Slavia Orthodoxa

The article discusses the following adaptation of Pushkin’s novel in verese "Eugene Onegin": movie “Onegin” directed by M. Fiennes (1999), performance directed by R. Tuminas in the Moscow Theater E. Vakhtangov (2013) and the performance of the Serbian director B. Lijesevic at the Young Theater in Novi Sad (2017). This comparative analysis is devoted to the issues of adaptaion the plot and structure, the problem of psychological motivation, the transformation of the characters, their relationship and interpretation, as well as the transformation of “chatter” and poetic speech into a theatrical text. Theatrical illusion here is understood as a kind of modal reality, with a polyvalent structure, parallel space, doubled time and heroes.

D, Bojović, Književno-teorijsko oblikovanje suštine
Srednjovekovna književnost i bogosluženje, Biblijska poezija i liturgijska poezija
Sveto Pismo i bogoslužbeni tekstovi kao komponenta crkvenoslovenskih književnih dela. Služba kao žanr. Stari srpski rukopisi u Poljskoj. Prepisi dela arh. Danila II u ćirilskim rukopisima u Poljskoj. Služba sv. MIlutinu kralju Banjskom - problemi teologije i poetike. O službi sv. knezu Lazaru . Sv. Kiril Turovski i Sveto Pismo. Teodosije Hilandarac i Sveto Pismo. Misli o staroslovenskoj teoriji prevoda. O književno-estetskim pogledima Grigorija Camblaka. O crkvenoslovenskim apokrifima. Bogorodične ikone i ritualizacija odbrane grada. Kult sv. Benedikta Nursijskog kod pravoslavnih Slovena. Svetitelj Nikolaj i sveti Stefan Dečanski. Malo poznate informacije o balkanskom Pravoslavlju od početka XVII veka. O odnosu srpske pisane i usmene književnosti u Srednjem veku. O pošljednim vremenima stare srpske književnosti. Ispravka jedne netačnosti u istoriji stare srpske književnosti. O specifičnosti crkvenoslovenske književnosti u Prvoj Žeč Pospolitoj. Poljski akatist u čast svetih Ćirila i Metodija. Pogovor. Bibliografski podaci. Objavljene knjige. O autoru.

The paper provides new data for the presence of Jews from Rus’ in medieval England and contextualizes this presence based on the evidence of contacts between England and Rus’, as well as on the known patterns of Jewish migration between Rus’ and Western Europe and between England and the continent. Knowledge of a Slavic language as demonstrated by Jews from Rus’ in England is witness to Slavic proficiency of remarkable range, from mastering tabooed obscene lexica to literacy in Church Slavonic. The English Cyrillic-Hebrew abecedarium, the earliest piece of evidence, which documents not only political and commercial, but also cultural contacts between England and Rus’, enriches our understanding of the models of Jewish intercultural mediation in the Middle Ages and demonstrates that the wandering and multilingual Jews were thus not only the chief transmitters of Arabic learning in Latin Europe, but may also have been the first attested teachers of Slavic literacy in the West.

Compared and contrasted in this article are three different types of accounts dealing with the cosmogonic and eschatological themes employed in Slavonic and Balkan oral tradition, para-Biblical literature and modern poetry. The focus of analysis is the cluster of motifs attested in the creation narrative of the apocryphal Legend of the Sea of Tiberias. Two versions are examined: the South-Slavonic one discovered in 1845 by V. Grigorovich in the Monastery of Slepche, and the 18th century Russian account from MS № 21.11.3 (fols. 3a–5b) from the Archaeographic Department of the Library of the Academy of Sciences [Библиотека Академии наук, Рукописный отдел] in St. Petersburg, composed most probably by an Old Believer; this manuscript is published here for the first time. Folklore counterparts of the apocryphal Legend of the Sea of Tiberias are treated, with special emphasis on the oral narratives from the Bulgarian Diaspora in Bessarabia (God and the Devil Create the World Amicably but then Fall Out). Finally, a poem of the 20th century Bulgarian intellectual Pencho Slaveykov [Пенчо Славейков] from his anthology “On the Island of the Blessed” is discussed; the poem, entitled How God willed the Earth to come to be and what did Satanail do after that? was designated by Slaveykov himself as “a legend of the Bogomils”, and blended within his lyrics are dualistic themes and motifs attested in vernacular Christianity, with the hallmark of Haeresis Bulgarica.

