Orange Order

The 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) led to a major realignment in Unionist politics in Northern Ireland. The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), hitherto the dominant force within the Protestant-British tradition, was usurped in electoral popularity by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). In its post-GFA rise, the DUP garnered majority support from members of the Orange Order, the largest organisation in Protestant civil society. Drawing upon the first membership survey of the Orange Order, this article examines the demographic and attitudinal bases of support for Unionist political parties amongst its members, and tests whether the locus of support for the DUP is evenly distributed, or instead biased towards particular age groups, social classes or Protestant denominations within the Order, as well as assessing whether attitudinal variations may be influential in determining party loyalties.

" Why do people behave the way they do? " Up to now, ritual has been seriously underutilized for studying human behavior, i.e., ritual. The structural ritualization theory attempts to narrow this gap in our understanding of the social causes and consequences of our actions by focusing on the ritualized behaviors that define much of our daily lives. Taking a broad approach to science in sociology this perspective is grounded in a commitment to three goals: the development of theory, the substantiation of these concepts through empirical evidence, and the application of this knowledge to resolve social problems and dehumanizing conditions in contemporary society and to enrich our personal lives. This book is the first to comprehensively describe the structural ritualistic theory, which since its inception a decade ago, has developed in several directions involving different lines of cumulative research. This book shows how structural reproduction has occurred throughout the world, how rituals can be strategically used and power can influence rituals, and how the disruption of ritualized practices and the reconstitution of ritual subsequent to such events are of crucial importance for human beings. Weaving its way through the book Knottnerus discusses why ritual provides a missing link in sociology and helps us better explain the extreme complexity of human action and social reality.

The Orange Order was central to Canadian nativism throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Formed in 1795 by Protestants who feared the specter of Catholic influence and political involve- ment in Irish society, the Order protected British authority in Ireland. Its advocacy for British loyalism and Protestant hegemony made it attractive to the growing populace in Anglophone British North America following the American Revolution. The chronological focus of this article will be in the 1920s and 1930s, a period of nativist upsurge decades after the violent heyday of the Order documented in works like Scott See’s Riots in New Brunswick: Orange Nativism and Social Violence in the 1840s. It will explore the Orange Order’s legacy in New Brunswick, demonstrating its longevity as an anti-Catholic organization and its role in fostering the social acceptance of nativist ideology in the Northeastern borderlands long after the violent 1840s. It will present the Order as an ideological advocate for an ethno-religious strain of identity that espoused Anglo-Saxon Protestant hegemony across the Northeast and collaborated with establishment politicians and fellow nativist organizations like the Ku Klux Klan to enforce this hegemonic worldview in New Brunswick.

This study investigates the organizational makeup of the Orange Order and whether it influences the use of ritualized behaviors that seek to enhance the visibility and power of this group in Northern Ireland. The investigation contributes to a growing body of literature dealing with the . . .

Although a small cohort, often deemed insignificant, the Irish in South Australia developed an extensive network of social, business and political connections with the wider colonial society which aided them in their support of the long constitutional struggle for self-government taking place in Ireland during the four decades from 1870. Through the lens of the colonial press and an investigation of the support given to Irish nationalists this study shows the extent to which that small cohort extended its influence to the wider South Australian community to the benefit of the Home Rule movement. This was no mean feat considering the established view of scholars that the group faced the ‘unquestionable primacy of Anglo-Scottish colonisation’.1 Looking at the visits of the envoys of the Irish Parliamentary Party which took place between 1883 and 1912, this study, through a consideration of fundraising, the reputation of the Irish in the colony, the colonial press’ treatment of Irish issues and a lack of Orange opposition to Home Rule, investigates the impact and reach of this small Irish community during the years of Ireland’s foremost constitutional political movement. In its conclusion the research shows that underlying the long assumed quiet assimilation of this ethnic group into the general ‘Britishness’ of the colony, the Irish, from the outset, were aware of and consistently
1 Eric Richards. "Irish Life and Progress in Colonial South Australia " Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 107 (1991): 21
‘Yet we are told that Australians do not sympathise with Ireland’
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maintained a separate cultural identity and, during the period under consideration, this was augmented by an increased politicisation amongst the group – a world development which affected the Irish at both the macro and micro level. This thesis further reveals that in South Australia the Irish Home Rule movement garnered strong support in a colony where the majority of the inhabitants were neither Irish nor Catholic and this was due to a number of factors. Amongst these were factors which contrast sharply with characteristics of the Irish and the Home Rule movement in other Australian colonies, particularly the size, unity and nature of South Australian Irish nationalists, the lack of a structured opposition to Home Rule, the colony’s natural affinity with the notion of self-government and the fraternal bonds which came about through the issue of land ownership and control. While fundraising was the prime object of a series of visits to Australia by Irish MPs between 1883 and 1912, acceptance of the Irish claim for Home Rule amongst Australians in general proved equally important. Despite the small community of Irish people residing in South Australia during the most active years of the movement the colony subscribed generously to the cause. While the loyalty and support of the Irish-born and perhaps even the next generation might be expected more surprising is the widespread involvement of the non-Irish and non-Catholic citizens of the colony.

This study tests observations regarding the dynamics of fraternal organizations in urban and semi-urban Ontario communities against those in a rural settlement. The study focuses on Freemasonic and Orange Lodges that operated in Harriston, Ontario, a town of less than 2,000 persons between the late 1860s and the early 1900s. Exceptional results indicate fraternal organizations operating in rural Ontario during the late nineteenth-century may have had some unique characteristics with regard to their concerns for morality, politics, and involvement in community issues.

L'Ordre d'Orange était / est une association fraternelle secrète, protestante, anticatholique, antifrançais et ultra conservatrice. Le Pontiac en Outaouais fut la première région au Québec où l'Ordre s'est installé. Nous avons trouvé 15 des 17 vestiges des loges en Outaouais.