Self Defense

Queensland has been the last Australian jurisdiction to reform its law of criminal defences to try and take account of the difficulties faced by victims of domestic abuse in satisfying the traditional elements of self-defence. Section 304B of the Queensland Criminal Code was designed to create a partial defence for victims of domestic violence who, fearing for their lives, kill their abusers in circumstances that would otherwise constitute murder. Usually, these cases involve killing in the absence of a triggering assault or where the feared harm is not imminent. The partial defence provides that the accused will be found guilty of manslaughter only, thereby allowing for judicial discretion in sentencing. This paper argues that the new provision is ineffective and, in fact, puts victims of abuse who kill in a more difficult tactical position than if it had not been enacted. The theory of criminal responsibility (juxtaposing justification and excuse) and various moral theories are us...

A literature review was undertaken to examine the content of women’s empowerment self defense courses. The aims of this report were to answer the questions:
What is an empowerment self defense short course?
What is included in the contents of an effective short course?
Is there a need for the course for Japanese college students?

The report will end with a discussion and highlight areas of further research concerning the need for self defense empowerment courses to be taught at Japanese colleges.

Göğüs Göğüse Muharebe (GGM) ya da Yakın Dövüş (YD) askeri ve kurumsal-resmi güvenlik alanında tarihsel kökleri bulunan bir savunma disiplini olmakla beraber çağdaş kent ortamının gerektirdiği önlemler üzerine sivil alanda da farklı versiyonlarıyla yayılmıştır. Batı’daki askeri çalışmalar kapsamında bugün devam eden Göğüs Göğüse Muharebe’nin 20. Yüzyıldaki kökleri 2. Dünya Savaşı’na ve William E. Fairbairn, Rex Applegate, Bill Underwood gibi isimlere dayanır. Avrupa’da bir savunma sistemi olarak geliştirilen Krav Maga ve Rusya’nın hala kullanılmaya devam eden kişisel savunma disiplini Sistema da GGM modelleri arasında kaydedilebilir. 21. Yüzyıla gelindiğinde farklı ülkelerin ve kültürlerin askeri, polis ve güvenlik ekollerinden gelen Yakın Dövüş modelleri, geleneksel savaş sanatları ya da modern savunma sistemleriyle harmanlanarak çağdaş güvenlik uygulamalarında çok geniş bir çeşitlilik yelpazesi sunmaktadır.

The Eastern Aegean Islands are demilitarized under Article 13 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. Pursuant to said Article, Greece cannot have naval base and establish fortifications in the islands.
No international document has provided Greece the right to militarize the islands in question. Besides that except for the circumstances stated in the United Nations Charter, the principle of self-defense cannot be arbitrarily evoked. As for the Aegean Army of Turkey, it should be underlined that contrary to the status of the Eastern Aegean Islands, the Turkish territories of the Aegean region are not under any demilitarized status.
The demilitarization provisions are essential to the accomplishment of the purpose of the 1923 Lausanne Peace Treaty. It is worthwhile to remember how İsmet Pasha as head of the Turkish Delegation explained the Turkish views on 25 November 1922 in the Territorial and Military Commission of the Lausanne Conference regarding the sovereignty and demilitarization of the said islands. He said in this respect that “The Aegean islands, which depended geographically on Asia Minor, were of great importance for the peace and security of Anatolia.”
It should be kept in mind that there is a direct linkage between the possession of sovereignty over those islands and their demilitarized status. Demilitarization is the essential precondition of Greek sovereignty over these islands. It can be emphasized that demilitarization clauses are sine quo non for the Aegean status quo. Trying to replace this status quo with faits accomplis is equivalent to opening Pandora’s Box which is to be carefully avoided.

