Greek Patristics

Origen’s exegesis of the Song of Songs, despite the praise it generally raised both in antiquity and in modern times, still awaits for deeper investigation as far as the literary project of the Alexandrian and its output are concerned. In this respect, it is difficult not only to exactly define the mutual relations between the Commentary and the Homilies on the Song of Songs, apart from the evident similarity of their themes, but more specifically to catch the particular nature of Origen’s interpretation at the first level of the biblical text against his well-known allegorism. Viewing the «littera» or «historia» of the Song as a theatrical piece, as especially shown in the Commentary, Origen delivers a dramatical interpretation which by its careful description of the successive scenes develops into a proper script for the stage. Though this explanation is meant to guide the reader to a further level of interpretation, the ‘letter’ cannot here be appreciated simply as the provisional step leading to the ‘spirit’, i.e. the spiritual intelligence of the Song which is in principle the only one permitted for Origen in this biblical love poetry. Instead of that, through the discourse engaged by the dramatic interpretation, on the one hand, there is an overlapping of both the ‘historical’ and the ‘spiritual’ explanation and, on the other hand, the dramatic exegesis also delivers a surplus of sense which is not totally subsumed in the spiritual interpretation. At moments the Song as ‘play’ seems therefore to gain in Origen’s perceptive reading a life of its own.

Taft R. F. The Great Entrance. A History of the Transfer of Gifts and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. [A History of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, vol. II]. Roma, 1975. (Orientalia Christiana Analecta; 200).

