Sardaigne

Les pratiques des pierres à cupules de Crète peuvent elles aider à mieux comprendres les autres pierres à cupules ?
Les pratiques des pierres à cupules de Crète, en Sardaigne, sur le pourtour
Méditerranéen, ... pourraient-elles être des versions plus évoluées de pratiques antérieures encore
plus anciennes et ainsi nous transmettre quelques informations de compréhensions sur leurs
pratiques et leurs mythologies ?

The district of Sorgono (Nuoro province, Central Sardinia) is mainly known, for prehistory, thanks to the exceptional character of the standing stone monument of Biru ‘e Concas or Coa ‘e sa Mandara. The other archaeological remains in this territory had remained almost completely unknown. Archaeological surveys carried out recently are now offering an opportunity to develop a more complete description of the prehistoric occupation of this territory. This paper proposes an environmental characterization of the area associated with a synthesis of the newly acquired archaeological data, especially for the fourth and the first half of the third millennium BC. These data allow an initial contextual analysis of the prehistoric occupation of this territory to be undertaken, centred on the standing stone monuments and based on the principles of the “systemic-analytical” method (Soula, 2008, 2012c, forthcoming c).
Although knowledge is still limited by problems related to the dating of the sites, it has been possible to clarify a certain amount of information and propose some potential chrono-cultural dates based on consistency. The most important chronological deficiencies are related to the standing stone monuments for which it is possible to propose an attribution to the Ozieri culture only on the basis of their closest archaeological contexts. Although this is merely an assumption that can only be confirmed or invalidated by an excavation, this approach frequently demonstrates that the Sardinian insular model allows such hypotheses to be made.
This central area of the island was probably inhabited from the fourth millennium, with the Ozieri Culture (4200/4000- 3500 BC). Data permitting the documentation of a possible continuation of this occupation during the first Chalcolithic, with the Sub-Ozieri (3600-2900 BC), is lacking. This deficiency is probably due to the too recent distinction of the Sub-Ozieri compared to the Ozieri (Santoni, 1991; Melis, 2000, 2009, 2011) and to the scarcity of research in this area. Notwithstanding this possible gap in our knowledge, continuity is discernible with the Chalcolithic Filigosa occupation (3000-2500 BC), identified through rare archaeological deposits and associated with some statue-menhirs. The Abealzu (2700-2400 BC) has not, for its part, been identified so far in this area. Another Chalcolithic culture, contemporary with the Filigosa and Abealzu, is known through a few indications at Sorgono: the relationship between the Monte Claro (3000/2900-2300 BC), a clearly exogenous cultural facies, and the Filigosa, a local cultural facies, remains to be defined at Sorgono. This represents a major issue across the island as these two cultures seem both to coexist and to be mutually exclusive in some areas of Sardinia (Soula, 2012c, forthcoming b). The keys for understanding this cultural bipartition of the island during the third millennium BC are to be found in particular at Sorgono
The proposed analysis is organized into two main phases. In a first stage, the territory analysed is presented from a geo¬graphical and geological point of view. In a second stage, a synthesis of the distribution map of archaeological sites is proposed for the fourth and third millennia BC in order to conduct geostatistical analyses mainly based on standing stone monuments and their context.
Within the territorial limits identified for the Sorgono system, we distinguish the presence of full occupancy subsystems, i.e. consisting of the three main aspects of a Sardinian prehistoric human community (dwellings, burials and standing stones). The presence of bipartite subsystems and other subsystems composed of only one of these aspects can be inter¬preted in two ways: either we lack a certain amount of knowledge for that territory, or they are more secondary subsys¬tems or related to specific functions.
This structural and functional analysis of the Sorgono system shows that the modes of land use are predominantly gov¬erned by constraints related to the topographical environment and to the different ecosystems. The areas preferentially colonized by the Ozieri groups at Sorgono are the more ‘hospitable’ ones, those more open into the landscape, with a large variety of natural resources. This could mean that the less ’hospitable’ areas, occupied in a looser way, are related to control of the territory or the practice of specific activities. It is also possible that these ‘secondary’ subsystems are an extension of the nerve centre of the occupation at a time of strong regional pressure. The presence of rarer (and frequently unfinished) hypogeum tombs in these subsystems tends to confirm their later development in comparison with the centre of the Sorgono territorial system.

The re-use and the domestication of nature in abandoned areas is becoming a theme of increasing relevance in European (and Italian) public debate. This article uses Gilles Clément's concept of 'third landscape' to understand the transformation of an urban salt works into a public park. Salt production in Cagliari (Sardinia, Italy) was suspended in 1984 because of pollution from urban sewage. Some years after abandonment, the state salt works eventually became a public park. People frequented the area before its establishment and eventually the salt works became a place for running, canoeing, walking, biking, birdwatching and other outdoor activities. The article shows how this abandoned area became a park and heritage site, though stakeholder support. It analyzes the local discourse that continues to represent and protect the area as 'green,' where nature can be enjoyed, despite its industrial heritage.

croissante. Cet article, à partir du concept de le "Tiers paysage" de Gilles Clément, aborde le sujet de la transformation d'une zone industrielle dans un parc public. La production de sel à Cagliari (capitale de la Sardaigne) a été suspendue en 1984 en raison de la pollution urbaine. Après l'abandon de la zone a été transformée en un parc public. La population de Cagliari et d'autres villes voisines, fréquentait le lieu avant même de l'établissement du parc. Ainsi, bien qu' abandonnés en tant que lieu de production de sel les marais salants etaient utilisées comme un endroit pour courir, marcher, faire du vélo et du canoë. Cet article analyse le discours locale qui réprésente cette zone comme un espace «vert» dans le milieu de la ville où on peut rejouir de la «nature».

Il riuso e la domesticazione della natura nelle aree abbandonate è diventato un tema di rilevanza crescente. Questo articolo, a partire dal concetto di Terzo paesaggio di Gilles Clément, tratta della trasformazione di un'area industriale in un parco pubblico. La produzione di sale a Cagliari (capoluogo della Sardegna) è stata sospesa nel 1984 a causa dell'inquinamento urbano. In seguito all'abbandono, l'area è stata trasformata in un parco pubblico. La popolazione di Cagliari e delle altre città vicine, frequentava l'area anche prima dell' istituzione del parco. Così le saline sebbene abbandonate erano un luogo per correre, camminare, andare in bicicletta e canoa. Questo articolo analizza il discorso locale che presenta quest'area come uno spazio "verde" nel mezzo della città, dove è possibile godere della "natura".