Peace Research

Between 1975 and 1991, Lebanon experienced a bloody civil war that killed approximately 120,000 people. Product of the sectarian divisions in vogue since the colonial period, the conflict put Christians and Muslims in confrontation, having also the participation of third parties in the regional geopolitical setting. Despite the domestic character of the war, among the regional actors, Syria stands out. Damascus’s behavior as a third party had not been homogeneous. On some occasions, the Syrian government has played the role of mediator, negotiating a truce between the belligerent factions. In others, it intervened militarily or supported some groups over others. In this context, this article proposes to examine the Syrian role in the Lebanese Civil War. The objective is to analyze this action in the
light of the conflict resolution literature, especially that dealing with the intervention of a third party in the resolution process. In particular, emphasis will be given to the motivations and effects of Syrian intervention on the evolution and end of the Lebanese conflict. The results demonstrate that: the intervention of a third party in a domestic conflict is almost inevitable; its action is impelled by diverse and contingent reasons; and that it influences the evolution of this kind of belligerence.

Bizumic et al. (2013) have recently shown that attitudes towards peace and war reflect two distinct constructs rather than two poles of a single dimension. We present an attempt at validating the French version of their 16-item Attitudes toward Peace and War Scale (APWS) on five distinct (mainly Belgian) French-speaking samples (total N = 808). Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that attitudes toward peace and war, although negatively related, are distinct in terms of their antecedents and consequences. On the one hand, antecedents of attitudes toward peace included egalitarian ideological beliefs and empathic concern for others, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-peace behaviors. On the other hand, antecedents of attitudes toward war included national identification and authoritarian ideological beliefs, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-war behaviors. Furthermore, both attitudes toward peace and war were, respective...

Der Begriff bezeichnet jene Gewaltförmigkeit, die mit unserem Wissen zu tun hat. Diese verortet er in einer globalen Dimension von Ungleichverhältnissen, die immer auch Gewaltverhältnisse sind. Das klingt paradox, erstens, weil Wissen – das Epistemische – ja geradezu als Gegenmittel zu Gewalt verstanden wird, und zweitens, weil sich Wissenschaft als universelle Sprache der Gewaltlosigkeit zu inszenieren weiß. Diese Selbstverständlichkeit in Frage zu stellen ist eine Stärke des Begriffs »epistemische Gewalt«.

Una agenda recuerda las cosas que hay que hacer o tener en cuenta. En asuntos públicos y sociales se utiliza la palabra " agenda " para referirse al conjunto de objetivos y prioridades en un terreno determinado. En el campo de la INVESTIGACIÓN PARA LA PAZ, la agenda se ha visto alterada conforme cambiaba la comprensión teórica de la PAZ y la VIOLENCIA y, también, en función de diversos acontecimientos históricos que han modificado las prioridades sociales con respecto a la paz.

This thesis focuses on the visual message made by the new Neo-muralist movement in México City, taking as a protagonist the collective of art Germen crew. The study asks: What is the message behind Mexican Neo-muralism, taking into consideration the visual elements involved, such as Indigenous and Pre-Hispanic images in a social context marked by exclusion toward indigenous communities and persons with indigenous background.
The material for this ethnographic study is based upon semi-structured interviews and observations made through fieldwork in México. The collected material is later analyzed by framing theories.
The results made by this study show that Neo-muralism movement is trying to preserve and rebuild denied Indigenous identities through an artistic narrative and non-violent practice. The contribution made by this movement as a non-violent group in resistance has made Neo- muralism the voice of those who have been silenced over time under conditions of exclusion.

If there is a rift in the study of peace and conflict, it manifests itself primarily in the methodological preferences of peace researchers. The roots to the fault lines in the field clearly lie in deeper epistemological and ontological differences, but the different methods we use, and how we use them, or if we use them at all, distinguish scholars from the different fields that encompass this multidisciplinary area of study. This means that the methods and methodologies we use determine how seriously our work is taken by different sectors of the peace research community. The choice of methodology taken by a scholar signals the underlying perspective and ontological approach implicit in the project. This occurs on a spectrum from universalist, positivist and empiricist to contextual, contingent and interpretivist methodological approaches to understanding peace and conflict.

