Statesmanship

Nous sommes volontiers critiques de nos gouvernants, révélant ainsi notre désir d'être dirigés par des individus de mérite, reconnus comme excellents. D'ailleurs, dans le cadre d’une activité professionnelle aussi bien qu'en politique, n'est-ce pas lorsque les dirigeants font preuve de qualités remarquables que les citoyens leur reconnaissent pleinement le droit de les commander ?
Ainsi semblerait-il naturel, et même désirable, d'instituer le pouvoir des meilleurs. Pourtant, Aristote, Pascal et Tocqueville, trois auteurs qui se montrèrent au plus haut point soucieux d'honorer et de préserver les grandeurs humaines, furent aussi très réservés sur l'opportunité d'instituer un régime strictement méritocratique.
Cet ouvrage s'attache à comprendre leurs réserves, mais aussi comment ils envisagèrent la survie de la grandeur humaine, dans un monde qu'ils jugeaient incapable de lui donner une pleine autorité.

Case 1:17-cv-00309 Document 1-6 Filed 01/16/17 Page 1 of 1
Attorney Affirmation of Truth
Edward G. Eiseman, an attorney admitted to practice before the courts of New York State, hereby affirms under the penalties of perjury that the following statements are true:
  1. That I met Mr. King in 2016 and have observed Mr. King over the course of 2016.
  2. That Mr. King has rigorously applied all ethical rules to his practice of law, as well as zeal- ously represented each and every one of his clients.
  3. That I have personally observed Mr. King's work ethic, and where most attorneys would go home, Mr. King stays on the job until every stone is turned.
  4. That the facts and circumstances leading up to Mr. King's suspension were the direct result of Mr. King sternly requiring many government officials and employees as well as other attor- neys to follow the law -- the knowledge of which he has acquired over the years by meticu- lous dedication to fighting for his clients and doing the right thing in every circumstance.
  5. That suspending Mr. King was therefore an act of retribution as opposed to an act in protect- ing the public interest.
  6. That Mr. King's practice involves taking cases for individuals that could not otherwise afford private attorneys of equivalent knowledge and expertise.
  7. That Mr. King's attorney's fees are tailored for the sole purpose of ensuring that those less fortunate receive all the benefits that the law has to offer.
  8. That Mr. King's dedication, care and zeal for his clients is truly unique in the practice of law as it stands today.
  9. That Mr. King, a Harvard Law School graduate with experience at prestigious law firms and government institutions, has chosen a life dedicated to serving the general public.
  10. That Mr. King, a former (and forever) United States Marine, cares deeply about this country and by extension he cares deeply about the injustices that his clients face.
  11. That Mr. King’s law practice, and frankly his life, is dedicated to the public interest.
  12. That the false accusations that led to the unreasoned, unexplainable, and unjust suspension of Mr. King’s law license therefore has harmed the public interest.
  13. That reinstating Mr. King's license will promote the public interest exceedingly.
Dated: November 13, 2016
s/Edward G. Eiseman Edward G. Eiseman, Esq.

This paper attempts to understand the Xenophontic doctrine concerning the identification of politics and household management. I argue that Socratic identification between household management and politics is, primarily, neither an anti-democratic doctrine nor a manifest blunder or even an ironical doctrine. Rather, it is a new political doctrine in the precise sense of the term. Socrates especially presents this doctrine against the honor-loving and courageous background of statesmanship of his time, personified in the character Nicomachides. I attempt to show that identification doctrine was first of all relies on a reductive definition of household management. For Socrates, household management is devoid of any “noble” activities of skills; he reduces it to a certain kind of knowledge: “knowledge of what is beneficial and harmful.” After redefining the household management, he goes on to argue that a household manager is able to be a statesman, or the statesman and household manager are identical. Since his line of argument provides two fundamental reasons (the interests of the ruled and the interests of the rulers) in favor of the identification doctrine, we can conclude that the identification doctrine is a political doctrine in the precise sense of the term.

The Quranic Concept of War was a book officially sponsored by President Reagans most trusted ally General Zia of Pakistan.It was introduced as a study book in command and staff college quetta pakistan.Much more dangerous than this book were the University of Nebraska pamphlets printed in billions and distributed in pakistan and afghanistan ,glorifying explosives and martrydom.Thus a region where a Hippy could travel from Herat to Kandahar and Kabul to Mazar was brutalised and extremised ? I remembers this from my 1970 family visit to Kabul. How Afghanistan was Destroyed by USA, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan Agha H Amin i travelled in 1970 by road from quetta to kabul to meet my relatives with my family. people were friendly , hippies from america and europe camped anywhere without fear .people kept them in their houses. no one attacked anyone. all this craziness started after pakistanis , americans , saudis fuck___-ng with mujahids. University of Nebraska printed pamphlets in pashto about explosives as ornament of men. http://natural-beauty-pavocavalry.blogspot.com/2012/12/the-pashtuns-in-history-aghahamin.html the problem with pakistan and ahmad shah masud started when he was told to destroy salaang tunnel and he refused. salaang you know is life artery of afghanistan.