W pierwszym podrozdziale niniejszego opracowania zostaną przedstawione skutki interwencji zachodnich dla roli Rady Bezpieczeństwa oraz używanego przez nią instrumentarium w celu utrzymania światowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa,
co obejmuje zarówno kwestię autoryzowania użycia siły, jak i wykorzystania operacji pokojowych. W tej części znajdują się głównie odniesienia do operacji w Iraku (1991 r.), Bośni i Hercegowinie oraz Libii, gdyż w ich przypadku państwa interweniujące jako podstawę prawną wskazywały na odpowiednią rezolucję RB autoryzującą użycie siły. Przywołane zostaną również interwencje w Kosowie oraz w Iraku (2003 r.) w charakterze przykładów operacji dokonanych bez jakiegokolwiek
upoważnienia ze strony RB. W drugim podrozdziale przedstawiona
zostanie ewolucja prawa do samoobrony pod wpływem praktyki państw zachodnich.
Poruszona będzie kwestia definicji ataku zbrojnego uruchamiającego prawo do samoobrony oraz ram czasowych tego prawa. W tym kontekście szczególna uwaga została zwrócona na interwencje w Iraku (2003 r.) oraz w Afganistanie, które właśnie koniecznością samoobrony były uzasadniane. Natomiast trzeci podrozdział dotyczy rozwinięcia przez państwa zachodnie prawa do interwencji humanitarnej oraz zbrojnego wymiaru odpowiedzialności za ochronę w stronę prawa do zmiany reżimu z autorytarnego na demokratyczny. Stąd też odwołania
przede wszystkim do operacji w Bośni i Hercegowinie, Kosowie oraz Libii, w przypadku których względy humanitarne miały główne znaczenie w uzasadnieniu legalności interwencji.

The paper inspects historical, institutional and legal aspects of EU policy on CSDP, including aspects related to the applicable law in EU missions, i.e. international humanitarian law/international human rights law and international responsibility issues. The problematic aspects of the self-defense clause in article 42.7 TEU are equally quoted in the light of recent practice inside EU after 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris.

Public Affairs Quarterly, 1999.
Another contribution to the project of becoming a pariah. Not that very many academics read it--all you need to know about the paper is that the conclusion is wrong, so it must be a bad argument by a bad person.

In recent years there has been a lot of attention focused on the specific issue of the battered women, and the battered women who eventually fight violence with violence. This is with good reason, since it is a widespread and serious problem for modern society. The authors whose works are discussed here struggle with notions of male dominance, experiment with legal tests, and manipulate the instruments of law enforcement in an attempt to figure out exactly what to do with, and for, these people in abusive relationships. However, as the authors themselves indicate, the problem is much deeper in modern culture and these issues just scratch at the surface.

The problem concerning this type of violence is a combination of societal attitudes about women and attitudes about violence. However, feminists believe the issue is completely shaped by gender-related discrimination, and so distrust the political (male-dominated) solution.

Instead, the focus should be on the vulnerability of the victims of violence, and that this vulnerability is not exclusively linked to sexism in the system: legal or social. The views and treatment of women needs to be changed. Part of that change will in fact be accomplished through the revision of legal rules, consciousness-raising, and education. But the sea of change will have to come about through deeper, tougher, and more fundamental revision of our thoughts about violence. Sexism in the family, in the social system, and in the legal system must go, but so must violence.

Nell’ambito di un lavoro orientato a comprendere il ruolo della rule of law sull’equilibrio fra sicurezza e libertà nell’ambito di sistemi democratici di qualità, il presente capitolo si propone principalmente di offrire una panoramica, comparativa e diacronica, sull’andamento di quelle che sono le minacce alla sicurezza che gli stati (Italia, Francia, Spagna, Germania, Regno Unito, Polonia) devono affrontare.
L’obiettivo non è meramente descrittivo, ma chiama in causa una prima ricognizione, che sarà poi sviluppata nei capitoli successivi, sul ruolo della rule of law, correlando le variazioni riscontrate negli indici di criminalità con possibili contemporanee variazioni su due fronti che potrebbero agire quale variabile indipendente sull’andamento dei crimini: da un lato le trasformazioni nelle condizioni ambientali (cambiamenti
culturali, ma soprattutto economici), dall’altro i mutamenti di carattere politico-istituzionale. All’interno di quest’ultimo caso, un’ulteriore distinzione importante è quella fra gli interventi che mirano a influire sulle condizioni ambientali (politiche sociali) e gli interventi che mirano a
influire direttamente sull’impianto istituzionale (politiche di sicurezza).