Con este nombre se conoce el proyecto de investigación que condujo al desarrollo de las primeras bombas atómicas, que se arrojaron sobre Hiroshima y Nagasaki, respectivamente, los días 6 y 9 de agosto de 1945. Este proyecto, en el que trabajaron un gran número de científicos norteamericanos, junto a colegas exiliados europeos, se inició en el verano de 1942, pocos meses después de que los EE.UU. entraran en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ahora bien, si este proyecto pudo alcanzar sus objetivos en un plazo relativamente breve, se debe a que se desarrolló a partir de investigaciones teóricas y experimentales anteriores que sugerían la posibilidad de obtener energía en gran cantidad provocando la fisión del núcleo del átomo de uranio o de plutonio mediante su bombardeo con neutrones, bombardeo al que seguiría una reacción en cadena. Efectivamente, en un plazo de tres años el Proyecto Manhattan alcanzó sus metas, al producirse la explosión de las dos bombas atómicas, una de uranio y otra de plutonio, desarrolladas por el amplio equipo de científicos implicado en el proyecto.

Combining reflections on my personal experiences regarding tourism with an analytical review of key concepts, this essay addresses the question whether and how tourism contributes to building a global ‘culture of peace’. Setting the scene, I first situate myself vis-à-vis tourism and the peace-through-tourism idea. The next section of the paper provides an in-depth analysis of the terms culture, peace, and tourism. After having defined these concepts, I illustrate how my own research project contributes in innovative ways to the current debate. I conclude with a plea for more collaboration and open dialogue between policy makers, industry representatives, and scholars in order to facilitate ‘peace through tourism’ as well as ‘peace within tourism’.

More than 20 years after its initial report, Afghanistan submitted its second periodic report to the Committee against Torture (CAT) in 2016. While highlighting political and legal challenges as well as relevant legislation, the state report falls short in addressing
the most pressing issues when it comes to the absolute prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment. In order for the CAT to gain a better picture about the problems
and challenges in the fight against torture, a number of Afghan civil society organizations, upon the initiative of the Civil Society and Human Rights Network (CSHRN), formed an Anti-torture coalition to draft and submit the first civil society shadow report to the CAT Committee. 
The report has been published in OHCHR website and it is accessible through the following :
https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/AFG/INT_CAT_CSS_AFG_27015_E.pdf

I MEAN IF YOU KNEW THAT BUILDING SIMPLE ORGANMIC DEVICES WOULD IMPOSE PEACE ON EARTH WOULD YOU DO IT??  WE ARE TALKING A EUPHORIC PEACE THAT GOES WORLDWIDE AND EXTENDS TO THE HEAVENS.  AND, AND PROVE THAT ALL HUMANS ARE GODS – DO YOU LIKE THAT FACT??

Thinking and policy on ‘development’ and ‘security’ have undergone paradigmatic shifts in recent decades. The well-known merger of development and security into a ‘development-security nexus’ is now shifting towards an increasingly institutionalised securitisation. Security is everywhere, and development is security. A new discourse and practice is arising as the meaning of these concepts shift and the referents and objects of development and security are changing. Gradually we are moving beyond the development-security nexus into the reign of continuous global disaster management. These new articulations of the development-security nexus and global disaster management have served to legitimise a more radical interventionist agenda – first and foremost carried out by the West in the Global South. With thought-provoking contributions by leading authorities in this burgeoning field, this volume makes sense of the aforementioned paradigmatic shift. The articles explore the rationale and forces behind the institutionalisation of interventionism and intrusive disaster management as well as the consequences thereof in a number of policy domains and cases.

This book abounds in unsettling analyses, personal conviction, and practical recommendations for peace promotion. As such it not only joins much of Johan Galtung’s well-known lifework - it also defies any easy summary. Its object of study is peace in the Pacific region. Contrary to what the title suggests, the book is better understood as a stocktaking effort of peace and conflict dynamics in this particular geographical area, as terrorism and globalization are not actually being addressed. Overall, the book shows in detail how historical grievances emerged and how they are being perpetuated in Pacific historiographies. As an accomplished stock-taking effort dedicated to the impact of grievances on international conflict relations, the book is a worthwhile contribution to regional Pacific studies in general, but also to security studies and peace research more widely. Yet, readers will inevitably note a set of deeper structural and conceptual problems that affect the book’s overall contribution. One such problem is the book’s haphazard organization; another weakness is the manuscript’s nebulous scholarly basis.

O capítulo de livro, publicado pela editora Almedina no livro "Guerra e Paz no século XXI: políticas e direito internacional", introduz temas como o pacifismo jurídico e a paz pelo direito internacional, em suas imbricações juridicas, políticas e filosóficas.