Ionuţ ACRUDOAE, The prosopography of the militares from Pannonia in legio XV Apollinaris / 377 Marija BUZOV, Mljet -Melita in Dalmatia is the island of St. Paul's shipwreck (The Ragusan tradition on St. Paul's shipwerck) / 395 Alessandro CAPONE, Lectio Cypriani: De opere et eleemosynis / 423 Mª Pilar GONZÁLEZ-CONDE PUENTE, El lenguaje oficial de la anexión durante el gobierno de Trajano: los mensajes en las monedas / 441 Attila JAKAB, La ‛petite paix de l'Église'. Une période mal aimée des historiens du christianisme ancien / 477 Nicolas MATHIEU, Autour du nepos d'Alburnus Maior, Panes, fils de Bizo (AE, 2008, 1167 = AE, 2007, 1201): petit-fils ou neveu / 497 Lucreţiu MIHAILESCU-BIRLIBA, Mobilität und Politik der Rekrutierung in der römischen Armee. Der Fall der Soldaten und der Veteranen der Legio I Italica / 527 Monika PESTHY SIMON, Marie, mère du Christ / 535 Liviu PETCU, Teologia devenirii şi a dorinţei la Sfântul Grigorie de Nyssa / 561 Luigi PIACENTE, I librarii nelle furerie dell'esercito romano / 593 Sanja PILIPOVIĆ, Le rappresentazioni di Elio/Sol nella Moesia Superiore / 599 *** RECENZII ŞI NOTE BIBLIOGRAFICE -RECENSIONI E SCHEDE BIBLI-OGRAFICHE / 627 CLÉMENT D'ALEXANDRIE, Quel riche sera sauvé? (Constantin-Ionuţ MIHAI) / 627; GELU FLOREA, Dava et Oppidum. Débuts de la genèse urbaine en Europe au deuxième âge du Fer (Alexandru BERZOVAN) / 631; FLORIEAN TUCĂ, EUGEN SITEANU, Acţiunile şi concepţiile militare ale regilor Daciei de după Burebista (Nelu ZUGRAVU) / 635; LIVIO ZERBINI (a cura di), Roma e le province del Danubio de personnes dans l'Empire romain. Transformations, adaptation, évolution (Sorin NEMETI) / 641; RADU OTA, De la canabele legiunii a XIII-a Gemina la Municipium Septimium Apulense (Nelu ZUGRAVU) / 645; BAJUSZ ISTVÁN, Amfiteatrul de la Porolissum şi amfiteatrele din provinciile romane de la Dunărea de Mijloc (Nelu ZUGRAVU) / 649; CRISTIAN GĂZDAC, FRANZ HUMER, Viaţa cotidiană romană prin monede. Descoperirile monetare în context arheologic dintr-un cartier rezidenţial din Carnuntum (Nelu ZUGRAVU) / 651; IULIAN MOGA, Culte solare şi lunare în Asia Mică în timpul Principatului (secolele I-III d. Hr.) (Sorin NE-METI) / 652; GIOVANNI ANTONIO NIGRO, "Esultate giusti". Il salmo 32 (LXX) nell'esegesi patristica (Nelu ZUGRAVU) / 657; GABRIELLA ARAGIONE, ENRICO NORELLI, FLAVIO G. NUVOLONE (Études réunies par), A Diognète. Visions chrétiennes face à l'empire romain (Attila JAKAB) / 658; GABRIELLA ARAGIONE et ENRICO NORELLI (Édités par), Des évêques, des écoles et des hérétiques (Attila JAKAB) / 660; Les Pères de l'Église et la chair. Entre incarnation et diabolisation. Les premiers chrétiens au risque du corps (Attila JAKAB) / 663; ALESSANDRO PAGLIARA, Retorica, filosofia e politica in Giuliano Cesare (Andrea MADONNA) / 669; PASCAL-GRÉGOIRE DELAGE (éd.), Paulin de Nole et l'amitié chrétienne (Attila JAKAB) / 672; CRISTIAN BĂDILIŢĂ, EMANUEL CONŢAC (editori), Şi cerul s-a umplut de sfinţi... Martiriul în Antichitatea creştină şi în secolul XX (Nelu ZUGRAVU) / 675; ANDREA STERK, Monahul-episcop în Antichitatea Târzie. Renunţând la lume dar totuşi conducând Biserica (Ana ODOCHICIUC) / 678; GARRY WILLS, Augustine's Confessions (Attila JAKAB) / 680; LĂCRĂMIOARA STRATULAT, IOAN IAŢCU, Arta pelerinajului: obiecte creştine în spaţiul est şi sud-est carpatic (secolele IV-XVI) (Teodor BORDEIANU) / 682; NOTE DE LEC-TURĂ. VI (Nicolae GUDEA) / 684; RAMIRO DONCIU, L'empereur Maxence (Angelica-Mihaela MIRON) / 687; IOAN STANCIU, Locuirea teritoriului nord-vestic al României între antichitatea târzie şi perioada de început a epocii medievale timpurii (mijlocul sec. V -sec. VII timpuriu) (Tiberiu-Theodor PLĂCINTĂ) / 691 Nelu ZUGRAVU, Cronica activităţii ştiinţifice a Centrului de Studii Clasice şi Creştine (2013) -Cronaca dell'attività scientifica del Centro di Studi Classici e Cristiani (2013) / 695 Nelu ZUGRAVU, Publicaţii intrate în Biblioteca Centrului de Studii Clasice şi Creştine -Pubblicazioni entrate nella Biblioteca del Centro di Studi Classici e Cristiani / 701 Classica et Christiana, 8/2, 2013, 375,

This book debunks the myth that the cross was never used as a visual symbol in pre-Constantinian Christianity, bringing together the relevant material evidence demonstrating Christian use of the cross prior to Constantine. The artifacts presented in this book interlock with literary witnesses from the same period to provide a consistent and robust portrait of the cross as a pre-Constantinian symbol of Christian devotion. The material record of the pre-Constantinian period illustrates that Constantine did not invent the cross as a symbol of Christian faith; for an impressive number of Christians before Constantine’s reign, the cross served as a visual symbol of commitment to a living deity in a dangerous world.

Introduzione 1. La condanna cristiana degli spettacoli come problema storico, 8-2. L'ipotesi (letteraria) di una presenza cristiana nei luoghi di spettacolo, 16-3. La realtà (storica) di un giudizio radicalmente negativo, 23-4. Insufficienza delle spiegazioni tradizionali e primi approcci verso un nuovo paradigma interpretativo, 25-5. Oggetto, delimitazione del campo e piano della presente ricerca, 53 CAPITOLO PRIMO Gli spettacoli come problema nella società antica 67