This article explores how hegemonic masculinity forged discourses of modern statesmanship in the United States and Italy in the first three decades of the twentieth century. It unpacks the ‘presidential masculinity’ of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson and compares these gendered performances of political leadership in the United States to Benito Mussolini's Fascist rule in Italy during the 1920s. In doing so, this article contends that the manliness of these three modern leaders rested on a contrasting of pairs: if Roosevelt embodied the hegemonic ideal of the ‘frontiersman-as-president’, Wilson personified its ‘unmanly’, bourgeois-liberal countertype and thereby engendered the initially hospitable view of Mussolini's Fascist masculinity in the United States during the Jazz Age. The article covers the publications in The Atlantic Monthly to reveal how the American disillusion with Wilson's liberal internationalism transformed the Duce into a Fascist surrogate for Roosevelt. In a decade of political, economic and social upheaval, the transatlantic ‘public relations state’ in both the United States and Italy discursively positioned Mussolini as the personification of the masculine ideals of acumen, willpower and virility for the American public; a ‘Doctor-Dictator’ who, akin to Roosevelt, became a symbol of modern manliness that signified stability, progress and reform. In the process, the Duce's Fascist manhood shaped hegemonic ideals of statesmanship across the Atlantic while hinting at the paltry support for the liberal democracies of the West.

[This paper is based on my BA thesis (2014) written under supervision of prof. Vytautas Ališauskas at Vilnius University.]

The paper explores Plato’s Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato’s major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.

Nick Bostrom’s recently patched “simulation argument” (Bostrom, 2003, Bostrom and Kulczycki, 2011) purports to demonstrate the probability that we “live” now in an “ancestor simulation” – that is as a simulation of a period prior to that in which a civilization more advanced than our own – “post-human” - becomes able to simulate such a state of affairs as ours. As such simulations under consideration resemble "brains in vats" (BIVs) and may appear open to similar objections, the paper begins by reviewing objections to BIV type proposals, specifically those due a presumed mad envatter. In counter example, we explore the motivating rationale behind current work in the development of psychologically realistic social simulations. Further concerns about rendering human cognition in a computational medium are confronted through review of current dynamic systems models of cognitive agency. In these models, aspects of the human condition are reproduced that may in other forms be considered incomputable, i.e. political voice, predictive planning and consciousness. The paper then argues that simulations afford a unique potential to secure a post-human future, and may be necessary for a pre-post-human civilization like our own to achieve and to maintain a post-human situation. Long-standing philosophical interest in tools of this nature for Aristotle’s “statesman” and more recently for E.O. Wilson in the 1990s is observed. Self-extinction level threats from State and individual levels of organization are compared, and a likely dependence on large-scale psychologically realistic simulations to get past self-extinction level threats is projected. In the end, Bostrom's basic argument for the conviction that we exist now in a simulation is reaffirmed.

I should clarify here that I do sympathize fully with the pressures that attend governmental leadership.  As an extensively trained leader of people and institutions in various contexts, I am sensitive to the awesome challenges of implementing and enforcing laws and rules among diverse political, corporate, and social constituencies.  However, as a statesman, I cannot sympathize even partially with leaders who, having earned a mandate of public trust by pledging to promote the commonweal, give support and cover to wayward public officials by ignoring the fact and consequence of their malfeasance.  Indeed, if history teaches us anything, it is that the preservation of the whole of our system of government depends in no small part upon the good faith activities of those entrusted to administer it.

Ao mesmo tempo em que Tomas More publicava a Utopia e Erasmo buscava o principe ideal, Maquiavel lancava o principe real na sua “verita effectuale”. Em vez da prudencia, Maquiavel propoe a ‘astucia’: a habilidade para conquistar ou defender o poder, usando a crueldade ou a perfidia nas doses estritamente necessarias manipulando as paixoes dos homens. A sua leitura continuada nos ultimos 500 anos nao se deve exclusivamente a inovacao da sua visao ou da sua metodologia face ao seculo XVI. Com efeito, a obra parece ter conseguido se tornar perene e atual em qualquer momento da vida politica contemporânea. Examinamos as leituras que Raymond Aron e Isaiah Berlin fizeram do texto com o proposito de observar a contribuicao que o pensador estudado pode dar para a solucao de problemas da filosofia politica relevantes no nosso proprio tempo.