Plebs

​ This article examines the development of the centurionship in the Early Roman Republic, from its probable inception in the Late Regal Period down to 342 B.C.E. It suggests that during the early Republic centurions were elected plebeian officers with civic horizons in addition to military duties. As one of the few offices in early Roman populated by plebeians, centurions played a role, along with plebeian tribunes, in the endemic social strife of the archaic city ("the Struggle of the Orders), where the rank itself could be a point of contention. The civic preeminence of centurions preceded their subsequent tactical prominence in the new manipular legion.

This project aims to examine how Augustus used the patron-client relationship in stabilizing his position as princeps of the Roman state. The relevant ancient sources for Octavian/Augustus’ actions and the nature of patronage in Rome along with some modern scholarly views on Augustan patronage will provide a basis for a close examination of the workings of and the reasoning behind Augustus’ use of this traditional republican institution. I will discuss Augustus’ patronage of both the Roman elites (senators and equestrians) and the Roman plebs. From these examinations it will become evident that Augustus used his patronage to acquire a type of auctoritas different than the militaristic and political type he already held. This focus on a more social auctoritas will add to the scholarly discussion of Augustus’ self-promotion as well as acknowledge that Augustan patronage was not confined to one specific sphere of society.

Bacavdae were a matriarcalism humanity who moved from the land of Gallias to the other side of the Atlantic ledge, in Gallaecia, during the Roman Empire. Arakil was the river that centralized this movement, between Urbasa y Aralar, in Navarre The manuscript follows bagaudas in Aracaeli, the mansio in the roads of the Empire, and also Silvano and Tammuz, two gods called Oiar in Arakil, the companion of Inanna. The medieval history of the valley includes "Sajrat Qais", a fortress that impressed Abd al-Rahman in Orarregi mountain, near Pamplona. This study introduces some statements of Iberian linguistics and metaphysic.

Bagaudas fueron una humanidad matriarcalista que se movió entre las Gallias hasta la otra punta del Atlántico, en Gallaecia, durante el Imperio Romano. Arakil fue el río que centralizó este movimiento entre Urbasa y Aralar. El manuscrito sigue los bagaudas en el valle de Aracaeli, con una mansio de los itinerarios romanos, y a Silvano y Tammuz, dos dioses llamados Oiar en el Arakil, el compañero de Inanna. La historia medieval del valle muestra también a "Sajrat Qais", la fortaleza que impresionó a Abd al-Rahman en el monte Orarregi. Este estudio enuncia algunos términos de la lingüística y la metafísica del sentido neolíticos.

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar los diferentes mecanismos que buscaron ordenar y controlar a la población considerada “salvaje” en la provincia de Antioquia, es decir, la plebe. La inmoralidad de los pobladores fue el eje sobre el que giró el discurso de los gobernantes y de la elite y cuya acción e implicación se reflejó, entre otros factores, en los juicios criminales de la época. El presente artículo tiene un enfoque cualitativo, determinado a partir del análisis de los discursos tanto de la elite como de los funcionarios. De la misma manera, se examinaron bandos de buen gobierno, regulaciones y ordenanzas. Finalmente, se revisó documentación de archivos regionales, especialmente, aquella que reposa en el Archivo Histórico de Medellín y en el Archivo Histórico de Antioquia. A partir de las diferentes fuentes consultadas, se identificó hasta qué punto el proyecto de reforma a la moral y las costumbres pudo consolidarse en la provincia, reconociendo cómo las calles, la noche y el escándalo, fueron palabras recurrentes en todos los casos criminales contra la gente de “estragada costumbre”.
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The objective of this article is to analyze the different mechanisms that sought to order and control the population considered "wild" in the province of Antioquia, the plebs. The immorality of the people was the center of the discourse of governors and elite whose actions and involvement were shown, among other factors, in the criminal trials of the time. The present article has a qualitative approach, determined by the analysis of the discourses of both the elite and the officials. Additionally, a set of rules called groups of good government, general regulations, and ordinances were examined. Finally, documentation from regional files was reviewed, especially those located in the Historical Archive of Medellín and the Historical Archive of Antioquia. From the different sources investigated, it was identified to what extent the project of the reform of the morality and traditions could be consolidated in the province; recognizing how the streets, the night, and the scandal were recurrent words in all criminal cases against the people of "corrupted habit".
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O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os diferentes mecanismos que buscavam ordenar e controlar a população considerada "selvagem" na província de Antioquia, ou seja, a gente comum. A imoralidade dos moradores foi o eixo sobre o qual girou o discurso dos governantes e da elite e cuja ação e envolvimento se refletiram, entre outros fatores, nos julgamentos criminais da época. Este artigo tem uma abordagem qualitativa, determinada a partir da análise dos discursos das elites e dos governantes. Da mesma forma, grupos de bom governo, regulamentos e ordenações foram examinados. Por fim, foi revisada a documentação dos arquivos regionais, especialmente a que se encontra no Arquivo Histórico de Medellín e no Arquivo Histórico de Antioquia. Pelas diferentes fontes consultadas, identificou-se em que medida o projeto de reforma da moral e dos costumes poderia se consolidar na província, reconhecendo como as ruas, a noite e o escândalo foram palavras recorrentes em todos os processos criminais contra o povo dos "devastados hábitos".

