pATROLOGY

Oi Christianoi - Sezione antica, n. 27 ----- Avendo spaziato in molti campi e trovandosi all'incrocio di tante strade sulle quali ha lasciato la sua originale impronta, Agostino d'Ippona (354-430) occupa un posto centrale e, per certi aspetti, unico nella storia del pensiero, della teologia e della spiritualità occidentale. Se le sue opere maggiori sono ben conosciute, tuttavia gran parte dei suoi scritti rimane nell'ombra, anche quando si tratta di scritti importanti per l'esegesi, la dottrina e la morale. Proponendo una sintesi dei contenuti di ciascuno di essi, questo Dizionario offre un quadro completo di tutta la vastissima produzione di Agostino, permettendo ad un vasto pubblico di lettori di avere a disposizione uno strumento utile di consultazione e di orientamento.

This contribution shows, on the example of the letters of Paulinus of Nola, called the Christian Cicero, issues related to the power and role of the word, both spoken and written. Paulinus, being a master of the word, repeatedly indicates in his letters the word as having the power to embody the interlocutor during his physical absence, to know another man, to instruct, and to strengthen. Paulinus’ letters, but also his poems, are a practical implementation of these postulates, and that is why Paulinus of Nola appears to us as well as an example and a model of broadly understood responsibility for the power and role of the word.

This study on the attempt of Hilary of Poitiers to conciliate the western homouseans and the eastern homoeouseans focuses on the doctrinal reflection on the divinity of the Son and his proper ontological relation to the Father, as offered in his work, De synodis. It analyses the doctrinal solution of Hilary in two fronts. In the first, it specifies how Hilary communicates to his western colleagues the conviction that the theology of the eastern homoeouseans was not contrary to their essential faith in the divinity of the Son and the oneness in nature of the unbegotten Father and the Son that He has begotten. Such is demonstrated in three steps, that is, in the discussion of the homoeousean council of Ancyra in 358, in the explanation of the eastern creeds that this same group of bishops held as normative in their belief, and in the demonstration that the term homoiousios, the preferred term of the easterners for the description of the relationship of the Son to the Father, appropriates their teaching on the Son, as encapsulated in their doctrine of the Son as homoousios to the Father. In the second thrust, Hilary turned to the easterners to argue that the several objections they raised on the use of the homousean formula were also upheld by the homouseans as inappropriate to apply to the conception of the Son of God, and that the homousean formula was affirmed for its positive senses and not for the erroneous ideas.

The concern of the book is whether Hilary of Poitiers compromised the Nicene faith, a charge suggested even in Hilary’s own day, when he attempted to bring together the homouseans and the homoeouseans. The author revisits the arguments offered by recent studies on the issue and analyzes the primary sources to assert confidently that Hilary did not compromise the Nicene confession. The book demonstrates that the confession of faith of the homoeousean group with whom Hilary conciliated was not another form of Arianism. Similarly, the author clarifies that the distinction between the numeric unity and specific unity on which modern authors unsympathetic to Hilary base their negative assessment of the Hilarian program of rapprochement was not operative in the fourth century Trinitarian discourse. Hilary merely affirmed the orthodoxy of the homoeousean confession by demonstrating its affinity with the Nicene doctrine through his explication of the significance of the nativitas of the Son from God the Father, a theological concept employed by both ecclesiastical parties to establish their respective beliefs in the divinity of the Son and His substantial relationship with the Father.

This writing explores the symbolic images used by St. Athanasius in the first chapters of his Third Discourse against the Arians, which pretty much sums up the thought of the great bishop concerning the perfect divinity of the Son, which is central to the doctrine of Salvation.
Athanasius’ text is surprisingly modern. Indeed, we must recognize that many of our contemporaries have the greatest difficulty in understanding the meaning of a Triune God. The arguments of Arius and his followers are not so different from those of believers today. A closer look at the metaphors used by Athanasius to make intelligible Trinity, allows us to try to answer the questions of the faithful today.