Draft presents an outline of comparative analysis of two scientific programmes in international studies: security studies and peace studies. / Draft prezentuje zarys badań porównawczych nad studiami nad bezpieczeństwem oraz studiami nad pokojem.

This paper is a research note that explores the links between transna-tional organized crime (TOC)-namely the groups linked to drugs and arms trafficking-and the structural violence in Brazil. Grounded on the discussion on violence explored by Johan Galtung and thereafter developed by other scholars of Peace Research, the paper specifically aims to answer the following question: How does TOC take advantage of societal configurations that perpetuate social injustice in contemporary Brazil? The exploratory research is grounded in the analysis of data provided by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) specialized in crimi-nality and violence in South America, government communications and public security studies, as well as United Nations agencies reports (mainly United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)). The preliminary results show a correlation between transnational illicit networks and structural violence, with minor differences between rural and urban areas.

This paper has a double-fold objective: firstly, I would like to bring the decolonial approaches of the Modernity/Coloniality Group up to the debate in Peace and Conflict Studies. Secondly, I aim to develop the concept of “Coloniality of Peace”, based on this theoretical background. By “Coloniality of Peace”, I understand an expression of a specific set of power relations in the international hegemonic narratives of peace and peacebuilding (the “liberal peace project”): it is based, I claim, in the hierarchical social categorization of human beings (especially through race) and in the compliance with processes of accumulation by dispossession. I intend to sketch a first analytical and methodological approach in this direction, namely through these three methodological strategies to access the "coloniality of peace": (1) the rescue of the historical weight of colonial legacies that compose the background of conflicts emergence and peace processes; (2) the unravelling of colonial rationalities in the peacebuilding narratives (mainly through discourse analysis) and (3) the bringing of subaltern voices and decolonial rationalities/imaginaries up to the debate. I then bring to the fore a brief analysis of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) through the theoretical lenses of the "coloniality of peace" and the methods proposed to analyze it.

Les habitants de Madagascar, une île marquée par un passé visiblement violent, semblent avoir fait au XXe siècle un choix exceptionnel. En s’imposant la vision d’une société paisible, dénommée usuellement fihavanana malagasy (solidarité malgache), ils ont dès lors, et avec succès, cherché une solution consensuelle ou tout au moins non-violente à leurs conflits.
Comment expliquer le trajet extraordinaire de ce pays, suggérant un déve-loppe¬ment de la guerre vers la paix, en dépit d’un cadre socio-historique aussi défavorable que celui de la colonisation, de la décolonisation et d’une paupé-risation généralisée? Quelle est la part véritable de cet aspect central de l’iden-tité nationale dans la négociation des grands et petits différends, dans la politique comme dans le quotidien de ses quelque 22 millions d’habitants ? Et que cache le terme fihavanana, souvent stéréotypé comme utopie, avec ses nuances hautement politiques, émotives et nostalgiques à la fois?
L’ouvrage aborde l’étude du fihavanana d’une manière systématique et critique. Fruit d’une collaboration de chercheurs de diverses disciplines (anthropologie sociale, économie, histoire) et origines (malgache, allemande, française), les contributions s’interrogent, à travers une grande diversité phénoménologique des conceptions du fihavanana, aussi bien dans l’histoire et dans les pratiques actuelles, sur la richesse d’une normativité éminemment contextuelle. Elles invitent à découvrir par des études de cas précis et des approches théoriques que l’avènement d’une «normativité de la bonne entente» à Madagascar est beaucoup moins une rupture avec le passé qu’un aménagement d’une idée ancienne des relations sociales. Allant au-delà d’une simple déconstruction, l’ouvrage permet, pour la première fois, une évaluation selon une large perspective de la vision malgache d’une société paisible, sous pression de toutes parts, mais toujours primum movens du dialogue sur la Grande Ile.

