Suetonius

Collection of contributions on the reception of ancient historiography in Early Modern Culture and Intellectual History. 

INDICE
INTRODUZIONE
I. G. Mastrorosa (Università di Firenze)
Oltre ‘riscoperte’, Nachleben e ‘fortuna’: considerazioni introduttive
ARCHETIPI
L. Porciani (Università di Pavia)
La parola orale. Erodoto e la costruzione del discorso politico
M. Lentano (Università di Siena)
L’eredità di Serse. Suasoria retorica e discorso storiografico a Roma
INTERPRETI E MODELLI
S. Gambino Longo (Université de Lyon III)
Erodoto nel Rinascimento: dalla riabilitazione a un nuovo modello storiografico
J.C. Iglesias-Zoido (Universidad de Extremadura-Cáceres)
La ‘actualización’ de los discursos de Tucídides en las antologías renacentistas de contiones: los argumenta del epitafio (2.35-46)
A. Raffarin (Université Paris-Est-Créteil)
D’un antiquaire à l’autre : Varron source et modèle de Flavio Biondo
P. Ponzù Donato (Università di Firenze)
Interpretazione, divulgazione, attualità: Pier Candido Decembrio volgarizzatore di Cesare
I. G. Mastrorosa (Università di Firenze)
Livio e Machiavelli fra passato e presente: tendenze demagogiche, aspirazioni tiranniche e strumenti di tutela della ‘riputazione’
A. Severi (Università di Bologna)
Dalla Roma imperiale alla Bologna principesca: la vocazione attualizzante del commento beroaldiano a Svetonio
L. Claire (Université de Picardie Jules Verne)
Sur quelques évolutions des commentaires aux Annales de Tacite dans les années 1580: Lipse, Muret, Pasquali, Scotti
LABORATORI FIORENTINI
L. Bernard-Pradelle (Université de Limoges)
L’historien en son laboratoire: Leonardo Bruni Aretino (ca. 1370-1444) et le travail sur les sources antiques
V. Pineda (Universidad de Extremadura-Cáceres)
The Memory of the Ancients in the Florentine Genre of epistole e dicerie
CONCLUSIONI
U. Roberto (Università Europea di Roma)
‘Attualizzare il passato’: alcune riflessioni sulla rilettura dei testi antichi tra l’età tardoantica e l’Europa del Rinascimento
ABSTRACTS

Suetonius’ Lives of the Caesars usually begin with a family tree. These family trees are often rhetorical, foreshadowing in the ancestors character traits that will be themes of the rest of the Life. This particular rhetorical strategy relies upon an older phenomenon of ‘family identity’—namely, the literary application of similar characteristics to people in the same family—such as the one that tells us that the Claudii are proud and the Domitii Ahenobarbi are ferocious. Gary Farney studied ‘family identity’ as a phenomenon of the Republic. There, it was the association of a family with a certain characteristic, a kind of ‘branding’. It would be perfectly obvious for Suetonius to use the family identities already in use for well-known families, but, as I show here, Suetonius’ selection of ancestors creates different family identities rather than simply using the traditional ones he would have found in other sources. In this study I concentrate on Nero and Tiberius. I focus on these...

It appears that the beginning of Suetonius’ Divus Iulius is now lost. C.L.
Roth, in 1865, argued that the work was acephalous by setting out the four
things that were missing from the Divus Iulius: first, the title of the work;
second, the dedication to Septicius Clarus, which is known to us only from
John Lydus’ sixth-century work De Magistratibus 2.6.4; third, the family
tree of the Caesars; fourth, the beginning of the Divus Iulius with the details
about its Trojan and Alban origins, the origin and name of the Caesars, the
omens of future greatness, his education, and his first offices. These were, as
Roth saw it, all things Suetonius was in the habit of giving in the extant
Lives.1 These things are indeed absent from the text as we have it. It
remains to test whether those things are all really standard inclusions in a
Suetonian introduction.
This paper approaches the lost beginning of the Divus Iulius by comparing
the constructions of Suetonius’ extant openings, in particular the family trees,
with Philemon Holland’s reconstruction of 1606. The comparative study will
consider how the lost part of the Divus Iulius might reflect what Suetonius
includes in other beginnings, and how it might have differed from those others.
The study will also set out the elements that Suetonius appears to have considered
essential to an introduction, thereby bringing into focus the places
where the interests of renaissance authors differed from his own.