Este trabalho tem como objetivo caracterizar as diferentes camadas da plebe urbana romana e seus ofícios, bem como indicar como os serviços dessa plebe chegavam à aristocracia por meio do estudo dos vestígios materiais que a Arqueologia nos fornece. Com base nas fontes de época e na bibliografia interpretativa dessas fontes serão buscados recursos que esclareçam a relação entre ricos e pobres na Roma antiga, tendo como referência a vida de uma categoria plebéia em particular: os artesãos – seu cotidiano, sua moradia e sua inserção política e econômica na sociedade romana.
A abordagem da plebe urbana romana parte da visão de interdependência de classes na Roma de transição da República para o Principado (séculos II a.C. – I d.C.). Para tanto, faz-se necessário o estudo acerca da heterogeneidade da plebs urbana, de sua vida cotidiana, de seu papel na economia antiga e de seus ofícios.

Botuar fillimisht ne revisten On-line "Peizazhe te fjalës", më 27 janar 2018:
https://peizazhe.com/2018/01/27/poetika-e-cmimit-politika-e-emrit/
Ekziston një poetikë e çmimeve (letrare), shpeshherë surreale. Klasifikimi i kafshëve në « enciklopedinë kineze » të përmendur nga Borgesi në një tekst të famshëm , përbën, në qetësinë alfabetike të përçudnimit të vet logjik, modelin absolut të një atopie, emblemën paradoksale të vënies bashkë të elementëve për të cilët nuk ekziston asnjë vend i përbashkët, përveç këtij jo-vendi ku vargohen shenjuesit. Një ndjesi e ngjashme të zë fillimisht kur mëson se shkrimtari shqiptar Ismail Kadare dhe filozofi italian Giorgio Agamben janë laureatët e çmimit (prestigjioz) Nonino 2018, që do të jepet gjatë një ceremonie në Distileritë Nonino në Percoto (Udine) me datë 27 janar 2018.

The Aventine—one of Rome’s canonical seven hills—has long been identified as the city’s plebeian district, which housed the lower orders of society and served as the political headquarters, religious citadel, and social bastion of those seeking radical reform of the Republican constitution. Lisa Marie Mignone’s The Republican Aventine and Rome’s Social Order challenges the plebeian-Aventine paradigm through a multidisciplinary review of the ancient evidence, and it demonstrates that this construct proves to be a modern creation. Mignone uses ancient literary accounts, material evidence, and legal and semantic developments to reconstruct and reexamine the history of the Aventine Hill. Through comparative studies of premodern urban planning and development, combined with an assessment of gang violence and ancient neighborhood practices in the last half of the first century BCE, the book argues there was no concentration of the disadvantaged in a “plebeian ghetto.” Thus residency patterns everywhere in the caput mundi, including the Aventine Hill, likely incorporated the full spectrum of Roman society.
Yet the myth of the “plebeian Aventine” became embedded not only in classical scholarship, but also in modern political and cultural consciousness, and it has even been used by modern figures to support their political agenda. The Republican Aventine and Rome’s Social Order makes bold new claims regarding the urban design and social history of ancient Rome and raises a significant question about ancient urbanism and social stability more generally. Did social integration reduce violence in premodern cities and promote urban concord?

https://www.press.umich.edu/8565032/republican_aventine_and_romes_social_order

This paper gives a whole new insight into the tribunate of the plebs before the Licinian Sextian reform (367-366 BC).

According to the tradition transmitted by the narratives of Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Rome was, in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, a young Republic, the main characteristic of which was to be the duality of its society. Moreover, this social dualism patriciate/plebs would have been coupled with an institutional dualism consuls/tribunes of the plebs. Now recent studies (in particular those of T.P. Wiseman) tend to show that the consulate would definitively have been established only during the licinian-sextian reforms (367 BC). Under these conditions, the traditional representation of the tribunate makes no sense anymore. The present study aims at redefining the identity of the original tribunes, which in all probability would have been military leaders until consuls were definitely created. The various arguments tackled are the famous testimony of Varro (LL, 5, 81), the cases of opposition to the dilectus (military recruitment), the second secession of the plebs, the progressive increase of the tribunes number in a political and military perspective and, the last but not the least, a fundamental testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (X, 43 and 45), which has often been forgotten.