The paper presents an icon from Slavonia (Croatia) dating from the first half of the 18 th century and featuring the most popular miracle of Saint George-the slaying of the dragon and saving the princess. 1 The icon is interesting in several aspects considering its iconography, stylistic characteristics and possible origins of the painter. Starting with the latter, the analysis of the painter's style suggests that he could have been a close disciple or an associate of the famous Hristofor Žefarović who migrated to the Metropolitanate of Karlovci from Macedonia in the 1730s. His distinct figurative style belonged to the so called zograf painting in Serbian 18 th century art, standing at the touching point of the post-Byzantine tradition and European baroque and forming a specific format of popular art. The icon in case also provides evidence for the migratory reaches of painters from the south of the Balkans in the early and mid-18 th century and their influence on the creation of a specific brand of popular visual culture in the Orthodox communities in Slavonia and Croatia. The subject depicting the triumphal figure of the Saint on horseback defeating the beast was well established in Byzantine and post-Byzantine tradition, but in later centuries it was treated with increasing decorativeness and imaginative details characteristic of popular imagination. The status of Saint George as a hero, protector, miracle worker and a martyr was reinforced among the Balkan Orthodox during the Turkish reign and transferred to the Metropolitanate of Karlovci in the 18 th century.

Krakowsko-wileńskie studia slawistyczne, Seria poświęcona starożytnościom słowiańskim. Tom 1.
I. Kultura prawosławna na ziemiach polsko-litewskich
II. Substrat południowosłowiański w cyrylickich rękopisach liturgicznych dawnej Rzeczypospolitej (zbiory polskie i wileńskie)
III. O eklezjologii Grzegorza Cambłaka, prawosławnego metropolity kijowskiego
IV. Doktor Franciszek Skoryna z Połocka jako cerkiewnosłowiański hymnograf
V. Oficjum ku czci Jozafata Kuncewicza, unickiego arcybiskupa połockiego
VI. Twórczość liturgiczna w kręgu Mohylańskim: 1. Sprawa Smotryckiego, 2. Hymnograficzna twórczość Piotra Mohyły, 3. Nieprawosławni w Mohylańskim Trebniku, 4. Kijowski Kościół  pielgrzymujący, 5. Pieczerskie świętych zgromadzenie.
VII. Zachodnia rubież wschodniego imperium
VIII. Literatura cerkiewnosłowiańska w Polsce po 1918 roku.

It is no novel fact that medieval Slavia Orthodoxa owed much of its spiritual and cultural development to long-lasting and multifaceted contacts with Byzantium. Drawing upon works penned by learned Byzantines, writers whose medium of expression was Slavonic appropriated elaborate conceptual frameworks and infused them into the very foundation of their nascent literary tradition. The hypothesis overarching this article is that one such array of notions inherited from the Byzantine milieu informed the way(s) in which Slavic and, more specifically, Serbian authors in the Middle Ages perceived Islam and its adherents. This, of course, is a very complex issue which demands a research project of a much broader scope. Therefore, the present discussion – as a parergon of sorts – sets out to examine two Slavonic writings whose part in embracing Byzantine views of the Islamic faith was arguably considerable: the Vita Constantini-Cyrilli, one of the oldest and most widely disseminated original pieces of Old Church Slavonic literature; and the Nomocanon of St Sava of Serbia, a unique corpus of ecclesiastical law adopted throughout the world of Orthodox Slavs. The purpose of looking at these texts here is twofold: to underline their relation to corresponding currents of Byzantine apologetic-polemical thought and to reflect on the implications of their appearance in the medieval (South-)Slavic cultural context.