Ce livre propose une réflexion d’ensemble sur la septième Vie de l’Histoire Auguste, consacrée à l’empereur Commode, fils du philosophe Marc Aurèle et dernier des Antonins. L’auteur met d’abord en évidence son indéniable valeur historique et recherche les sources qui l’ont inspiré. Elle explore ensuite les éléments qu’il est suceptible d’apporter à la connaissance d’un recueil de biographies qui reste l’une des œuvres les plus énigmatiques que nous ait transmis l’Antiquité. Traçant le portrait d’un personnage haut en couleurs, le premier malus princeps de la collection, la Vita Commodi  recèle en effet, sur la personnalité du biographe anonyme et les objectifs qu’il assigne à son œuvre, plus d’indices que ne le laisserait de prime abord soupçonner sa richesse historique.

This article analyzes Suetonius’ Life of Nero trying to identify some elements that allow associating it with the Roman senatorial historiographical tradition, despite the minor importance given to such link by the modern critique. The primacy conferred to the works of Tacitus as well as the devalorization of Suetonius’ literary style are some of the aspects that contributed to this latter reading.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

Paper deals with the historical story of the advent of Christianity. Examines what Christianity had to offer Rome during its war with the Jews (placation of slaves & the poor, promise of life after death & "reward", making soldiers unafraid to die, "comforting" dead soldier's family, etc.).

The reference to Nero in Hamlet's soliloquy, '' let not ever/The soul of Nero enter this firm bosom'' (3.2) appears quite relevant if we take into consideration that the king's name is Claudius, which was that of Nero's uncle. Actually, Hamlet seems to share many common points with Nero ; their relatives consider them as mad, they are fond of dramatic arts, they take pleasure examining skulls, they look alike… It seems that Shakespeare distils throughout the play hidden references to the emperor. Therefore, this article studies the possible links between Hamlet and the writings of Tacitus, Suetonius, and Seneca. However, the play does not exactly follow this intertextuality ; Shakespeare twists the quotes, transforms the canva, reverses the Roman references, and plays on words. The play within the play hints that the ''soul of Nero'' haunts the whole play, as he is an epitomy of drama.

Paper exposes and details the usage of rhetoric & propaganda. Knowing this also exposes the purposes and motives involved in the creation of such texts. Which, in turn, leads us to information about the true authorship of these texts. Emphasis is upon the importance of recognizing literary devices.

Paper demonstrating the origin of Popes (or Bishops of Rome) from the Calpurnius Piso family, giving the actual identities of the first 10 Popes. 18 pages.

This paper also makes the case for the mention of Christ in the works of Flavius Josephus as being original to that work and points out the need for change in the study of ancient history.

The royal Piso family of Rome performed "miracles" by creating them in the form of literary works. This paper explains not only what they did, but how and why they did it and more. There are many items in ancient texts that have baffled scholars for a long time; this sheds light upon a few of those. Please share this information. TY

This paper explores androcentric symbolism of the heretical woman as a literary topos to justify male superiority via the biblical interpretation of John the Baptist’s beheading and the purported influence of Herodias and Salomé, wife and stepdaughter of Herod Antipas. The gospels allege that this mother and daughter manipulated Antipas to execute John, which does not align with the historicity regarding the pragmatic, political motives Antipas likely had. Nevertheless, the circumstances under which Herodias and Salomé appear in the Christian Testament have consequently framed their portrait, which church tradition has preserved as an example of sinful, deviant, and heretical behavior. This paper argues that the degree of influence these women had in the execution of John the Baptist may have been deliberately constructed to convey the “dangers” of womanly influence and unorthodox behavior.