1. Misurare le minacce alla sicurezza per valutare la qualità democratica
2. L’evoluzione del tasso di criminalità
3. Criminalità comune
3.1. Reati contro il patrimonio
3.2. La reazione non istituzionale al crimine: legittima difesa e giustizia sommaria
3.3. Reati contro la persona
4. Criminalità organizzata
4.1. Il problema di una definizione comune
4.2. Le nuove frontiere tra criminalità organizzata e criminalità finanziaria
4.3. La prostituzione
4.4. I reati legati agli stupefacenti
5. Criminalità politica
5.1. Violenza politica, scontri di piazza e repressione
5.2. La minaccia terroristica
6. I crimini d’odio: razzismo, xenofobia e omofobia
6.1. Pregiudizio e violenze fino al 2008
6.2. Dopo il 2008: la crisi economica e il capro espiatorio
7. Conclusioni

A popular strategy to justify liability to punishment or defensive harm appeals to the idea of forfeiture, namely the idea that by acting in certain ways we lose some of our moral rights. I argue that this strategy gives rise to a dilemma. Theories that aim to justify liability to punishment or defensive harm by relying exclusively on forfeiture are incomplete because conceptually, the notion cannot do significant justificatory work unless we invoke some more fundamental moral principle to give substance to it (Incompleteness Objection).  However, once we do that, the notion becomes redundant and can be dispensed with at the level of justification (Redundancy Objection). This is not to say that forfeiture should be banned from philosophical discourse.  Two valuable roles are played by it: first, the notion performs an important heuristic function, in that it marks the difference between two distinct ways of justifying the infliction of harm; second, the notion works as an intermediate conclusion in arguments that ground the permissibility of inflicting harm in suitably fundamental moral notions, thereby facilitating discussion among those who disagree about what these notions are.  These functions are by no means trivial, but they should not be confused with the justificatory role often attributed to forfeiture.

Non Uccidere è un comandamento tanto semplice e plausibile quanto – nella sua presunta universalità e generalità – discutibile. Di seguito offro una dettagliata analisi di quello che rimane forse l’atto di violenza par excellence. E’ fin troppo facile trovare controesempi al non uccidere inteso come imperativo categorico: basti pensare al caso che, gia’ nel tredicesimo secolo, impegnò Tommaso d’Aquino, vale a dire, la legittima difesa.

What is the test for assessing
whether a person who kills
qualifies for an acquittal on the
basis of self-defence? If the killing was
defensive, and in the context of the dwelling,
the Criminal Law (Defence and the Dwelling)
Act 2011 (the “2011 Act”) applies.1 The 2011
Act expressly recognises that force, causing
death can be justified2 and, to come under
the statute, the defender must believe that the
person against whom the force is used is a
trespasser who intends to commit a crime.3
For the force to be justified, the 2011 Act
requires that it be “only such as is reasonable
in the circumstances as [the person using
force] believes them to be”.4 For all other
defensive killings—that is, for self-defence in
homicide outside the dwelling context—
common law continues to apply. Ambiguous
formulations of the common law test for selfdefence
in jury charging continues to go
under-analysed in appeal court judgments.5
One recent appeal court judgment,6 after
repeating a number of descriptions of selfdefence
in homicide that appear, on their own
terms, to give a purely objective test for full
self-defence in homicide, ends on a
mysterious note in quoting from the judge’s
charge:
“[T]he test is always a subjective one, not
an objective one. In other words what was
the accused thinking at the particular time,
and in other words, it might be
unreasonable, so it might, but the test is
what he was thinking at the time”.
O’Donnell J., in the Court of Criminal Appeal,
acknowledged that this passage was
inadequate in itself but, in the context of the
case and the parties’ submissions, he
concluded that the jury was adequately
charged as to the “subjective nature of the
defence”.7 A reader of O’Donnell J.’s
judgment, however, would not realise the
subjective aspect of self-defence in homicide
until the judgment’s final paragraph, a
paragraph which alerts to its existence but
leaves the reader no wiser as to what it is.
We must recognise, as appeal courts
do, that judicial charging of jurors, delivered
orally, may appear imperfect on the written
page despite it being an effective
communication in its original setting. In
Appeal court judgments, however, we
expect to describe the relevant law
accurately and fully, especially for purely
judge-made areas of law.
In this article, I will take on the vexed
task of describing the objective and subjective
strands of Irish self-defence law. I will explain
how simply quoting or channelling from the
leading Irish case on self-defence in
homicide—People (Attorney General) v
Dwyer8 from 1972—is insufficient to identify
the test for self-defence at common law
because Dwyer itself is ambiguous and the
common law, and Irish criminal law, has
evolved significantly since the early 1970s.
This is not an argument for what self-defence
in homicide ought to be, it is an argument
identifying how self-defence in homicide can
crystallise in order to coherently take its place
in contemporary Irish criminal law.