This study is a new attempt to read the rich theological debates of the fourth century over the place and the meaning of the Nicene Creed. I focus especially on the debate between the radical Arians of second generation (epitomized by Eunomius of Cyzicus) and the most complete defender of orthodoxy (represented at best by St Gregory of Nyssa). By a short presentation of the struggle for orthodoxy during the forth century, I frame St Gregory of Nyssa's polemics against the radical Arians into a historical context. Subsequently, I pay attention to Aetius' legacy in Eunomius' works and biography, and their strong breaking points with the former tradition. The argument is carried out by a short presentation of Gregory's rejection of Eunomius' theology. Consequently, I ponder upon the differences between the conflicting methodologies assumed by Eunomius and Gregory of Nyssa, respectively. The usage of rhetoric and dialectics for theological purposes is, in each case, highly significant. I point out the importance of Basil and Gregory's doctrinal and spiritual commitments, which I regard in continuity with the apostolic confession of Christ as 'Lord and God' (John 20: 24). I suggest that the Trinitarian controversy can be ultimately traced back to the most important question for the early Christian Church: the confession of Christ's divinity and lordship. The present study also attempts to show that this confession is intimately related to the hermeneutical task of reading the Scriptures. The Scriptures can always and very easily become an object of controversy when the traditional 'hypothesis' of Christ's natural sonship is lost on the way. Without this 'hypothesis', the texts of the Old and the New Testament are open to endless and polemical interpretations, and the borderline between 'orthodoxy' and 'heresy' is lost.

The first point in Celsus’ argument against the biblical truth is the origin of the Jewish people and Christian faith. Celsus presents Jews and Christians as descendants of the rebellion against ancient peoples, who held and practiced an ancient account, the True Doctrine. Secondly, the biblical writers are susceptible according to Celsus. Because they are descendants of the rebels, their doctrine must be wrong. This is because in Celsus’ view the doctrine (logos) and the way of living (nomos) are in a mutual relation – a change in the one affects also the other. Thirdly, Celsus points out that Judaism and Christianity are in conflict with the True Doctrine. This is not because of their particular teaching but of their claim for universality, which, according to Celsus, has no universal basis. As Jews and Christians take only their scriptures and holy men into account, their faith is not universal but particular. Finally, on account of previous arguments, Celsus insists that the unreliability of the Bible concerning the universal truth is now proven and there is no divine inspiration in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. Therefore they cannot be interpreted allegorically.

In Catechetical Oration 38, Gregory of Nyssa refers to other works he has written on the disputed topics of Christian faith. Most of the scholarly discussion of the passage has focused on whether the passage can be used to date the Catechetical Oration. I propose to read it instead for what it says about Gregory’s self-understanding as a writer of dogmatic texts. Gregory’s way of describing himself here matches what he says about other authors in various places in his corpus. Gregory emerges as a self-conscious literary stylist, emphasizing his own rigor and contentious polemical engagement with adversaries to the proper understanding of the baptismal creed.

Scholars have traditionally read John Chrysostom's baptismal instructions, preached in Antioch, as examples of a new, post-Constantinian paradigm in liturgical theology: the Romans 6 notion of baptism as death and resurrection with Christ. This article argues that the metaphor of "putting on Christ" from Galatians 3:27 is the more dominant metaphor for Chrysostom. He connected the "putting on" of Christ in baptism to the martyrs' imitation of Christ in death. To reinforce this connection, he brought the newly-baptized to the tombs of martyrs on the outskirts of Antioch, where he preached some of the baptismal instructions. He kept their memory of martyrdom alive by allowing martyred bodies to "speak" to a new generation of Christians.