An Stelle durch einen Vorteil bringenden Irrtum gegeneinander  gemein im Sinne von bösartig - aus böse & artig zu sein, weil wir Dominanz mit Sicherheit, in einer strukturellen Gewalt auf den Kopf gedreht & gestellt haben.
Die Menschheit ist es gewohnt, durch das Gesetz der Gewalt und Brutalität zu gehorchen. Das ist es, was die Freiheit einschränkt. Eine Freiheitsbeschränkung ist nicht dasselbe wie eine Sicherheit. Sicherheit in der Moderne soll eine eingeschränkte Freiheitsstruktur garantieren, die wir als Demokratie bezeichnen. Demokratie ist nicht dasselbe wie Gerechtigkeit oder gleiche Chancen für alle, aber sie soll zB das kleinere Übel in Bezug auf soziale Gerechtigkeit, Meinungsfreiheit usw. sein. Die Untergrabung der Demokratie durch die Auferlegung der Dominanz des einen über den anderen zerstört die Sicherheit. Die NATO und die USA bekennen sich offen zur Abschreckung durch „Kriege gewinnen“, ein falsches Versprechen.
In diesem Dokument möchte ich verdeutlichen, warum der Beitritt zu einem Militärbündnis, das existiert und erklärt, Traumata verursachen und Schmerzen zufügen zu wollen, ein Widerspruch in Bezug auf die Sicherheit ist.
Lassen Sie mich klar und offen sagen: Das NATO-Militärbündnis dient einem Zweck, wie Jamie Shea es auf einer Konferenz am 19. April 2022 ausdrückte:
„… baut seine Streitkräfte in Mittel- und Osteuropa auf, äh, sowohl zur Abschreckung, als auch weil Abschreckung jetzt, äh, Kriegsführung bedeutet! Es bedeutet, Kriege zu gewinnen und nicht mehr nur zu hoffen, sie zumindest vorerst zu verhindern.“
Sagen Sie mir, wann immer ein Krieg wirklich zu einer gewinnenden Situation in Bezug auf Stabilität und Frieden führt? Hat je ein Krieg dazu geführt, dass der Verlierer des Krieges wirklich den Weg der Vertu eingeschlagen hat? Geht Deutschland nach der Niederlage im 2. Weltkrieg den Weg der Vertue? Wer behauptet, dass Deutschland, das die Demokratie am Hindukusch verteidigt, auf dem Weg der Vertue ist?

Die Unterbrechung des Kreislaufs aller Formen an Gewalt,
ist die einzige intelligente und meisterhafte Art zu leben.
Diese eine & freie Form der achtsam, harmonisch, bedingungslos in liebevoller Weise zu Leben, erfüllt sich nur in einen harmonisch, liebevollen Paradies, durch Schenken & Helfen & in der Achtung zum kosmisch, wirksamen Schöpfergesetz.

Megaproject Planning and Management: Essential Readings contains the seminal articles from the growing body of research on megaproject planning and management along with an original introduction by the editor, Bent Flyvbjerg. The leading and most cited authority in the field, Flyvbjerg has used crowdsourcing and 25 years of experience to cherry-pick from several hundred articles and books the writings that define the field. This volume will be an indispensable source for those wishing to speak with authority about how megaprojects are prepared, delivered, and fought over. The target audience is students, academics, practitioners, and media pundits alike, as well as communities affected by megaprojects.

"Khadi: Gandhi's Mega Symbol of Subversion" investigates the power of a symbol to qualitatively transform society by studying Mahatma Gandhi's use of clothing as a metaphor for unity, empowerment and liberation from imperial subjugation.

The book brings together historical evidence of Gandhi's search for a semiotics of attire in his quest for personal integrity and socio-political change. From a multidisciplinary perspective, it closely examines the 'subversion' underlying his sartorial communication.

The symbolic potential for change which khadi has, is therefore seen, not merely as 'revolution' or 'sedition', but as a sustained, well-organised strategy for achieving full independence or purna swaraj.

The author also discusses the complex challenges in Gandhi's highly polarized environment, such as the conflict between the British Empire and the Indian National Congress, Hindu-Muslim tensions, the urban-rural divide, and the question of untouchability.

Photographs, illustrations and an extensive appendix considerably add to the historical value of the study, making it useful for students and scholars in various fields of South Asian research." - Sage Publications

'Khadi: Mega Symbol...' is also translated into Hindi and Marathi by Sage-Bhasha, India.

(Abstract in English, text in Italian) Throughout the history of Western political thought, the concept of peace has received far less attention than that of war, because of its constitutive ambiguities and of the special attention to conceptualise and justify war, functional to the pursuit of realist-especially imperial and colonial-political goals. Although it is impossible to summarise a complex reflection that, albeit intermittently, has resurfaced from its beginnings to the present day, an attempt will be made to propose a brief reconstruction of the relationship between the concept of peace and those of praxis and utopia, shedding light on specific moments in which the tradition of pacifism has been confronted with the need to act concretely in the real world in order to end or avoid war and with the need to imagine ideal worlds in order to escape the belligerence that characterises the coexistence of different political authorities.