This volume presents a wide-reaching overview of contemporary research and scholarship on women's engagement in a range of combat sports across the world. Including chapters on boxing, wrestling, mixed martial arts, and various other fighting disciplines, the collection provides readers with a comprehensive analysis of the current significance of women's involvement in these sports, as well as charting many of the problems and opportunities they face in establishing and developing careers within them.

With contributions drawing from anthropology, phenomenology, philosophy, sociology, and sport psychology, this book will appeal to readers interested in the development of women's sport; the relationship between sport and gender; and the wider, contemporary social significance of combat sports around the world.

To view the table of contents and read a sample chapter online, please click here: http://www.palgrave.com/resources/sample-chapters/9781137439352_sample.pdf

This volume presents a wide-reaching overview of contemporary research and scholarship on women's engagement in a range of combat sports across the world. Including chapters on boxing, wrestling, mixed martial arts, and various other fighting disciplines, the collection provides readers with a comprehensive analysis of the current significance of women's involvement in these sports, as well as charting many of the problems and opportunities they face in establishing and developing careers within them. With contributions drawing from anthropology, phenomenology, philosophy, sociology, and sport psychology, this book will appeal to readers interested in the development of women's sport; the relationship between sport and gender; and the wider, contemporary social significance of combat sports around the world.

Explaining David Rodin's "bloodless invasion" objection to a right to national defense in response to what he calls political aggression and determining whether a state's perceived right to defend itself is morally justified.

Written for ANU course PHIL2113: Global Justice

Les opérations militaires menées par la France contre Daech bousculent les normes du jus contra bellum. Le consentement donné par l’Irak assure certes la légalité des bombardements des positions djihadistes sur le territoire de cet Etat. Mais seule une conception de la légitime défense en décalage avec la lex lata permet de fonder juridiquement les frappes françaises en Syrie. La résolution 2249 adoptée par le Conseil de sécurité après les attentats du 13 novembre 2015 constitue un petit monstre normatif inapte à leur fournir une base juridique autonome ; elle entérine en revanche un rabaissement des fonctions du Conseil de sécurité dans l’utilisation de la force contre le terrorisme.

ABSTRACT

The military operations conducted by France against ISIS blur the rules of jus contra bellum. The legality of French strikes on the territory of Iraq is covered by the consent of that State. But only an extended interpretation of self-defence can justify the bombing in Syria. Security Council resolution 2249 adopted after the events of 13 November 2015 is a normative little monster incapable of providing an autonomous legal basis for the strikes. Instead, it acknowledges the downgrading of the Security Council’s role in the use of force to fight terrorism.

Background & Study Aim: The paper is based on the presumption that the probability of successful defence of a child against an adult attacker is influenced by diversity of variables with different predictive values. The aim of the study are the best predictors and their presumably impact on children’s chance to defend themselves. Material & Methods: The research sample consisted of 48 students (40 female, 8 male) from three secondary schools. The aver age age was 16.6 years. Six self-defence experts performed ex-post evaluation of each video recorded scenario. Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient, classification trees C&RT and logistic regression were used for analysis. Results: Correlation between increasing personal score obtained by evaluation of selected criteria and the probability of a successful defence was confirmed by the high correlation r s = 0.735 significance level of p<0.05. Active defence, escape and technical means respectively, were found the best predictors o...

This thesis addresses issues of anxiety and ego defense mechanisms in Equus written by an English playwright Peter Shaffer. Through the theory of psychoanalysis from Sigmund Freud, the researcher describes the depiction of anxiety and ego defense mechanisms in the work. Through Equus, Shaffer clearly depicts the causes of anxiety that can originate from within a person and from outside a person, such as the environment. From the description of the causes of anxiety, Shaffer illustrates that anxiety can make humans unmanageable even though the ego uses defense mechanisms to reduce anxiety. Shaffer clearly illustrates the other side of defense mechanisms that can be bad for human behavior. To protect themselves from anxiety, humans can lie, commit violence, and criminal acts.