Exegesegeschichtlich ist die Erklärung von Ps 140 (141) 2 ein methodisches Musterbeispiel patristischer Schriftauslegung: Nach der Vergewisserung über den auszulegenden Text einschließlich textkritischer Varianten bietet Chrysostomus eine historische Sacherklärung des alttestamentlichen Phänomens, auch wenn er dieses nicht nur im Lichte allgemeiner Kultterminologie, sondern auch der neutestamentlichen Rezeption vor allem im Hebräerbrief, aber auch zum Beispiel in 1 Petr 2,5 erschließt und somit zumindest für biblisch informierte Ohren bereits in der historisch-sachlichen Interpretation auch metaphorische Resonanzen anklingen läßt. Im dritten Schritt folgt die paränetische Aktualisierung für das Auditorium in Form jener anthropologischen Allegorese, die schon im biblischen Vergleich des Gebets mit Weihrauch und des Erhebens der Hände mit dem Abendopfer angelegt ist und im vierten Schritt in den direkten Imperativ mündet; 1 Petr 2,5 mit seiner kultmetaphorischen Ekklesiologie und die paulinische Rede von den Christen als Tempel und Leib Christi sind wichtige Intertexte dieser abschließenden Anwendung.
Liturgiehistorisch bezeugt schon die Einleitung zur ganzen Homilie die auch sonst breit belegte Verwendung von Ps 140 (141) als Abend- und Ps 62 (63) als Morgenpsalm der Tagzeitenliturgie in Antiochien; bemerkenswert ist der Hinweis darauf, daß die ganze Gemeinde psalliert und sich nicht etwa nur durch einen Kehrvers an der Psalmodie beteiligt.
Theologisch bedeutsam ist die Erklärung, durch den Gesang dieser Psalmen würden die Sünden des Tages getilgt; es handelt sich um eine Auffassung, die umso klarer der Überzeugung des Chrysostomus entspringt, als sie nicht wirklich aus dem biblischen Text zu gewinnen ist. Der Tagzeitenliturgie Bußcharakter zuzuschreiben, lag im Zug der Zeit und war wohl auch ein Grund für die seit dieser Epoche – wenn auch nicht im Antiochien des Chrysostomus – bezeugte Verbreitung von Ps 50 (51) als Morgenpsalm; auch die Dimension der Versöhnung wird gelegentlich angesprochen. Der Psalmodie selbst wird freilich nirgends so deutlich die sakramentliche Wirkung der Sündenvergebung zugeschrieben wie in der vorliegenden Homilie zum täglichen Abendpsalm 140 (141), welcher nach Johannes Chrysostomus von den Vätern angeordnet wurde, damit er „als ein Heilmittel gesagt werde, das rettet und von Sünden reinigt“ (PG 55, 427) – ein Höhepunkt der altkirchlichen Auffassung von der Wirksamkeit des Wortes Gottes.

Dans cette conférence, j'ai proposé un parcours transversal dans l’exégèse des premiers siècles (chez Irénée de Lyon, Origène, Eusèbe de Césarée et Hilaire de Poitiers) à propos des "impies", les "pécheurs" et les "pestiférés" nommés dans le Ps 1,1 : « Heureux l´homme qui n´est pas allé dans une assemblée d´impies, ne s´est ni tenu sur un chemin de pécheurs ni assis sur un siège malsain ! »

In the early 1990s, a previously-neglected text, entitled Laterculus Malalianus, was attributed by Jane Stevenson to the hand of Theodore of Tarsus (archbishop of Canterbury, 668–690). The text is a well-spring of Christological concerns. Above all, it reflects an interest in Christ's restorative work as it applies to all humankind, expressed in language very much reminiscent of Irenaeus of Lyons and, more explicitly, Ephrem the Syrian. Chapter fourteen in particular displays these characteristics in a concise manner. Theodore's references there compel the reader to deal with a wide range of sources, suggesting thereby a learned, if eclectic, writer; further, they give us insight into the kinds of theological influences to which seventh-century Insular divines were subject. It is the intention of this paper to expose some notable aspects of this under-esteemed work.

This article tries to identify and analyse the demonological elements contained in the text" On the Belly-Myther" of St. Eustathius of Antioch. St. Eustathius demonology is primarily based on Bible and is developed mainly as a consequence of his exege-sis on 1 Kingdoms 28. Apart from the Bible, Eustathius appeals massively to logic while formulating statements about the demon and his power over human beings, the relationship between demons power in the world and God's power, the possibility for demons to express the truth etc. St. Eustathius demonology is rather "intellectu-al" and might be different in its approach from the so-called "monastic demonology" which can be found by St. Athanasius of Alexandria or EvagriusPonticus.

This article seeks to highlight the essential symbolic Christian meanings hidden in some textual metaphors of the Old Testament, such as templum Dei, «house of Wisdom», aula regia, Sancta Sanctorum, «tabernacle», «altar», «ark».To make our approach clearer: first of all, we will analyze some exegesis offered on these metaphorical terms by certain Fathers and theologians of the Eastern and Western Churches;
second, we will analyze some pictorial images of the Annunciation of the 14th and 15th centuries that include a temple or chapel in the scene.
From this double analysis of texts and images, it will be possible to conclude that the temple painted in those images constitutes a visual metaphor that illustrates the Christological and Mariological meanings brought to light by the Fathers and theologians when interpreting the
aforementioned Old Testament textual metaphors.

