Seperation of power

W książce podniesiono jedno z fundamentalnych zagadnień polskiego systemu konstytucyjnego, jakim jest zasada podziału władzy przyjęta przez ustrojodawcę, wraz z założeniem równowagi władz, za podstawę ustroju Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (art. 10 ust. 1 konstytucji z 1997 r.). Pozostaje ona jedną z zasad naczelnych funkcjonowania i organizacji systemu organów państwowych RP. W książce przedstawiono najczęściej spotykane sposoby rozumienia teorii podziału władzy oraz ewolucję ujęć zasady podziału władzy w projektach i propozycjach rozważanych w toku prac Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego (1994-1997). Zasadnicze znaczenie dla wywodów Autora mają interpretacje art. 10 konstytucji oraz charakterystyka pozycji organów władz ustawodawczej, wykonawczej
i sądowniczej. W oparciu o jednolity schemat analizy organów każdej z wyodrębnionych władz Autor przedstawia funkcjonalne i organizacyjne aspekty zasady podziału władzy, a następnie charakteryzuje stosowane przez te organy „hamulce” (instrumenty powstrzymywania) wobec innych władz. Ważne miejsce zajmuje też omówienie konstytucyjnych instrumentów (form) współdziałania władz.

The principle of separation of powers in the Republic of Azerbaijan (hereinafter, AR) is reflected in the Constitution of AR, which is the main source of law. The separation of powers prevents the concentration of power in the hands of a single structure in a democratic state. The implementation of this principle has various elements: the mechanism of deterrence and balancing, the unity and the interaction of government authorities. Our Constitution seeks to achieve both control and independence of the executive, legislative and judicial branches by making maximum use of these tools.

The founders balanced power between three branches of government owing obligations to one another. The legislative branch writes laws and ratifies treaties, the judicial branch interprets laws, and the Executive directs the government and enforces laws. In this article, I examine the circumstances surrounding Worcester v. Georgia, noting that each branch failed to uphold this balance-of-power framework: the President by ignoring a Supreme Court decision, the Senate by ratifying an illegitimate treaty, and the Supreme Court by failing to take steps to enforce a decision. The subsequent breakdown in governance reduced confidence in government and had dire consequences for the Cherokee Nation.

Vendimi i Komisionit Qendror të Zgjedhjeve për të mos zbatuar dekretin e Presidentin të Republikës për ç’dekretimin ose më saktë revokimin e Dekretit me anë të së cilit ai kishte caktuar datën 30 qershor 2019 si datën për zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve të përgjithshme vendore në RSH, ka ngjallur një debat të fortë në shoqëri dhe midis juristëve dhe jo juristëve mbi natyrën kushtetuese, normative, administrative normative apo administrative individuale të  Dekretit të Presidentit të Republikës “Për caktimin e datës së zgjedhjeve”. Ky debat ndonëse pa ndonjë bazë të shëndoshë juridike dhe as doktrinare, po përcjell në shoqëri një çoroditje të përgjithshme dhe po krijon një ndarje të rrezikshme shoqërore midis atyre që respektojnë dekretin dhe atyre që e konsiderojnë atë si një akt administrativ absolutisht të pavlefshëm

Normalisht, trajtimi i një çështje të kësaj natyre kërkon jo vetëm njohuri të thella e të shëndosha të së Drejtës Kushtetuese dhe asaj Administrative, por edhe të mendimit filozofik të së drejtës, nga i cili buron pikërisht arsyetimi dhe zgjidhja e problemeve të pazgjidhura të kuptimit dhe zbatimit të së drejtës. Në të njëjtën, kohë, trajtimi i kësaj çështje do të ishte i paplotë dhe jo shkencërisht i besueshëm nëse nuk do të përfshinte mendimin teorik të studiuesve kryesore vendas dhe të huaj, si dhe nuk do të ndërtohej mbi një bazë krahasuese dhe mbi të gjitha bazuar “në parimet e përgjithshme të së drejtës, si gjuhë e përbashkët e gjithë sistemeve juridike në botë”.