The late Antique mosaic of Orpheus decorated a small room, approximately 18 m2 in area, connected with two even smaller ones, in 4 m2 and the other 2 m2 in area, belonging most likely to a small funerary chapel (or tomb) discovered in the ancient necropolis by the Damascene Gate in Jerusalem; it was discovered in 1901 by H. Vincent.
The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographic program of the Orpheus myth used by wealthy Christians in a sepulchral context (see Olszewski M.T. «Orphée endeuillé de la mosaïque funéraire de Jérusalem», in Rey Mimoso-Ruiz, B. ed., Actes du colloque «Orphée entre Soleil et ombre», à l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse du 16 au 17 novembre 2007, Inter Lignes, numéros spécial – mars 2008, pp. 205-214, 226). He also proposes a new interpretation of the role Orpheus played in Roman funerary art, concentrating on the importance of the play on words and the visual and textual punning that was popular in ancient art and especially in funerary art. He rejects the popular interpretation of Orpheus as Christ in the Roman catacombs and proposes to interpret the image as that of Orpheus, bard of the departed souls, without any ahistorical connection with Christ. The program of the mosaic from Jerusalem is thus explained as a play on the words Orpheus-orphanos and Chiron (Chi-Rho) and Pan [Παν(τοκράτωρ)].The frequently used Christian funerary formula of resting in peace, Christ or the Lord corresponds
perfectly with the mood created around the mythical bard.
Orpheus’ universal role as singer and musician moving even the most stony of hearts, extolling the beloved departed, is absolutely justified in the context of a 6th-century Christian tomb. Orpheus is a popular and neutral figure, meaning that in effect it does not constitute a threat to Christian theology and can be tolerated by the educated Christians of Jerusalem.

Η συνάντηση με τον «άλλο», ο διάλογος, η γνωριμία μαζί του η συμπόρευση και η αλληλοστήριξη αποτελούν σημαντικό ζητούμενο στον πνευματικό αγώνα κάθε χριστιανού. Ο «άλλος» στο ανά χείρας άρθρο είναι το πρόσωπο ενός Σαρακηνού φιλοσόφου, ο οποίος με διάθεση να γνωρίσει το διαφορετικό από τα δικά του πιστεύω εμπλέκεται σε διάλογο με τον Ευθύμιο, χριστιανό μοναχό του 12 ου αιώνα. Οι δύο διδασκαλίες εκτίθενται στη βάσανο της αντιπαράθεσης με σκοπό την αναζήτηση της αλήθειας. Τα θέματα εκκινούν από το πεδίο της θεολογίας και της χριστολογίας για να καταλήξουν στην λατρεία και την ηθική ζωή. Η ανάπτυξη και κατανόηση των διαφόρων δογματικών ζητημάτων εδράζεται σε εικόνες της κτιστής πραγματικότητας και της καθημερινής ζωής. Οι κοινές αρχές αποτελούν το σημείο εκκίνησης και κατά τον ρου των ερωταποκρίσεων αναδύονται οι διαφορές. Στόχος του άρθρου είναι η παρουσίαση του διαλόγου, ο εντοπισμός της κοινής βάσης, αλλά και η αναζήτηση του αναλογικού συλλογισμού μέσω των εικόνων που χρησιμοποιούνται. Παράλληλα, καταδεικνύεται ο τρόπος συνάντησης και διαλλαγής της χριστιανικής κοινότητας με το «ξένο», το «διαφορετικό», κατά τον οποίο η χριστιανική διδασκαλία αντιπαρατίθεται με άλλες θεωρίες ζωής αποσκοπώντας στην αναζήτηση της αλήθειας.

Λέξεις κλειδιά: διαλεκτική, διαθρησκειακός διάλογος, Ισλάμ, ενανθρώπηση, αναλογικός συλλογισμός, Ησαΐας, Μωάμεθ

Se añaden fotos subrayadas y traducción del Códex Amiatinus (aprox.700 d.C.) del Prólogo a los libros de Salomón - Vulgata de Jerónimo. Del conocido EL PREFACIO A LOS REYES DE LA VULGATA DE JERÓNIMO - CÓDEX AMIATINUS (aprox.700 d.C.) subrayada y con algunas notas. Los Prefacios de Jerónimo a los libros de Judit,  Tobías y Jeremías.

Jerónimo no está dando su "opinión personal", tampoco otros como Atanasio (obispo de Alejandría, fallece por el año 375 d.C., considerado doctor de la iglesia católico-romana,), Cirilo de Jerusalén (Doctor de la Iglesia católico romana Cirilo 315-386) o Gregorio de Nacianceno (considerado "doctor" por los católico romanos; obispo de Constantinopla, fallece en 390 d. C.), o Rufino (poco posterior, falleció 410 d.C.). Veremos que se recoge LA PRÁCTICA y DOCTRINA DE LA IGLESIA de esa época (370 al 410).