Domus divisa. Studia nad literaturą ruską w I. Rzeczypospolitej.
1.Między Wschodem i Zachodem
2.Język - deklaracja przynależności czy narzędzie?
3. Prawosławni święci I. Rzeczypospolitej
4. Prawosławna i unicka wizja katolickiego króla.
5. Spór o zgodę, czyli o bezradności anioła z nieba.
6. Księgi w Ławrze Kijowskiej
7. Hymny Mohyły
8. Stulże pysk, panie mudrohelu...
9. Pierwsze unickie służebniki
10. Pieśni bożonarodzeniowe w Bohohlasnyku
11. Jagiełło wobec prawosławia
12. Skoryna o słowie i piśmie
13. Skoryna o edukacji
14. Antychryst i jego znak
15. Europa benedyktyńska i Europa cyrylometodiańska
Appendix: Teksty Iwana Fiodorowa, Grzegorza Chodkiewicza (A. Naumow), Hipacego Pocieja, Kliryka z Ostroga (J. Stradomski), Atanazego Filipowicza (A. Dejnowicz), Piotra Mohyły (M. Melnyk, W. Pilipowicz)

The so-called Novgorod period of Russian literature, which lasted between the last two decades of the fifteenth century and the first quarter of the following one, has left us, among other things, a fair repertoire of Latin translations of late antiquity and medieval works. Among them, for example, we find some books of the Old Testament, contained in the Vulgata of Saint Jerome, the medieval version of the Ars minor by Aelius Donatus, fragments of the Doctrinale of Alexander de Villa Dei, an anti-Judaic treatise written by the Franciscan theologian Nicholas of Lyra, and the catena commentary on the Psalter compiled by the Bishop of Würzburg, Bruno.
The aim of the present paper is to collect and discuss some disiecta membra of classical and medieval Latin culture contained in these texts and, consequently, made available in their Slavic translation; in many cases we are faced with curious intertextual references that were probably not caught by Slavic translators and their readers.
The work is intended to produce a first catalog of learned quotations from medieval Latin culture in the Eastern Slavic world. These can be considered, and were probably indeed perceived as direct quotations, if we look at the Latin originals, but should perhaps be defined as ‘stolen words’, due to the fact that they were not recognized or were even misunderstood by their translators and/ or by modern interpreters.

So far the reception history of Jubilees within the intellectual environment of the
Byzantine Commonwealth, from the perspective of the last lingua sacra of Europe,
Old Church Slavonic, has been overlooked. One of the goals of the present work is to
present hitherto neglected evidence concerning the utilization of (somewhat
abbreviated and altered renditions of) the Jubilees cosmogonic template in medieval
Slavonic tradition, thus aiming at introducing new material into the study of the
transmission and domestication of Jewish parabiblical writings in their successive
Christian environments. Intentionally excluded from the scope of the current
investigation are literary sources attested in languages other than Church Slavonic
(since they are analysed by others). The focal point of the analysis in the present work
is thus Slavonic material, as represented by translations (from Greek) of some
parabiblical writings (e.g. fragments from Epiphanius of Salamis’ treatise On
Measures and Weights, The Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes) and
related historiographical compositions (e.g. the Chronicles of John Malalas, George
Syncellus and George Hamartolos); these, in turn are examined as channels for crosscultural transmission of some parabiblical themes and motifs, the earliest attestations of which can be found in the Jubilees corpus. Included in the discussion is also complementary data from The Palaea compendia. Of particular importance for our
case are narratives concerned with the origins of the Universe and Mankind; each of
them is treated as surviving pieces of evidence concerning Judaeo-Christian
encounters in Late Antiquity and Middle ages.

Slavonic manuscripts of the St. James Liturgy (JAC) can be found only since the 17th century and form three different groups. Their Greek originals are partly known, partly yet to be identified. In today’s celebration of the Slavonic JAC a modern translation is used, made by the hieromonk Filipp Gardner on the basis of printed Greek texts (Zakynthos 1886; Alexandria 1931) and personal observations in Jerusalem in 1935.