Keywords: Psychoanalysis, Anxiety, Ego Defense Mechanism

Beliefs once limited to the extremes of the North American gun culture have become mainstream, while the US Supreme Court’s ruling in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) and a spate of right-to-carry laws have contributed to the proliferation of guns in public life. These changes in political discourses, legislative agendas, and social practices are indicative of an emergent and pernicious form of subjectivity, which is here defined as self-defensive. Such subjectivity is characterized by a pathological identification with the right of self-defense, which undermines the social conditions of individual freedom and renders subjects unable to comprehend the function of abstract rights within an informal normative order. Practically speaking, this raced and gendered subjectivity relies on extra-legal relations of domination for its reproduction. The rapid expansion of gun rights and the recent loosening of restrictions on self-defensive violence are argued to be responses to a perceived threat to these identity-constituting relations, rather than to the threat of violent crime, which has long been on the decline.

Esta  pesquisa  tem  como  objetivo  a  análise  dos  limites  que  separam  o  excesso  e  as  condutas necessárias  à  efetivação  da  legítima  defesa  realizada  por  artistas  marciais,  de  modo  a  assegurar a  proteção  de  bens  jurídicos  relevantes.  Para  tal,  usou-se  o  método  bibliográfico  descritivoexploratório,  que  permite  a  exposição  de  conceitos  e  processos,  tanto  psicofisiológicos  quanto ocasionais,  desencadeados  em  uma  situação  de  injusta  agressão.  Além  disso,  utilizou-se  o método  de  abordagem  hipotético-dedutivo,  que  possibilita  a  visualização  de  situações hipotéticas  a  fim  de  compreender  a  dinâmica  dos  cenários  de  agressão  injusta.  Dessa  forma, este  estudo  se  fez  necessário  para  oferecer  aos  magistrados  um  ponto  de  vista  sobre  o julgamento  da  proporcionalidade  da  legítima  defesa  praticada  por  artistas  marciais,  de  maneira a  evitar  o  cometimento  de  erros  judiciais  oriundos  da  condenação  de  condutas  lícitas  ou  da absolvição  de  comportamentos  ilícitos,  diante  das  conjecturas  nas  quais  os  artistas  marciais usam  suas  técnicas  para  efetivar  a  defesa  ou  escolhem  usar,  em  vez  delas,  outros  meios.  Assim, verificou-se  que  as  situações  de  agressão  injusta  não  permitem  a  plena  percepção  de  todas  suas as  circunstâncias  no  momento  em  que  ocorre,  de  modo  que  o  artista  marcial  precisa  agir  de maneira  incisiva  para  que  consiga  seguramente  efetivar  sua  defesa  ou  de  terceiros  e  evitar  a consumação  de  lesão  a  bens  jurídicos  primordiais. 

Palavras-chave:  legítima  defesa;  artes  marciais;  excesso;  efetivação;  moderação.

El año 2013 marca la visibilidad de los grupos de defensa comunitaria  en México, mediante una variedad de formas organizativas, como las rondas comunitarias, los grupos de autodefensa y las policías comunitarias, así como grupos vigilantes de menor organización. Si bien la aparición de grupos defensivos contra la inseguridad, en la historia reciente, data de los años noventa del siglo pasado en Guerrero, es a inicios de la segunda década del siglo XXI  que esta emergencia se incrementó a nivel regional abarcando también el estado de Michoacán y otros puntos del país. En 2014, se calculaba que en México había alrededor de 106 grupos defensivos armados, distribuidos en 17 estados. La emergencia de nuevas organizaciones tiene que entenderse en el complejo entrecruzamiento de los procesos estructurales de las reformas neoliberales y la coyuntura de la política de seguridad de la «Guerra contra el narcotráfico» iniciada a finales de 2006.
En este libro nos proponemos estudiar la formación de estos grupos defensivos, a través de elucidar diversas experiencias en Guerrero y Michoacán,  donde el fenómeno de la defensa comunitaria adquirió un carácter masivo. Los capítulos de este libro presentan un panorama de los diversos grupos defensivos, permitiendo el entendimiento de sus especificidades y su heterogeneidad. El fenómeno de la defensa comunitaria en México se nos presenta como un área conceptual para observar dinámicas contemporáneas que subvierten nuestras tradicionales conceptualizaciones sobre el poder, el Estado, el capitalismo y las resistencias a la dominación.