This article aims to examine how the concept of Imago Dei can serve as a symbol for the broadly understood idea of religious inclusion and human dignity. The article explores the concept of Imago Dei primarily from a protologi-cal perspective, analyzing its usage in biblical writings, theological tradition and modern philosophy. The substantial, relational and functional-which three usages of the concept can be found in the inclusive theology of Gregory of Nyssa-are analyzed in this article. Arguably, in the context of religious inclusion, the rela-tional angle of Imago Dei seems to be the most important. Similarly contemporary Protestant theologian, Jürgen Moltmann states in his book, God in the Creation, that the "relational" concept of Imago Dei underscores the fundamental dignity of every person. In his book, God for Secular Society, Moltmann states that properly understood human rights should include democratic relationships between people, cooperation between societies, concern for the environment in which people live, and responsibility for future generations. From these perspectives, the concept of Imago Dei can be utilized as a symbol indicating the dignity of every person and human community, but also a symbol against any types of racism, nationalism or xenophobia.

Статья посвящена рассмотрению знаменитого текста из книги «Исход» (3: 14), где Яхве открывает свое имя Моисею. Это основополагающий текст, от которого отталкиваются как древние, так и современные авторы при осмыслении онтологического статуса библейского Бога. На примере таких мыслителей, как Филон Александрийский и Иустин Философ, автор рассматривает, как древние авторы осмысляли соотношение понятия бытия и идеи Бога.

Ключевые слова: Бог, Сущий, бытие, сущность, непостижимость, иносказание, энергии, божественные
имена.

The paper deals with the famous text passage from Exodus 3: 14, where Yahweh reveals His name to Moses. This foundational text, which serves for ancient as well as for modern authors as a basis for thinking over the ontological status of the scriptural God. The paper takes Philo of Alexandria and Saint Justin Martyr as ancient examples of considering the relation of the concept of being and the idea of God.

Late antique teaching on deification and the patristic reception of the Book of Revelation are two topics that have drawn focused attention in recent scholarship; yet they have hardly been brought into conversation with one another. In this thesis, I build on a brief essay which I wrote last year and look at the New Jerusalem (NJ) and its significance as a sign of deification to the two earliest writers to have composed full surviving exegeses of the Book of Revelation in Greek—the late-sixth-century exegetes Oecumenius (Commentarius in Apocalypsin) and Andrew of Caesarea (Commentarii in Apocalypsin). Using a blend of literary-critical and historical-critical methods, I argue that together, these two neglected but influential commentators take the NJ sign to be spiritual, as opposed to literal, and personal, as opposed to historical. As such, the NJ represents the mystical union of the two main persons that the writers interpret the sign as encompassing: God and man.

Chapter one introduces these two unfamiliar Byzantine figures, accounts for their work, presents their hermeneutical approaches, and discusses the contents of their commentaries both in general terms and in terms of how the contents relate to the topic at hand. The second chapter begins by exploring each author’s general conception of the New Jerusalem and leads into an in-depth study of their interpretations of the NJ vision in Revelation 21.2—22.5. This study surfaces the commentators’ preference for an understanding of the sign in which all of its primary components signify persons. Thereafter, a conceptual analysis is undertaken in which the relationships between the signified persons signified are characterized in terms of various kinds of union. The chapter concludes with an analysis of a metaphor that is closely related both to the NJ and deification in patristic literature. In the third chapter, a historical-critical methodology is adopted to discern why Oecumenius and Andrew elected to interpret the New Jerusalem mystically. A study encompassing persisting literalist interpretations, the condition of the Eastern Roman Empire, climatological factors, and popular apocalypticism leads to the conclusion that the commentators interpreted the NJ against the current of history in most respects but one: they adhered closely to several interconnected lines of theological tradition, particularly the Alexandrine tradition. Finally, their interpretation of the New Jerusalem is shown to be both a faithful continuation of traditional Alexandrian notions of deification and a creative application of those notions to Revelation’s final sign.

In conclusion, this study (1) shows how the biblical image of the NJ is interpreted as a sign bespeaking deification in the Revelation commentaries of Oecumenius and Andrew and (2) demonstrates that this interpretation is grounded in the Alexandrian theological tradition to which the commentators were heir. It is intended that this thesis is a small first step toward a the first full-length scholarly monograph to deals comprehensively, analytically, and contextually with the NJ image’s leading interpretations throughout the patristic era as represented in its Greek and Latin writings.

Coptic literature presents the life of Athanasius of Alexandria in a different way compared to what his contemporaneous historians narrates about him. Some features of his personality was ignored, such as being a famous theologian and writer, and some different features were added, such as being a maker of marvels. Was this change intended? Was this random? Can we find reasons for this reformatting of the personality of Athanasius as it is presented in Coptic literary texts? The most recent conceptions of memory studies were applied-as a proper new methodology-on several Coptic pseudo-Athanasius texts, in order to find answers to these questions. This article presents a model for those who want to study historic figure via literary texts.