Abstract
The Wisdom Iconography of Light: The Genesis, Meaning and Iconographic Realization of a Symbol
By Priscilla Hunt
A star of eight points appears in Byzantino-Slavic iconography in the fourteenth century (Plate 12). Comprised of two overlapping rhombi at quarter angles within a circle or circles of light, it typically occurs around the head or body of Christ.1 Prior to this, at the end of the thirteenth century, a simpler image consisting of a single rhombus in the same circle(s) of light appears in analogous iconographic contexts (Plate 5).2 The circles of light around Christ, usually transected by rays occur from the beginning of Christian iconography in the fifth and sixth centuries (Plate 3). Although scholars have identified the star as a symbol of Wisdom, theophany and divinity, no one has adequately explained its meaning, where it came from or why it emerged into the tradition in the early fourteenth century.3 This study will show that the star and the single rhombus (proto-star) are
1 See T. Vel’man, “Le rôle de l’hésychasm dans la peinture mural Byzantine du XIVe et XVe siècles,” in Ritual and Art: Byzantine Essays for Christopher Walter, London: Pindar Press, 2006, 218-219. These circles could also be stylized as oval, or egg shaped. A. Andreopoulos in Metamorphosis: The Transfiguration in Byzantine Theology and Iconography, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 2005, esp. 228-242 analyzes the various forms this circle can take, and explains them in a cross- cultural Jungian perspective.
2This rhombus also could be stylized in various ways with curvatures on the sides and emphasis on the two interior triangles. L. F. Zhegin, Iazyk zhivopisnogo proizvedeniia, Moskva: Iskusstvo, 1970, 59, 66 relates these deformations to the non-Euclidean, “elliptical” or “spherical” organization of space relative to an internal central viewpoint.
3See Der Nersessian, S., “Notes sur quelques images se rattachant au theme du Christ-Ange, in Etudes Byzantines et Armeniènnes, Louvain, 1973, Imp. Orientaliste, 43-47, and D. Fiene, “What is the Appearance of Divine Sophia,” Slavic Review, vol. 48, no. 3 (Fall, 1989), 449-477, esp. 473-475, figures 3,4,6,10,11 and 12.
       
interrelated expressions of the hidden symbolic meanings of the circles of light in which they appear. All three iconographic motifs, the circle of light, the proto-star and the eight-pointed star are consecutive stages (1-3) of realization of the esoteric meaning of a numerical-geometrical symbol in the writings of Dionysius the Areopagite—a circle with expanding radii. The first part of this study investigates the Neo-Platonic and Neo-Pythagorean basis of Dionysius’ symbol and reconstructs its esoteric meaning as a hidden sphere of Light that signifies the multiplication of the One. This investigation suggests that each stage of the Wisdom iconography of Light models the action of the spherical continuum, specifically, of the cone, with increasing fullness and richness of implication..The second part of this study analyzes the iconographic contexts in which this Light symbolism occurs. We first examine four mid-fifth and sixth century compositions that exhibit stage 1, concentric circles of Light with rays. We then turn to four related iconographic subjects in the iconography of the thirteenth through the fifteenth centuries that each exhibit an evolution from stage 2 to stage 3, from the protostar to the star. The similarities in the use of each respective stage of the iconography of Light suggest that 1) iconographers had a common perception of the meaning of each stage and 2) that they were inspired by a common agenda.. This analysis demonstrates that iconographers established their iconography of Wisdom-Light at a time when the esoteric traditions that informed Dionysius’ work and Dionysius himself were alive, in the mid-fifth and especially the sixth century.4 They developed it further from the late thirteenth century as part of the Church’s defense of its mystical theology against the inroads of humanism.5 The evolution of Light symbolism reflected the widespread tendency of the time to make theological premises more explicit and to find new ways to symbolize the hidden depth of Wisdom. The evolution of Light symbolism from the fifth to the fifteenth centuries testifies to a living but unwritten esoteric tradition about the sphere that was maintained throughout the ages. When cultural conditions called
4In The Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition, p. 161 Louth places Dionysius in the late-fifth to sixth century. Dionysius’ hidden meanings drew on earlier tradition. St. Augustine in the fourth century made reference to the traditions. See Eco, Art and Beauty, 43.
5 See also J. Meyendorff, J. A Study of Gregory Palamas, London: the Faith Press, 1964, 42-62.
   
for renewed interpretations of the Light, new representations of the hidden sphere emerged. Finally, an understanding of all three stages of the Wisdom iconography of Light in iconographic context elucidates the concept of theophany that informs Byzantino-Slavic iconography.