Der Kommentar Cyrills von Alexandrien († 444) zum 1. Korintherbrief des Apostels Paulus gehörte bisher wohl zu den unbekanntesten Schriften der patristischen Literatur. Die vorliegende Studie stellt die erste umfassende wissenschaftliche Untersuchung dieses fast vergessenen Werkes dar. Sie präsentiert erstmalig alle Handschriften, in denen griechische Fragmente des Kommentars überliefert sind, und bietet die erste kritische Edition der Schrift sowie deren erste Übersetzung in eine moderne Sprache. Sie unternimmt darüber hinaus zum ersten Mal den Versuch, anhand einer eingehenden Analyse der hierfür maßgeblichen Stellen die Abfassungszeit des Werkes zu bestimmen sowie dessen sprachlich-stilistische Merkmale zu benennen. Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht - neben der Edition der erhaltenen griechischen Fragmente des Kommentars - eine detaillierte exegetisch-theologische Analyse der Schrift. Die Untersuchung schließt mit einer komprimierenden Darstellung der von Cyrill im analysierten Kommentar behandelten Themen sowie mit einer zusammenfassenden Präsentierung der exegetisch-hermeneutischen Prinzipien der Bibelauslegung des alexandrinischen Patriarchen. Als Kurzsynthese der vorliegenden Studie kann festgehalten werden: Der Kommentar Cyrills von Alexandrien zum 1. Korintherbrief ist ein Werk von hoher inhaltlicher Komplexität, eine hervorragende Fundgrube für jeden, der erfahren und lernen möchte, was es konkret bedeutet, die biblische Botschaft aktualisierend auszulegen.

Constantine was regarded (at least through the influential image drawn by Eusebius) as an unprecedented model of leader acting towards a reshaping of the public space and putting in its centre the Christian Church. This paper explains how this image of Constantine was reflected among the Egyptian monastic groups and especially in the group of St. Anthony the Great. Combining some information from Vita Antonii and the History of Sozomenus about letters of Anthony to the emperor Constantine I, we note that although they present a very different background, they share a common critical position against a Christian Emperor. This criticism continues in some monastic texts in the 5th and 6th c. along with a general distancing from the upper-class of landlords or imperial officers mainly in Upper Egypt. On the other hand there are important monastic figures in the 5th c. (like John of Lykopolis) who state their interest for spiritual guidance of high officials. This turn probably derives from an internalization of the renunciation of the world due to the version of asceticism put forward by Evagrios of Pontos.

It is the first translation of Contra gentes into Polish. The introduction brings attention on the dependence of the work of former Christian apologetics, on rational justification of Christian faith and on opinions of the author on the sources of polytheism, reflecting ancient ‘science of religion’. The main topics ofContra gentes are: the origin of evil (nos. 1-7), sources of false, idolatrous religion (8-29), philosophical and biblical foundations of monotheism (30-47). The translation is fairly litteral. The text is commented in 400 footnotes.

Review of Norman Russell, Gregory Palamas and the Making of Palamism in the Modern Age (Oxford University Press, 2019).