La INVESTIGACIÓN PARA LA PAZ comenzó ocupándose prioritariamente de la GUERRA y otras formas de VIOLENCIA DIRECTA. Sin embargo, con el tiempo ha ido manifestando una creciente preocupación por otras manifestaciones de la VIOLENCIA (como la VIOLENCIA ESTRUCTURAL y la VIOLENCIA CULTURAL) y por las condiciones de construcción de una PAZ exigente que incluya entre sus requisitos la satisfacción de las NECESIDADES HUMANAS, el respeto a los DERECHOS HUMANOS, la sostenibilidad ambiental y la equidad. Una consecuencia directa de este cambio en las AGENDAS DE LA PAZ es que la reflexión de los irenólogos sobre la ciencia y la tecnología no debe limitarse a documentar y denunciar el uso de la ciencia y la tecnología al servicio de la industria militar y la guerra.

A discourse to peace educators and activists from Palestine and Israel on the techniques of 'Satyagraha', created and employed by Mahatma Gandhi in the struggle for Indian independence. While the techniques are identified and briefly explained, a diagrammatic presentation of the context within which he acted reveals the courage and discipline required in a Gandhi-inspired subversion of structural and cultural injustice.
Date of discourse: 10, March, 2007.
Date of publication on Academia.edu: 2012

Se consideran las siguientes temáticas relacionadas, aunque no exclusivas:

Pedagogías para la paz: el nuevo rol de la cultura de paz en la educación del siglo XXI Teorías de cultura y educación para la paz
Conceptos centrales de la educación para la paz
Capacidades docentes para la construcción de paz en América Latina Metodologías para la construcción de paz en contextos escolares
Cultura y educación para la paz en Asia y África: teorías y metodologías Educación para la paz y análisis de los costos de la violencia en América Latina Derechos humanos y educación para la paz en el sistema educativo mexicano Filosofía de la no-violencia para jóvenes
Investigación en educación para la paz y estudio de conflictos

Since the end of the Cold War, we have been witnessing the emergence of new types of conflicts. These are progressively more complex, but are, still too often, conceptualised and approached simplistically, using a linear type of reasoning. Complexity is disregarded, and the need for systemic thinking is underestimated, not rarely leading to disastrous results. Feedbacks are most often ignored, and the complex dynamics which make a conflict to change over time, following often unpredictable paths, are rarely taken into
account. A shift from a precomplexity mindset to a mindset founded in an understanding of complexity is necessary. In the paper, using concrete examples, we will try to show how a systems thinking approach is essential to analyse today’s conflict, to prevent them, and to act so as to make them develop along non violent constructive paths rather than along violent destructive ones.

Suomi oli 1900-luvun alkaessa autonominen osa Venajan imperiumia. Vastaavasti tiedeyhteydet Pietarin suuntaan olivat tiiviita. Psykologia etsi vasta paikkaansa tieteen kentalla, ja venalaisella psykofysiologialla oli tassa oma roolinsa ...
Silvonen, J. (2022). Psykologia sodan varjossa. Psykologia, 57(2), 86–87. [Pääkirjoitus - rinnakkaisljulkaisu.]

While the importance of visualization of war, conflict, and violence has gathered great momentum in disciplines such as International Relations (IR), far less has been said about the visualization of peace in IR, history, and even in Peace and Conflict Studies. 1 As Maria Elena D ıez Jorge and Francisco Muñoz Muñoz point out, "[v]iolence has received the attention, while peace and its entire semantic sphere have been left out of the spotlight". 2 It is this relative blind spot that this special issue wants to address as it aims to reflect on the politics, policy, and pedagogy of visualizing peace. Among other questions, it will reflect on how peace is visualized in cultural artifacts and what these representations of peace (and their absence) do politically. In other words, what is presented in the picture of peace and what is left out? What consequences can this have for the construction of politics? In addition, the special issue considers how visual artifacts can contribute to real-world peace after violent conflict. How can visualiza-tion in film, photography, or documentaries help build peace and contribute to conflict resolution, reconciliation, transitional justice, and peace pedagogy? If we accept the argument of the cultural turn and believe in the co-constitution of culture and politics and in the idea that cultural artifacts such as movies take part in the construction of a dichotomous understanding of self and other, thereby contributing to the legitimation of violence and conflict, then this may also work the other way around: Cultural artifacts like movies can play an important role in peace processes. When considering the visualization of peace, one must start with the conceptualization of "peace" itself. The concept and its meaning