Originally submitted: May, 2017. Last edited and expanded: October, 2024. In this research thesis we will discover that Augustine’s opinion that concupiscence was an evil, hereditary stain of original sin was not in line with the agreed-upon tradition of the earliest of Church fathers but there are strong arguments for believing that this opinion was based on non-Christian or spurious sources, the most probable direct source being the “Ambrosiaster” document. On this shaky foundation of the inheritance of concupiscence, Augustine built the idea of the massa damnata. It was a novel doctrine, since it was incompatible with the earlier Orthodox tradition. Augustine's claim that this denial of limbo and the positive damnation of unbaptized infants was part of the Catholic tradition, was a novelty to the Church universal. It was unsupported by early sources. This leads me to conclude that Augustine’s threefold philosophical structure of concupiscence, massa damnata and the positive damnation of unbaptized infants was not in accordance with “the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints” (Jude 1:3b, NKJV). The lack of orthodox evidence supporting an idea of genetically inheriting sin substantially weakens the basis as proffered by Augustine.

This inquiry exhausts the Mariological description of St. Gregory Nazianzen, who designates Mary as “prokathartheisa (prepurified).” Gregory likely attempted to solve the riddle of the Purification of Jesus and Mary in the Temple.

Nazianzen's theology is traced to the Palamite Mariological movement. Surprisingly, the Palamite Mariologists gradually applied the term "prepurified" to each image of Mary as she was celebrated in the liturgical calendar. Each celebration from Conception until her First Witness of the Resurrection and Pentecost was a moment of "grace and glory" or prepurification.

I track this title from the 6th Ecumenical Council, Liturgy (e.g. Synodikon of Orthodoxy), and Fathers (e.g., St. Sophronius and St. John Damascene).

Next, Palamas' theological notions of  Marian (pre)purification are uncovered as the solid basis of Mary's privileged status in Palamite theology (e.g., Theophanes, Bryennius, Cabasilas, Mark of Ephesus). Palamism's patristic exegesis manifests an uninterrupted and consistent theological tradition and a steady metaphysical foundation for Mary's absolutely immaculate existence in every single patristic and Palamite author known to use the term. This is due to Mary's ineffable place in divine thought. After providing indications of Nicholas Cabasilas' arguments against Thomistic rejection of the Byzantine doctrine of the prokathartheisa, Byzantine Mariology culminates in the “Pillar of Orthodoxy,” (St.) Mark Eugenicus (1392-1444/5), the last great representative of this unique Byzantine Mariology before the fall of Constantinople.

Mark´s theological constitutes the climactic synthesis of Mary's privileges as προκαθαρθεῖσα (praepurgata) in his apologetic treatise: On the Distinction between Essence and Energy: First Antirrhetic against Manuel Kalekas (c. 1437).

Mark was the unique Father of the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438-1439) in a position to meet alleged patristic objections to the Immaculate Conception of Latin “maculist” theologians prior to Mark’s arrival in Italy. These Latin debates spilled over into the Byzantine camp during the Council. Byzantines were generally aloof to physico-theological theories of Mary's conception, yet agreed on her unique predestination from the first moment of her divine-mental and natural existence, stemming from her  exalted place among the contingent thoughts within of divine mind. Relying on Palamas, Palamites explicitly linked "prepurification" with the Byzantine liturgical calendar with respect to feasts of the Theotokos, prior to the Incarnation.

Conversely, Latin Scholastics universally erred in their 12-15th century interpretation of Damascene’s designation of Mary as “(pre)purified” at the Annunciation and their "low" Mariologies followed due course. Palamites universally reverenced the prepurified, ergo absolutely immaculate Mary.

I conclude by synthesizing the web of complementarity amid the “prepurified” Virgin, the Ephesine’s Mariology, Franciscan Mariological 14th-15th century parallels, and avenues of development for immaculist theologians who adopt the metaphysical implications of the Theotokos. Scotistic and Palamite metaphysics too verge at a common point of departure with respect to St. Maximus Confessor (in divine psychology and the theology of the Incarnation) to explain the Marian parallel."