Forum of the International Orthodox Theological Association, 4 May 2020

https://iota-web.org/2020/05/04/norman-russell-gregory-palamas/

Τοῦ ἁγίου Ἰουστίνου Ἀπολογία ὑπὲρ Χριστιανῶν πρὸς Ἀντωνῖνον τὸν Εὐσεβῆ I 1. Αὐτοκράτορι Τίτῳ Αἰλίῳ Ἀδριανῷ Ἀντωνίνῳ Εὐσεβεῖ Σεβαστῷ Καίσαρι, καὶ Οὐηρισσίμῳ υἱῷ Φιλοσόφῳ, καὶ Λουκίῳ Φιλοσόφῳ, Καίσαρος φύσει υἱῷ καὶ Εὐσεβοῦς εἰσποιητῷ, ἐραστῇ παιδείας, ἱερᾷ τε συγκλήτῳ καὶ δήμῳ παντὶ Ῥωμαίων, ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐκ παντὸς γένους ἀνθρώπων ἀδίκως μισουμένων καὶ ἐπηρεαζομένων, Ἰουστῖνος Πρίσκου τοῦ Βακχείου, τῶν ἀπὸ Φλαουΐας Νέας πόλεως τῆς Συρίας Παλαιστίνης, εἷς αὐτῶν, τὴν προσφώνησιν καὶ ἔντευξιν πεποίημαι. II 1. Τοὺς κατὰ ἀλήθειαν εὐσεβεῖς καὶ φιλοσόφους μόνον τἀληθὲς τιμᾶν καὶ στέργειν ὁ λόγος ὑπαγορεύει, παραιτουμένους δόξαις παλαιῶν ἐξακολουθεῖν, ἂν φαῦλαι ὦσιν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον μὴ ἕπεσθαι τοῖς ἀδίκως τι πράξασιν ἢ δογματίσασιν ὁ σώφρων λόγος ὑπαγορεύει, ἀλλ' ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ψυχῆς τὸν φιλαλήθη, κἂν θάνατος ἀπειλῆται, τὰ δίκαια λέγειν τε καὶ πράττειν αἱρεῖσθαι δεῖ. 2. ὑμεῖς μὲν οὖν ὅτι λέγεσθε εὐσεβεῖς καὶ φιλόσοφοι καὶ φύλακες δικαιοσύνης καὶ ἐρασταὶ παιδείας, ἀκούετε πανταχοῦ· εἰ δὲ καὶ ὑπάρχετε, δειχθήσεται. 3. οὐ γὰρ κολακεύσοντες ὑμᾶς διὰ τῶνδε τῶν γραμμάτων οὐδὲ πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλήσοντες, ἀλλ' ἀπαιτήσοντες κατὰ τὸν ἀκριβῆ καὶ ἐξεταστικὸν λόγον τὴν κρίσιν ποιήσασθαι προσεληλύθειμεν, μὴ προλήψει μηδ' ἀνθρωπαρεσκείᾳ τῇ δεισιδαιμόνων κατεχομένους ἢ ἀλόγῳ ὁρμῇ καὶ χρονίᾳ προκατεσχηκυίᾳ φήμῃ κακῇ τὴν καθ' ἑαυτῶν ψῆφον φέροντας. 4. ἡμεῖς μὲν γὰρ πρὸς οὐδενὸς πείσεσθαί τι κακὸν δύνασθαι λελογίσμεθα, ἢν μὴ κακίας ἐργάται ἐλεγχώμεθα ἢ πονηροὶ διεγνώσμεθα· ὑμεῖς δ' ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν δύνασθε, βλάψαι δ' οὔ. III 1. Ἀλλ' ἵνα μὴ ἄλογον φωνὴν καὶ τολμηρὰν δόξῃ τις ταῦτα εἶναι, ἀξιοῦμεν τὰ κατηγορούμενα αὐτῶν ἐξετάζεσθαι, καὶ, ἐὰν οὕτως ἔχοντα ἀποδεικνύωνται, κολάζεσθαι ὡς πρέπον ἐστί [μᾶλλον δὲ κολάζειν]· εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἔχοι τις ἐλέγχειν, οὐχ ὑπαγορεύει ὁ ἀληθὴς λόγος διὰ φήμην πονηρὰν ἀναιτίους ἀνθρώπους ἀδικεῖν, μᾶλλον δὲ ἑαυτούς, οἳ οὐ κρίσει ἀλλὰ πάθει τὰ πράγματα ἐπάγειν ἀξιοῦτε. 2. καλὴν δὲ καὶ μόνην δικαίαν πρόκλησιν ταύτην πᾶς ὁ σωφρονῶν ἀποφανεῖται, τὸ τοὺς ἀρχομένους τὴν εὐθύνην τοῦ ἑαυτῶν βίου καὶ λόγου ἄληπτον παρέχειν, ὁμοίως δ' αὖ καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας μὴ βίᾳ μηδὲ τυραννίδι ἀλλ' εὐσεβείᾳ καὶ φιλοσοφίᾳ ἀκολουθοῦντας τὴν ψῆφον τίθεσθαι· οὕτως γὰρ