The article discusses the "self-defense" techniques presented in fight-books and treaties. The objective is to determine if these techniques take the reality of fight in account, to evaluate the difference between theory and practice in remaining safe during an aggression. In order to do so, this work uses crossed analysis, with remission letters (judicial sources) studied in the light of the knowledge contained in the fight-books. This study is based on the sorting out of weapons, wounds, and times of death found in remission letters (the data of real fight). In parallel, the theorization of fight in treaties will be taken in account.

In this chapter, I do not focus on the question of whether self-defensive violence is justifiable, but rather on why it is political; how it can transform self-understandings and community relations; in what contexts it can be insurrectionary; and why it must be understood against a background of structural violence. To develop a critical theory of community defense, we need to move beyond the rhetoric of rights or the idea that all self-defensive violence is quasi-natural or non-political. The self-defense discussed here is political because the self being defended is political, and as such it requires both normative and strategic considerations.

In recent years, civil rights scholars have written about the use of armed self-defense by participants in the southern freedom struggle. However, many of these studies focus on black men and relegate women to mere paragraphs or footnotes. This essay begins the study of the “fascinating and useful subject,” as historian Lance Hill put it, of women's role “in the self-defense movement.” The main focus of this essay is on acts of armed self-defense practiced by black women, such as Mabel Williams, women affiliated with the Deacons for Defense and Justice, Black Panther women, and numerous others during the freedom struggle, between the years of 1955 and 1975.

In Luke 22:36, Jesus instructs his disciples to buy swords. The best understanding this passage is that Jesus is endorsing the carrying of weapons for personal protection. This paper outlines the self-defense interpretation and defends it against several objections. I then argue that the injunction to buy a sword can be extended to gun ownership as a modern-day application. After making the scriptural case for gun ownership, I then sketch a brief philosophical argument for a strong moral right to gun ownership. Various theological, philosophical, and empirical objections are considered and found lacking.

Perceptions of young women in Japan are examined in relation to female self-defense. Several women in Japan were surveyed, with some chosen for interviews. It seemed that self-defense was often connected not to learning assault-prevention techniques but to purchasing self-defense tools. This finding opens two avenues for discussion. First, the marketization of personal safety is explored, as is the genderization of these tools and the subsumption of women's safety into a logic of consumption. Second, the shift from viewing the body as a weapon to viewing the object as one, which projects various forms of subjectification onto women, is discussed. These include the outsourcing of women's agency to an external object. It is concluded that this outsourcing often results in the reinforcement of tropes of fragility and the neutralization of resignifications of the female body that emerges from practitioners who focus on the body as the instrument of self-defense.

The U.S.’ obliteration of the Iranian top commander, General Qassem Soleimani was somewhat a bad New Year’s Eve gift for Iran. Some scholars argued that President Trump’s order to kill the major General was merely part of his game of brinkmanship with Iran or rather a product of his political strategy to get re-elected by the people and gain the support from the U.S. bipartisanship. And to some extent, some even stroke fears that the countries are humourlessly driving the wheels of war forward to the drift of World War III owing to the involvement of global and regional superpowers. . . .

RESUMO Os órgãos de segurança pública nos seus cursos de formação ensinam a Defesa Pessoal, prática que exige que técnicas de reanimação sejam de conhecimento de todos para evitar acidente. Este artigo busca relatar como a prática desta atividade leva a inconsciência e como o Kuatsu, uma técnica japonesa de reanimação pode ajudar a evitar acidentes. O Kuatsu estimula pontos de pressão e circulação para fazer com que o indivíduo recobre a consciência. A importância de se estudar esta técnica está no fato de que é preciso evitar acidentes tanto nas instruções de defesa pessoal como no uso prático das técnicas com a população em geral, para evitar processos judiciais. ABSTRACT The public security organs in their training courses teach Personal Defense, a practice that requires techniques of resuscitation to be known by all to prevent an accident. This article seeks to report how the practice of this activity leads to unconsciousness and how Kuatsu, a Japanese resuscitation technique can help prevent accidents. Kuatsu stimulates points of pressure and circulation to make the individual recover consciousness. The importance of studying this technique lies in the fact that it is necessary to avoid accidents both in personal defense instructions and in the practical use of techniques with the general population to avoid legal proceedings.