This case study provides an analysis of extrabiblical primary source literature—including the writings of Tertullian, Justin Martyr, Josephus Flavius, Suetonius, and Bernard of Cluny—alongside the gospel narratives of Mark, Matthew, and Luke. This paper also incorporates the necessary secondary historical source material, with a special emphasis on the various perspectives from modern feminist scholars of the Bible and early Church history. Additionally, this research will briefly address this particular biblical narrative’s contribution to the femme fatale complex in art and literature and its relative feminist interpretations. Ultimately, this methodology will reveal a constructive use of Herodias, Salomé, and their alleged role in John the Baptist’s execution as a paradigm for understanding how the topos of the heretical woman developed throughout the different phases of this religious tradition, as well as within the context of Western patriarchal culture.

A new reading of Suetonius' De Vita Caesarum as source for emperors' lives and Roman social history. The focus is on how Suetonius used his own memory and those of others. Paper given at the Oxford Food Symposium and published in its proceedings

This is a study regarding traits that are found in clinical psychopaths and the same traits as found displayed by the ancient author known as 'Flavius Josephus'. This paper presents the need to make such information a necessary part of the study of ancient literature.

An essay on the great fire of Rome in A.D. 64 in the time of emperor Nero as reported by the five earliest accounts. It includes the subsequent events immediately following the fire and the blame made by Nero of the Christian sect in the city. Briefly discussed are western media documentary history programmes which have reported the fire from a completely revisionist viewpoint, by ignoring these accounts which blame Nero for instigating the fire. (Extract from my book, Keith Prosser, 'Was Jesus Crucified?', Lulu.com)

A lo largo de los siglos Roma se ha constituido como un mito, un referente al que han acudido todos los poderes hegemónicos –o que aspiraban a serlo– de cada periodo histórico. El ideal romano se ha configurado como paradigma de potestas y sus símbolos han sido utilizados para legitimar los más diversos proyectos políticos. Los primeros ejemplos de esta tendencia los encontramos poco tiempo después de la desaparición formal del Imperio romano de Occidente, cuando los pueblos germanos tuvieron que justificar su nuevo dominio sobre las antiguas provincias.
La Roma medieval, con el pontificado al frente, no fue una excepción. Si bien los sucesores de Pedro basaron su poder durante los primeros siglos en los textos bíblicos y patrísticos, el final de las estructuras imperiales les permitió establecerse como el principal actor político de la urbe. Frente a esta tentativa se encontraron la aristocracia local, emperadores y otros monarcas europeos que deseaban controlar la ciudad para sus propios intereses. Cada uno de ellos tuvo que elaborar un discurso propio para legitimar sus aspiraciones, en los cuales el clasicismo desempeñó un importante papel. Es en este ámbito en el que desarrollaremos nuestro estudio.
La llegada de la Reforma de la Iglesia a Roma supuso el inicio de una nueva etapa en la que el pontificado se encaminó hacia un modelo teocrático. No fue un proceso sencillo, sino que los obispos romanos tuvieron que enfrentarse a numerosos enemigos políticos, como el Senado que se restauró en el siglo XII. Pese a los éxitos que obtuvieron algunos papas, la situación finalmente desembocó en un autoexilio en la ciudad francesa de Aviñón en 1304. Esta huida abre un periodo nuevo de la historia pontificia, en el que los discursos fueron diferentes al de nuestro trabajo.
En cuanto a los objetivos que nos hemos propuesto, el más importante es analizar la imagen y uso que se realizó del pasado clásico en Roma durante el periodo ya indicado. Principalmente nos centraremos en los discursos de poder elaborados por las principales facciones políticas: el pontificado y la nobleza local. Estos eran quienes poseían los medios necesarios para poder crear una ideología basada en la Antigüedad, al contrario que el pueblo romano. Los campesinos y agricultores no eran capaces de utilizar los monumentos antiguos o de crear una literatura propia reivindicando su posición debido a una evidente falta de recursos.
El segundo objetivo de nuestro trabajo se encuentra relacionado con el paisaje urbano y cómo las estructuras heredadas de época imperial se integraron en él. Muchos de estos edificios sufrieron un periodo de decadencia durante la Edad Media, hasta el punto de que gran parte de ellos se encontraban en ruinas o habían desaparecido. Sin embargo, otros se reutilizaron como templos o nuevos espacios de poder, en donde la Historia Antigua desempeñaba un papel importante.
Finalmente, también serán analizadas las historias y leyendas locales que hacían referencia a supuestos episodios ocurridos en el pasado. La mayor parte de ellas difieren de los acontecimientos reales, pero no por ello carecen de importancia. De hecho, conviene señalar que, pese a que nuestro punto de vista racional nos hace considerar estos relatos como mitos, fábulas o supersticiones, para la población de la época eran acontecimientos pretéritos. Por ello, consideramos que no sería útil señalar que se trata de episodios compuestos de manera literaria o mediante creencias, sino rastrear cuáles fueron las influencias del mundo clásico para la creación de estas historias.