Dünya Uluslararası İlişkiler yazınında kendisine önemli bir yer edinmiş, fakat Türkiye'de hakettiği ilgiyi bulammış Barış Çalışmaları ve Çatışmaların Çözümü konusunu, tarihi gelişimi içerisinde konuya yabancı okurlara tanıtmayı amaçlayan bu çalışma, alanında Türkçe'de yayımlanan ilk çalışma niteliğini taşımaktadır

Over the last ten years, some 400-500 Filipino Registered Nurses (RNs) have been recruited to work in Finland, mostly as nursing assistants and practical nurses (PNs) for transnationally owned private care companies, which sell services to the public sector. In addition, a smaller group of university educated Filipino RNs have relocated to pursue a degree in Finnish practical nursing, so as to be able to work in Finland. Drawing on multi-sited and non-local ethnography on Filipino nurse migration to Finland, this thesis asks how the ageing of the Finnish welfare state entangles with the transnational care economy in general, and the Philippine nurse reserve in particular, as Filipino nurses migrate for Finnish elderly care. Are the entanglements that are presently in the making just and peaceful?

When an ageing population demands care in a welfare state, and when the responses to these demands cross national boundaries, various processes of transnational biopolitics are elicited. Addressing the discipline of Peace and Conflict Research, this article-based thesis examines such transnational politics of life, through the entanglements of ageing Finland and the global nurse reserve of the Philippines.

The thesis shows that Finland has not yet taken seriously its international responsibilities as a receiving state of professional nurse migration. Metaphorically put, the left hand of the state does not know what the right hand is doing. Instead, knowledge is scattered across various regimes of governance, without a single state body possessing a holistic view of the recruitment practices and their consequences. This is ethically problematic, since the state cannot tackle structural violence and injustices, if it does not know what those structures are, and how they emerge.

The case of Filipino nurse migration to ageing Finland shows how populations, their mobility, and care are transnationally governmentalized, by various actors and often with the priority placed on the needs of transnational capital rather than on the needs of the populations in question. This occurs at both ends of the migrant trajectories, in Finland as well as in the Philippines, albeit through the governance of different bodies and populations. As the governmentalities entangle in the transnational care markets, all kinds of bodies now benefit the accumulation of capital – this time not only the bodies that operate as living labour, but also those whose care needs can be turned into profits. The risk here is that only needs that elicit profitable relations of care matter, whereas the bodies that cannot be capitalised are reduced into ‘bare life’: life that can be killed (or left to die) without sacrifice. In such an order, aged life is particularly vulnerable to abandonment, and neglect.

The thesis shows, for instance, how the Finnish state leaves the immigration routes of skilled health care professionals partly unmanaged, while the law simultaneously reproduces institutional discrimination of non-EU nurses in the national labour markets. When such processes take place in the context of an increasingly marketized welfare state, it becomes possible for transnational market actors to make profit simultaneously from two embodied commodities of care: the globally mobile care labour and the needs of the ageing bodies that demand care to move.

In the era of neoliberal capitalism, the body in need of care is the subaltern that cannot speak. Nevertheless, even without a voice, bodies in need of care constantly write the world through the relations they enact. To understand such silent and silenced body writing, the thesis develops a new perspective for Peace and Conflict Research, entitled the global biopolitical economy of needs. The suggested perspective demands a recurrent deconstruction of the prevailing material-discursive episteme(s), with a focus on the bodies whose needs cannot speak. This reading operates on another level than the traditionally written and spoken language of speaking subjects. Here, the body in need of care is différance: a bundle of relatedness that (re)writes the world, and its political economies, with the corporeal relations of care and neglect that the needs enact. The suggested perspective also paves way for a more peaceful transnational biopolitics. Namely, the biopolitics of needs is not just about the politics of life. It is the politics of life of needs, which has the capacity to engage ethically with not only the care needs of the living and the productive, but also with those of the dying and the non-profitable.

20 Years after the Dayton Peace Accords ended the war in Bosnia, the states that signed the agreement continue to struggle with the legacies of the violent past. There is a need to complete the search for the missing and to investigate crimes and human rights violations related to the wars of the 1990s.Experience from the Balkans shows that advancement in justice and truth recovery benefits from close cooperation with civil society actors and local communities.