Bir devrimin özgürlük düzeyi ilişkilerdeki özgürlük düzeyine bağlı olduğu gibi, özgün olarak da kadın erkek ilişkilerindeki özgürlük düzeyiyle oldukça bağlantılıdır. Özgürleşme, bir anlamda bireyler arası ilişkileri özgürce tartışma, kararlaştırma ve yürütme gücünde olmayı ifade eder. Böyle bireylerin oluşturduğu topluluklar, özgür topluluklar olarak da değerlendirilir. Bu toplulukların oluşturduğu topluma da özgür bir toplum denilir. Devrim, bu anlamda bir toplumu en üst düzeyde özgürleştirme eylemidir. Bir toplumun yakıcı, hızlı ve genel bir özgürleşme ihtiyacı varsa, yapılması gereken o topluma çok şiddetli bir devrimi dayatmaktır.

After the end of the World War II, the United Nations (“U.N”) was created in order to prevent any possible future wars that can be much more damaging than the first two wars humanity had witnessed.  Thus, States are prohibited from committing any act of aggression against other states. If any States are about to face an armed attack and equivalent threats, they must approach the United Nations Security Council (“U.N.S.C”), which then has to deal with the situation. Such a State may use armed force, if necessary, in its defense, pending action by the U.N.S.C. 

Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter (“U.N Charter”)  forbids the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any States.  This article has been explained by the International Court of Justice (“I.C.J”) in 1986 as a preemptory norm for which states cannot find any derogation whatsoever.  Accordingly, civil wars which are seen as essentially domestic matters do not fall under this article’s scope, “except in so far as they might constitute a threat to international peace and security.”   

However, the U.N Charter recognizes two exceptions to this general prohibition. They are: First, under Article 51, which is the individual or collective self-defence against an armed attack by other sovereign States. The article provides that “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations”. Second, under its Chapter VII powers, where under the Article 42, it provides that when the Security Council has directed or authorized the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security.

As will be explained further in this paper, by virtue of Article 51, the States right of self-defence only applicable towards defending an external act of armed attack launched by other sovereign States, either by the formal armed military forces or by way of attribution to any sovereign States if the armed attack is done by “armed bands, groups, irregulars or mercenaries” , provided the impact of such attack is high enough. As Article 51 of the U.N Charter “is an exception to the prohibition of the use of force in Article 2(4), and therefore [it] should be narrowly construed.”  The judgment of the I.C.J in the case of Nicaragua v. United States had proven this, which required that self-defence to be invoked only in response to an actual armed attack.

Rojava has recently received significant global attention thanks to
the victories achieved there by the revolutionary Kurdish militia
controlling the region and its Women’s Protection Units against
ISIS. An international community that has long been silent
about Kurdish oppression was suddenly fascinated by the Rojava
revolution and its potential for women’s liberation. But this current interest elides vital political and conceptual contributions of
activists in Rojava and elsewhere in Kurdistan, and reinscribes the
orientalist and imperial scripts invoked in the representation of
the emancipatory politics of the region’s peoples. Pushing against
these frameworks, this paper examines the new method of
Kurdish decolonization, “democratic confederalism,” as a distinct
and perhaps novel contribution to the global repertoire of anticolonial thought and practice, especially with its re-envisioning of
the revolutionary role violence and nonviolence can play in liberation. Tracing the intellectual and political process that turned
decolonizing Kurds from the pursuit of a territorial nation-state
towards the revolutionary and feminist transformation of colonized sites and lives, it distinguishes this decolonial politics and its
central means of community self-defense from both its reactionary opposites and revolutionary siblings. Foregrounding its foundationally anti-nationalist character, the paper proposes to
approach this revolutionary, egalitarian, and community based
self-defense as a rival ethics of nonviolence.