Si l’on en croit la tradition que nous ont transmise les récits de Tite-Live et de Denys d’Halicarnasse, Rome était, aux Ve et IVe siècles av. J.-C., une jeune république, dont la caractéristique principale se trouvait être la dualité de sa société. Ce dualisme social patriciat/plèbe se serait en outre doublé d’un dualisme institutionnel consuls/tribuns de la plèbe. Or de récentes études (notamment celles de T. P. Wiseman) tendent à montrer que le consulat n’aurait été définitivement instauré que lors des réformes licinio-sextiennes (367 av. J.-C.). Dans ces conditions, la représentation traditionnelle du tribunat perd tout son sens. La présente étude vise à redéfinir l’identité du tribunat originel, qui selon toute probabilité, aurait été une magistrature militaire jusqu’à la date de création définitive du consulat. Les différents arguments abordés sont le célèbre témoignage de Varron (LL, 5, 81), les cas d’opposition au dilectus (recrutement militaire), la deuxième sécession de la plèbe, la remise en perspective de l’augmentation progressive du nombre de tribuns dans son contexte politique et militaire et surtout un témoignage fondamental et oublié de Denys d’Halicarnasse (X, 43 et 45).

Esta inscrição - já conhecida de há muito - nunca chegara a ser analisada na sua relação com a tipologia do suporte. Verificou-se que não poderia deixar de ser a base de uma estátua equestre, que a 'respublica' mandara fazer em agradecimento a um dos seus beneméritos queridos.

En este artículo analizamos las motivaciones y los efectos del ejercicio de la democracia directa sobre el sistema político uruguayo. Partimos de la hipótesis según la cual la práctica de los mecanismos de democracia directa no es producto, en el caso uruguayo, de una crisis de la representación política aunque tiene su origen en el sistema de partidos y sus consecuencias sobre el sistema político. Cuestionamos también el carácter intrínsecamente democratizador que suele otorgársele a las prácticas plebiscitarias.

Autor u članku ukazuje na suvremenu relevantnost Machiavellijeva nauka sa-držanog u Vladaru i Raspravama. U dijalogu s Lefortom i njegovim epo-halnim tumačenjem Firentinca (1972) članak nudi alternativno, subverzivno čitanje Machiavellijeve teorije političkog konflikta i pritom, u kritičkom od-nosu spram Honnetha (1995), osvjetljuje elemente specifične, makijavelijev-ske teorije priznanja. Autor tvrdi da je fundamentalno demokratski karakter Machiavellijeva projekta izravno povezan sa sposobnošću plebsa da prepo-zna svoju novu funkciju u društvenom polju i da na sebe odvažno preuzme queer "identitet". To je moguće samo uz pomoć i potporu vladara. Plebs u tekstu označava dinamičku koaliciju na različite načine potlačenih skupina. Uz pomoć političke instance pučani trebaju preobraziti svoju težnju da ne budu tlačeni od velikaša u pozitivno usmjerenu težnju da bivstvuju na način koji čuva razliku u odnosu na težnju velikaša za posjedovanjem. Otkrivaju-ći sebstvo kao mjesto nesvodive drugosti, pučani neprestano izumljuju nove načine postojanja u razlici spram "režimā normalnosti" i na taj način postaju nepresušni izvor društvene inovacije koja stoji na dispoziciji čitavom dru-štvu. Poqueeravanje plebsa omogućuje viši stupanj zajedničkog bivstvovanja. Snaga demokratskog društva izravno ovisi o vitalitetu težnje pučana i njihovoj sposobnosti da neprestano osmišljavaju i proizvode nove načine života.

The present study discusses forms of social conflict, street riots and clashes happened in the so-called late Roman Republic, between the first tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus (133 BC) anche the aftermath of Caesar’s assasination (44 BC). The work takes the move from the recent oeuvre by Cyril Courrier, “La plèbe de Rome et sa culture (fin du II siècle av. J-C. – fin du Ier siècle ap. J-C.)” (EFR, 2015), arguing against the concept of plebs as it is proposed in Courrier’s work and marginally suggesting possible alternative categories of analysis. The second section of the work deals with the conservation of public order, the distribution of “police functions” between aediles and tresviri capitales, concluding with a reconsideration of the forms of political repression put in act by the Res Publica. A particular attention is drawn to the Senatus Consultum Ultimum, which is not seen as having a legal effects, but as a narrative of the balance of political power between Senates and the crowd. In the main section of the work, the role of the mass in late Republican political life, its relationship to the élites and the contestatory forms of expressions are at stake, through the analysis and the reconstruction of seven case studies drawn as examples from the database built by Courrier. The methodologies of political struggle and of expression of the will of the masses which constitutes the case studies are parade, graffiti, the role of the audience in the theater, the garrison of the mass out of the Palace, the interruption of politically relevant trials, struggles and riots and the first use of barricades. The discussione of the cases leads to underline the huge relevance that the will of the mass had in the considered time frame, even through expressive forms others than the electoral one.



