhard, R. M. Rilke, Hermann Broch, F. M. Dostoyevsky, Mikhail Bulgakov, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Stanislaw Lem.   
    The third part of the book explores the concept of subversiveness in theatre and staging practices of the second half of the 20th century in Slovenia, and along with it in the art of the second world during the period of socialism and post-socialism and finally in the art of the first, western world: Europe, the United States, and Canada.