Nell’ambito della bibliografia agostiniana ci sono stati vari studi che hanno avuto per oggetto le arti liberali in genere e la retorica in particolare. Più volte e da varie prospettive è stata notata l’indiscutibile perizia del vescovo di Ippona nell’arte oratoria (cfr. p.es. E. Gilson, “Introduction à l’étude de Saint Augustin”, Paris 1929, trad. it.: “Introduzione allo studio di S. Agostino”, Genova 1984; H.J. Marrou, “Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique”, Paris 1958, trad. it.: “S. Agostino e la fine della cultura antica”, Milano 1987). È noto infatti che questo famoso Padre della Chiesa prima di convertirsi al cristianesimo fu insegnante di retorica a Milano e in quella veste pronunciò anche un panegirico in onore del console Bautone. Lui stesso ci ha documentato questa esperienza giovanile nella sua biografia (cfr. “Confessiones” VI,13,23) e nella confutazione del donatista Petiliano (cfr. “Contra litteras Petiliani” III,25,30). Tuttavia rimane ancora da accertare in quale misura la concezione dell’eloquenza cristiana proposta da Agostino nel IV libro del “De doctrina christiana” risenta della cultura classica.
Allora, prendendo le mosse dai nuovi orientamenti della ricerca che sono emersi in questi ultimi anni (cfr. p.es. G. Lettieri, “L’altro Agostino. Ermeneutica e retorica della grazia dalla crisi alla metamorfosi del De doctrina christiana”, Brescia 2001), il nostro intervento intende analizzare il IV libro del “De doctrina christiana”, con lo scopo di individuare quella che può essere stata l’influenza di Cicerone sulla delicata questione dell’interpretazione della Bibbia.

As point of departure of this dissertation I take three characteristics of the Evangeliorum libri of Iuvencus that have been alerted to in the secondary literature. First, in Iuvencus, Christian poetry may constitute a continuation of the translation of Holy Scripture. Iuvencus claims in his poetry different levels of senses, analogously to the practice of biblical exegesis, in particular by the Greek fathers. Second, throughout, his poetry is implicitly lectio divina which interprets the biblical text. In agreement with some interpreters I contend that his poem offers cross-references which consist of linguistic allusions, by which he intends to connect different parts of Scripture. Third, his poetry contains allusions to the Latin liturgy of the Mass. This suggests that Iuvencus’s poem claims to be a poetic version of liturgical readings. As I argue, his poem is written in such a way that its parts can be seen as small units, in analogy to the biblical pericopes that are read in the liturgy.
In addition, there is a linguistic characteristic of the EL which, although it has been commonly acknowledged in the secondary literature, has not yet been fully examined in its methodological implication. This linguistic characteristic, which I am investigating in this dissertation, consists in the centonic relation with the great pagan poetry, particularly that of Virgil. I am focusing on its meaning in the interpretation of the text, both from the philological and the hermeneutical points of view. The overall hypothesis of my dissertation is this: Iuvencus uses the technique of allusions, which is a commonly used tool in classical poetry, in an exaggerated way, in order to build up a “poetry of contrast” with pagan literature. This can be verified at least from two perspectives: on the one hand, he posits the new (true) world view, which derives from the biblical message, as a contraposition to the religious, mythological, and philosophical views of his time. On the other hand, he puts forth a typological interpretation of
these views as they are found in pagan poetry; in this sense, Iuvencus claims that if these views are understood prophetically, they find their definitive accomplishment in the Gospel message. This dissertation also attempts to prove that Iuvencus’s work is an early Christian witness of the exegesis practiced by the classic pagan authors, which was probably already consolidated at that time.
The philological investigation of the dissertation is restricted to a few text passages containing the word fĭdēs (occasionally in connection with its cognates), following the order of the narration itself. In the EL, the word fĭdēs and its cognates play a role that cannot be overlooked. On the one hand, it is significant from the statistical point of view. On the other hand, this word is found in the principal places which are fundamental for the literary self-consciousness of the poet, namely the preface and the final verses of book IV. At the end of the dissertation, I examine the connections between these two parts of the poem.

Capetele filocalice editate bilingv în acest volum provin de la nişte ucenici indirecţi şi îndepărtaţi ai Avvei Evagrie, fiind redactate în Palestina secolului al V-lea. Aflate astăzi doar într-un manuscris
grecesc atenian, descoperit în 1978, aceste Capete au fost intens folosite de Sfântul Maxim Mărturisitorul la redactarea faimoaselor sale Capete despre dragoste.
Traducerea, realizată acum pentru prima oară în româneşte, este însoţită de un amplu corpus de note şi comentarii, care lămuresc termeni şi idei din cuprinsul Capetelor şi evidenţiază legăturile textului cu marea tradiţie teologică şi filocalică răsăriteană, atestând felul în care gândirea şi scrierile pre-evagriene şi evagriene, de la care autorul nostru se revendică, au fost asimilate, reorganizate şi dezvoltate în cele mai diverse epoci şi contexte, până azi. Astfel structurată, cartea este şi o iniţiere în universul bogat şi peren al Filocaliei.