Pikërisht, ky punim ka si qëllim të analizojë natyrën juridike të Dekreteve të Presidentit si burime të së drejtës, të bëjë klasifikimin e tyre në tërësi dhe të analizojë posaçërisht natyrën e Dekretit për caktimin e zgjedhjeve, si dhe kontrollin e kushtetutshmërisë së këtij dekreti.

Fjalë kyçe: Dekret, Dekret Presidencial, natyra juridike e dekreteve, akte formalisht dhe thellësisht presidenciale, parimi i ligjshmërisë, parimi i kushtetutshmërisë, kontroll i ligjshmërisë, kontroll i kushtetutshmërisë, kontrolli ndaj dekreteve të presidentit, akte bazë, akte të prejardhura, akte nënligjore, akte administrative, akte normative, akte individuale, ndarje e pushteteve, Presidenti i Republikës, Komisioni Qendror i Zgjedhjeve, Norma Themelore, e Drejta Administrative, e Drejta Kushtetuese, pushtet diskrecionar.

This research provides a detailed analysis of board leadership structure of corporations in Guyana focusing on whether individual boards are duality or separately led. There were two questions being asked at the outset. First, would duality led or separately led companies prove more likely to achieve profitability and financial success. Secondly, if neither, was there some other configuration of the board that would be successful in the time frame under study. The study is of significant importance because up to the present time there is no empirical research which expresses an opinion on the phenomenon based on evidence of local experience. It was intended to establish that the conclusions drawn regarding these arrangements in companies in the developed world were not apposite in the Guyanese context and to discover what conclusions were relevant locally. To this end the research sought to develop a Guyanese position based on various metrics which were extracted from the Annual Reports of the target companies spanning a three year period i.e. 2009-2011. The evidence is certainly suggestive if it is not compelling that there is a substantive relationship between board leadership structure and business success in the marketplace of Guyana. Further study is needed, perhaps with a wider window maybe of a ten year period as that would be likely to provide even more persuasive evidence of a correlation between leadership structure and performance.

This chapter explores how Marx’s conception of the political institutions of socialism (the social republic) was inherited from the radical elements of the republican tradition. I explore three dimensions of this inheritance. First, I discuss his support for replacing the institutions of representative government with a form of popular delegacy, where representatives are constrained by imperative mandates, the right to recall, and short terms of office. Second, I explain why Marx criticized the separation of powers and preferred legislative supremacy over the executive. Third, I discuss Marx’s belief in the necessity of placing the state’s administrative and repressive functions under popular con­trol, by transforming the standing army into a civic militia and making the bureaucracy elected, accountable, and deprofessionalized.

Purpose: Explore the possible contributions of blockchain technology to creating new governance structures that facilitate social cooperation.
Methodology: Conceptual analysis with key ideas in new institutional economics and political theory.

Findings: Blockchain technology provides a new tool through which political entrepreneurs can credibly alienate some of their power within a system of rules that they have established.

Originality: Links discussion of blockchain entrepreneurship in commercial markets to research into private governance and political thought.

Local Self Governments have been the basic foundation of the very structure of federal countries. The importance of the same was felt worldwide and expressed in a conference held in the International Association of Centers for Federal Studies (IACFS), somewhere near the II world war. Work of welfare can only be made effective if it is well executed at the lower level, earlier the state or provincial government were considered to be the local units and the most effective one, but, sooner as the need demanded and the problem of overburdening grew out of control, a need for more classified system was felt. South Africa became the most effective federal system to execute the system of LSG (Local Self Government) in the country and stands to be one of the most productive economies of the world. The paper derives the existence of local self-government in India and compares the machinery with the USA, Canada, and Australia.

Turkey transitioned from a parliamentarian system to a Presidential government system with the constitutional amendment accepted by the public vote on 16.04.2017 and implemented by law no. 6771. The changes have fully come into effect upon President starting his duty after being elected on 09.07.2018. This is a new Presidential system with its own unique aspects. In this system, the principle of separation of powers is adopted more strictly than the parliamentary system. Separation of powers is a system to prevent the dictatorship of political power. Failure to properly establish or operate the balance and control mechanisms in this system leads to restrictions on individual freedoms. Therefore, how the branches of the government interact with each other in the Presidential government system is of great importance for the interests of society, and for individual freedoms. How the legislative, executive and judicial bodies are established, and their interactions with each other form the basic aspects of the system. Many issues such as the structure of the parliamentary and Presidential elections, Presidential decrees, and appointment of members of the Constitutional Court are regulations for the application of the principle of separation of powers. This study examines what the principle of separation of powers is and how it has emerged and developed, and evaluates the balance and control mechanisms in the presidential government system under this principle.