This thesis covers Romano-British history from AD 39 to 84 through the works of the Tacitus, Suetonius Tranquillus, and Dio Cassius Cocceianus. In recent years, the sources have been mined for their historical 'facts' and those 'facts'  weighed against the growing accumulation of archaeological data. I argue that a more nuanced reading of the classical authors, one which takes into account their historical agenda, their rhetorical methodology, and their influence on the reader (listener) , is vital for a fuller understanding of Roman Britain in the first century AD.

Julius Calpurnius Piso, a son of Arrius Piso, was the author of The Revelation. He was married to Hadrian's sister and was father-in-law of Tacitus' son. He wanted his grandson to become emperor after Hadrian, and was killed by Hadrian in 137 CE along with his grandson. Instead, his descendants became bishops of Rome & Alexander Severus, emperor.

RE: Facades, illusions & ideological concepts created & promoted by ancient royalty out of necessity; effective creation of an alternate version of reality. It is only by knowing this information that the true nature of ancient texts may be understood correctly. Not knowing, means making incorrect assumptions & conclusions. Important!

This work investigates the use of clothing in conveying symbolic meaning in Greco-Roman literature and the Gospel of Luke. This investigation considers both the symbolic meaning conveyed by the clothing regarding literary characters portrayed by that clothing, as well as the semantic bearing this symbolism has on the story or narrative in which the characters are functioning.
Utilizing Paul Ricoeur's theory of symbols and Roland Barthes communication theory of clothing, this thesis considers the cultural and material world of clothing in 1st century BC to 2nd century AD as it bears on the literary use of clothing symbolism within the cultural literary world contemporary to Luke's gospel, and the literary-symbolic world created by the texts under investigation.
This thesis is attentive to potential constraint of culture and literary genre by investigating key elements of character portrayal through clothing in Virgil's Aeneid, Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars, and Josephus' Jewish Antiquities. It then moves on to investigate symbolic elements of clothing in the character portrayals of Jesus and key portrayals of other figures in the Gospel of Luke. The key aspects of symbolism portrayed through clothing in these texts as examined by this thesis include portrayals of virtues and vices, honor and shame, divine power, righteousness, status, and ethnicity.

Info about the alpha-numeric qualities of ancient languages and their usage within the New Testament by the original authors. Also, info regarding the number system involved in '666' and the "checking number" that proves the true meaning of 666 in The Revelation. Extremely important information.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

This paper tells a little known part of the story involving the creation of Christianity, and how a family alliance between the Flavians and Pisos had worked for the Piso family until the death of the Emperor Titus. And then, how, once Domitian became Emperor, he banished the Piso family from Rome.