Political engagement for ex-combatants is essential for their reintegration (reincorporation) process, especially if they were in a politically-motivated armed group. This dissertation studies the political reincorporation process (part of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration/Reincorporation or DDR) of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia or FARC) leftist rebel group in Colombia from 2016 to 2020. The FARC, founded in 1964, signed a peace agreement with the Colombian government in 2016 and started the DDR process that continues until today. Using the methodology of an in-depth qualitative case study and process-tracing, 44 interviews and over two months of participant observation at seven Territorial Spaces for Capacitation and Reincorporation (Espacios Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación or ETCRs) and two New Areas of Reincorporation (Nuevas Áreas de Rincorporación or NARs) were done. The results highlight that more of the political and not less will motivate individual ex-combatants to continue in the peace process and their personal reincorporation processes. Ex-combatant engagement with political activities during their reincorporation process gives them meaning in their personal lives and allows them to maintain and evolve their political identity that were formed during their time in the politically-motivated armed group. Peaceful mobilization as a politically-motivated group in the reincorporation process can strengthen and solidify their commitment to the peace process instead of weaken or destroy it, by offering members identity and group support, leadership, and direction. This raises the likelihood of their engagement with the peace process and their reconciliation with civilian institutions and activities, regardless of the ongoing intractability of the armed conflict.

Wer hat ein Anrecht auf der lebendigen Erde,
wo alles Leben & energetisch Lebendig ist,
etwas
- in tote Sachen-Recht zu wandeln
- sein eigen zu benennen,
- um es zu Kaufen oder zu Verkaufen?
Die Firmenvertretung vom Firmament hat zu erst sich selber zu einer Firma gewandelt und Ablasshandel betrieben und alle Staaten in Firmen gewandelt. Es gibt nur noch Firmen die Kaufen & Verkaufen.
Was bedeutet das für das energetische Leben?
Es gibt drei Räuberbanden auf der ganzen Erde, die sich gegenseitig bekämpfen, um das grössere Geschäft zu machen. Das sind Kapitalisten & Kommunisten & religiöse Gläubige, die den Himmel & das Paradies auf dieser Erde, für sich einvernehmen wollen, wobei  alles für Frei ist. Das Firmament von dem alle Leben-Energie kommt, wurde zu Firmen mit Profit gewandelt. Es sind alles Namen und Firmen die einen Vorteil bringenden Irrtum für sich nutzen wollen, anstatt zum Wohl Sein Aller.

This book chapter is a gift to David Graeber for his valuable efforts to free the mind and achieve peace without any vertical attempt for violence. Let`s inquire what kind of transformation is required for achieving peace and solidarity after so long and in such post-traumatic times. Let`s enrich that inquiry with the concept of "radical alterity", canonical philosophers as well as critical action social anthropologists like Bourdieu and Graeber 
have pondered with diligence.

Toplumsal barışı gerçekleştirmek nasıl bir dönüşümden geçer? Bugüne kadar yaşanan dikey, şiddet kaynaklı deneyimler bizi barış gerçeğinden uzaklaştırıyorsa eğer, yüzümüz nereye dönük olmalı? Geçiş döneminden söz edebilmek, esnek coğrafi sınırların, dolaşım hakkının ve kültürel geçişkenligin kaçınılmazlığını ve bugünü düşünmenin tekinsizliğini beraberinde getirir. İşte tam da bu nedenle, geçmişin geleceğinden konuşmaktan ve diyalog yollarını kapatmaktansa, günümüz gerçekliğini „radikal başkalık“ kavramı üzerinden birlikte düşünmek isterim.

Professor Kelman, a social psychologist with origins from Vienna, Austria, has been a pioneer of conflict resolution and peace research, and his work in conflict resolution has included a decades-long action research program on the Arab-Israeli conflict which has seen the development of Interactive Problem-Solving Workshops, an approach which has had a deep impact not only on research, but also on the practice of conflict resolution around the world, and especially in the Middle East. Focusing on Kelman’s conflict resolution-related work, this volume comprises an important collection of articles written by Kelman across his career as academic and practitioner at Harvard University. By bringing together these carefully selected articles the book offers a concise overview of the body of Kelman’s work and his intellectual biography. It traces the origins of the field of conflict resolution, the development of the study and practice of Interactive Problem Solving Workshops, and the wider challenges faced by conflict resolution research and practice.