Analysis from the Perspective of the Separation of Powers Between Judiciary and Politics in Turkey
Abstract
The aim of this study is to analyze the relationship between the politics and the judiciary as well as how the concept of judicial independence and impartiality are shaped within the framework of this relationship from the perspective of separation of power in Turkey. Today the allegations related to the distinction between politics and the judiciary are becoming more indistinct in Turkey are increasing. These claims focus on the point that relations between the politics and the judiciary deviate from the point at which they should be and require the legal values of the principle of separation of powers to be examined in terms of national and international judicial regulations related to the judicial independence. The study is a qualitative and descriptive research. The study data were obtained through the analysis of secondary sources-literature scan (Constitutional Court Decisions, Official Gazette archives, relevant legislation, related literature, newspaper) and subjected to an analytical evaluation.
Keywords: Separation of Powers, Law, Constitution, Executive-Politics, Judicial Independence

This review essay is a book review of Antonios Kouroutakis, The Constitutional Value of Sunset Clauses: An Historical and Normative Analysis (Routledge, 2017). The essay argues that we are in the golden age of the study of temporary legislation, and places Kouroutakis’s book within the burgeoning global scholarship on temporary legislation. The essay then discusses the book’s contributions to the study of the history of sunset clauses and to the normative and theoretical debates about temporary legislation.

Anayasal demokrasilerde devlet yaklaşımı, yasama, yürütme ve yargı kuvvetlerini ayrıştırır ve kuvvetlerin her birinin diğeri karşısında özerk yapıda olmasını zorunlu kılar.
Bu çalışmamızda kuvvetler ayrılığı ilkesi konusundaki görüşlere değinilecek ve günümüzde gelişmiş olarak kabul edilen beş devletin (ABD, Almanya, Fransa, Rusya ve İngiltere’nin) anayasal uygulamalarındaki mevcudiyeti incelenecektir.
Anayasal demokrasilerde devlet yaklaşımı, yasama, yürütme ve yargı kuvvetlerini ayrıştırır ve kuvvetlerin her birinin diğeri karşısında özerk yapıda olmasını zorunlu kılar.
Bu çalışmamızda kuvvetler ayrılığı ilkesi konusundaki görüşlere değinilecek ve günümüzde gelişmiş olarak kabul edilen beş devletin (ABD, Almanya, Fransa, Rusya ve İngiltere’nin) anayasal uygulamalarındaki mevcudiyeti incelenecektir.

In constitutional democracies, the state approach distinguishes the legislative, executive and judicial powers and forces each of the forces to be autonomous in relation to the other. In this study, the views on the principle of separation of powers will be discussed and the existence of the five states (US, Germany, France, Russia and the UK), which are accepted as advanced today, will be examined.
Tüm bildiriler kitabı : http://www.usbik.com/FileUpload/as878960/File/usbik_2019_nevsehir_ozet_e-kitabi_e-book_of_abstracts.pdf
(sayfa 189)

There are many debates on the "presidential system" that propose radical changes in the Turkish administration system. Such discussions take its source from the dichotomies of the "powers union-powers separation" and the "presidential system-parliamentary system". Until the constitutional amendment proposal of 10 December 2016 in Turkey the debate on the government system in Turkey has been publicized by the name of "presidential" or "Turkish type presidential" system, leading to the fact that the Turkish presidential system is in the presidential system category in terms of government systems based on separation of powers. However, in the text of the constitution proposal, many articles on the relationship between legislative and executive reminiscent of the parliamentary system. The aim of the study here is to show in what category the presidential system is related to the legislative-executive relations, from the general literature of constitutional law and politics. Keywords: Turkish presidency system, Presidency system, Parliamentary system, Turkey