See my other papers, articles, essays and books and related material. Current book: 'Piso Christ' (available on Amazon). See the work of all other researchers & scholars who have concluded a Roman origin for the creation of Christianity.

Refer to all references given in the works of Abelard Reuchlin and myself. Also see that of Bruno Bauer, James Ballantyne Hannay, Sir Ronald Syme, Rod Blackhirst, Carrington, and Joseph Atwill. And above all, please share this with others. Thank you. -RP

Souvent qualifiée de « célèbre » ou de « fameuse », cette unité est sans doute la moins bien connue des légions césariennes.

Au détour d'une phrase de sa biographie de César, Suétone nous apprend qu'il a formé à ses frais une légion appelée Alauda (Alouette). Ses soldats étaient des pérégrins issus de Transalpine, qui n’ont reçu la citoyenneté romaine que bien après leur enrôlement. Comme aucune autre source  n’en parle jamais, à commencer par César lui-même, cette légion atypique a fait l’objet de nombreuses  hypothèses. En s’appuyant sur des sources épigraphiques d’époque impériale, on a ainsi supposé qu’elle devait correspondre à la Legio V mobilisée par César dans sa campagne africaine.

Un réexamen des sources permet toutefois de remettre en cause la pertinence de cette identification. Tandis qu’aucun élément ne permet d’affirmer qu’il a existé une Legio V Alaudae du vivant de César, un faisceau d’indices fait clairement pencher la balance en faveur d'une origine hispanique de la Legio V du Bellum Africum. Il y a en réalité de fortes chances pour que la « légion » gauloise évoquée par Suétone n'ait jamais été considérée comme une légion régulière de l'armée romaine.

La deuxième partie de ce travail de recherche s’efforce de comprendre qui étaient les soldats d’Antoine désignés par le terme « Alaudae » dans plusieurs textes de Cicéron. La façon dont cet auteur s’y prend pour critiquer leur accession à la troisième décurie judiciaire, sous l’impulsion d’Antoine, permet de déduire qu’il s’agissait sans doute de soldats d’origine italienne et non de Transalpins fraîchement promus citoyens. La  Legio V Alaudae pourrait avoir été créée par le triumvir, mais après les événements de 44 et 43 av. J.-C.

La troisième partie de cette étude se penche sur l’épineuse question des Legiones Quintae qui ont existé dans la période charnière entre République et Empire. Les données épigraphiques nous permettent de savoir qu’elles ont été associées à différents surnoms : Alaudae, Gallica, Macedonica et Urbana. Cette ultime partie s’intéresse ensuite plus particulièrement à la Ve légion impériale qui fut stationnée en Hispanie puis en Germanie, dont les sources semblent indiquer qu’elle n’a véritablement porté le nom de Legio V Alaudae qu’à partir du règne de Claude.

Three textual sources are often cited as evidence that noble Roman funeral ceremonies included the participation of a mime that would satirically impersonate the recently deceased person.  Of these passages, only that of Diodurus Siculus will be examined here (31, 25, APPENDIX), leaving the treatment of Suetonius and Gregory of Nazianzus for a future examination (see infra).  Although these passages are often examined in tandem with that of Diodorus Siculus, this study contends that they pose a different set problems regarding the practice of ridiculing the deceased during his own funeral.  Instead, this study offers a new interpretation of Diodorus which aims,  in part, to verify whether this reading can be deduced from Diodurus’ passage. Then, in proposing an alternative interpretation, this article re-examines the representation of the deceased within the context of the aristocratic Roman funeral ceremony.

Paper on the work of Sir Ronald Syme with regards to the Historia Augusta (HA), with particular attention to bogus or alias names and authorship of the HA. Also, a comparison between his work and that of Abelard Reuchlin and myself, as well as that of other I.C. members. An important paper.

Paper details information often missed or overlooked by those researching ancient authors and points out why it is a mistake to assume that they are being truthful and honest with their readers. Motives are discussed regarding those with vested interests and/or the advancement of various policy.