Nell’ampio panorama degli scritti basiliani, le Omelie diverse rappresentano un importante esempio di quel genere di omiletica morale verso la quale anche gli altri Padri Cappadoci mostrarono sempre un vivo interesse. Nel volume si intende proporre la traduzione con le note dei discorsi genuini di Basilio (eccetto le omelie agiografiche, già pubblicate nel vol. 147 della presente Collana, il Panegirico per il martire Barlaam, non autentico, e il Discorso ai giovani, che esula per vari motivi dal resto della raccolta). I diciotto discorsi, che attestano ed esemplificano nel modo migliore la reale e costante attività di predicazione da parte del grande vescovo di Cesarea, offrono un ricchissimo quadro storico-culturale, fondamentale per la comprensione dell’ambiente e della società cappadoce del secolo IV d.C.: precetti ed esortazioni a pratiche di vita cristiana, condanna delle ricchezze, elogi della povertà, biasimo del vizio ed encomio della virtù sono soltanto un fugace abbozzo della numerosità di spunti che questi testi continuano a fornire anche a distanza dei tanti secoli che da essi ci separano.

Reviews: E. Cattaneo, in: La Civiltà Cattolica, Quaderno 4076, 2020, pp. 199-201

. ISBN978 0 19 964464 3. Hardback £68. The twentieth and twenty-first centuries saw a flowering of publications about Gregory Palamas. Many important studies have appeared, helping us understand his theology, as well as the context within which it was developed; this excellent monograph is undoubtedly one of the finest. The first part deals with the historical reception of Palamite theology in Orthodoxy and in the West. The central notion here is Palamism, a term invented by both Western and Eastern theologians (mainly Martin Jugie and John Meyendorff) in the early twentieth century for polemical or apologetic reasons. By Palamism, Russell refers to an understanding of Palamite theology, either friendly or inimical, which does not correspond to the real thinking and purposes of Palamas. It is more an ideology, rather than a genuine interpretation of the mind of this great Church Father. For this reason, the author persuasively argues that we should now go beyond Palamism by 'raising the larger questions'. And this is the topic of the second part of the book, which, based on a meticulous analysis of the theology of Palamas, explores the following important subjects: What does doctrinal development mean? How is a participatory understanding of the divine mystery to be attained? What is the reality of divine-human communion? And, finally, could Palamas become 'the inheritance of all Christians'? Each page of this book has something valuable to offer. Russell has a first-rate knowledge both of the historical context as well as the theological milieu of the fourteenth century. He very often refers to the social and political climate, providing insightful connections with the various theological positions held at this time. The book is well written and provides two helpful indexes (an index locorum and a general index). The clever subdivision of the text, as well as the beautiful way that Russell writes, makes the reading smooth and attractive. The author knows his primary sources very well, i.e., the works of Palamas and his opponents. As far as the latter are concerned, Russell is very familiar with the research of the specialists, for Barlaam, mainly that of Fyrigos, and for Akindynos, principally that of Nadal Cañellas; the same goes for the other opponents of Palamas, too. Towards them he has a sympathetic and objective view, trying to understand their stance, premises, and aims (see, e.g., pp. 142-7, 157-160, 177, 191, 211). Undoubtedly, Russell has a totally positive stance towards the theology of Palamas, whom he often exalts; nevertheless, he sometimes offers a critical assessment of Palamas' thought, as when he believes that his arguments are either nonpersuasive or not well-grounded (e.g. pp. 146 ['Palamas' claim that Dionysius is only saying that God is not a finite being like the beings we are generally familiar with is an argument ad hominem.'], 150, 154, 191). What is really crucial is that the author tries to get into Palamas' mind and sometimes brings the latter into dialogue with modern scholarship (e.g. p. 172). He explains how much Palamas is rooted in tradition, but also, perhaps more importantly, how far he goes beyond it; how his thinking is developed in the course of historical events and the situations and challenges that he faced. Furthermore, Russell also underlines the philosophical dimension of Palamas' oeuvre, something that is not often highlighted in secondary literature, which usually deals only with his theology. Russell's vast erudition is evident from his fruitful engagement with recent scholarship, not only when he builds on it positively, but also when he gently criticizes important authors such as Meyendorff and Lossky; he deeply respects them, but also explains that modern scholars, building on their oeuvre, should now surpass it. However, it seems that there is the following shortcoming: exactly due to the plurality of issues covered in the book, many of them are treated in a very brief way. This reviewer would single out the following, for which an in depth analysis