Lo studio presente riguarda forme di conflitto sociale e di lotta di piazza verificatesi nella cosiddetta tarda Repubblica romana, nell’arco cronologico compreso tra il tribunato di Tiberio Gracco e gli anni immediatamente successivi all’assassinio di Cesare.  Il lavoro parte dalla recente fondamentale opera di Cyril Courrier, “La plèbe de Rome et sa culture (fin du II siècle av. J-C. – fin du Ier siècle ap. J-C.)”, discutendo la concezione di plebe lì proposta e suggerendo marginalmente delle possibili categorie d’analisi alternative. La seconda sezione riguarda il mantenimento dell’ordine pubblico, la possibile distribuzione di funzioni “di polizia” tra edili e tresviri capitales, fino a considerare le forme di repressione politica messe in atto dalla Res Publica. Tra queste, viene riservata una particolare attenzione al Senatus Consultum Ultimum, al quale non è accordato alcun potere legale, ma piuttosto una preminenza politica. Nella sezione centrale del lavoro, attraverso lo studio e la rilettura di singoli case studies, contenuti nella Base des données redatta da Courrier, viene discusso il ruolo della massa nella vita politica della tarda Repubblica, la sua relazione con le élite e le forme espressive di contestazione. I metodi di lotta politica e di espressione della volontà politica osservati più da vicino sono il corteo, i graffiti, il ruolo del pubblico a teatro, il presidio fuori dal Palazzo, l’interruzione di processi di rilevanza politica, gli scontri e i riot e la costruzione di barricate. La discussione e la riscrittura di questi casi porta a sottolineare l’enorme rilevanza che riveste la voce della massa veicolata attraverso forme espressive diverse da quella elettorale nel periodo preso in esame.

Die Quellen zur Späten Republik sind voll von Berichten über Unruhen und Aufstände des Volkes – und den Namen derer, die es dazu verleiteten. In der Kaiserzeit wird es, so scheint es auf den ersten Blick, ruhiger: Anzahl und Vehemenz von Unruhen gehen zurück, Rädelsführer werden kaum genannt, und wenn, begegnen sie als solche nur einmalig: Mit einem Clodius kann die Kaiserzeit nicht aufwarten. Im Vortrag soll auf der einen Seite gezeigt werden, weshalb wir trotzdem davon ausgehen können, dass ‚Demagogie‘ weiterhin zum politischen Repertoire der Elite zählte und es wesentliche Gemeinsamkeiten mit entsprechenden republikanischen Vorgängen gab. Auf der anderen Seite soll er dazu anregen, Berichterstattung – primär antike, übertragbar aber auch auf moderne – über Unruhen und ihr auslösendes Moment grundsätzlich kritisch zu hinterfragen.

In 2012, the province of Quebec witnessed the largest and longest student strike in North America of the last fifty years. The objective of this article is twofold: first, present an account of the events as they unraveled, by relying on both first and second-hand sources, in order to lay the ground for future comparative studies. Second, on a more theoretical level, to assess the class character of the 2012 movement, using the concepts of class relations and class recomposition. While the Printemps Érable might not be at first sight a “classed-based movement,” a study of more recent mobilizations in Québec helps to shed light on its effect on class relations. By doing so, I hope to engage the conversation on the question of class in contemporary social movements.

This paper explores how the slave operates as both  paradigm and point of differentiation in Livy’s account of the struggles between patricians and plebeians in the early books of his history. It draws on recent debates in Classical scholarship about the possibility of recovering the discourses of the oppressed in elite literary texts, and on work which maps how public narratives of domination (including poetic literature) both shape and are shaped by the “offstage responses” of subordinates. Both Livy's narrative, and the current disciplinary debates, are interrogated in relation to Jacques Ranciere's theorizing of political disagreement as a struggle for what gets heard as speech. Plebeian identifications with slave experience become a way of articulating 'disidentification' - a refusal of civic identity in protest at the fundamental inequality of the state.