Television Journalism

Leif Kramp untersucht erstmals umfassend die Gedächtnisrelevanz des Massenmediums Fernsehen sowie den archivischen und musealen Umgang mit der Fernsehgeschichte. Anknüpfend an die interdisziplinären Zweige der Gedächtnisforschung analysiert der erste Band die Bedeutung des Fernsehens seit Beginn des regelmäßigen Programmbetriebs in Deutschland und Nordamerika unter gedächtnistheoretischer Perspektive. Damit legt dieser Band den Grund für eine differenzierte Bewertung des Fernsehens als Medium des Erinnerns und Vergessens. Auf Basis einer breiten empirischen Erhebung bei zahlreichen Institutionen in Deutschland, Kanada und den USA befasst sich der zweite Band mit dem Status Quo und den Perspektiven der Verwaltung und Nutzung von Überlieferungen aus der Fernsehgeschichte. Kramp analysiert die maßgeblichen Problemstellungen, mit denen sich Museen und Archive konfrontiert sehen: von Fragen der Auswahl, Bewahrung und Zugänglichkeit von Fernsehüberlieferungen bis hin zu ihrer Präsentation und dem Medienwandel, und diskutiert Strategien für die Arbeit von Fernsehmuseen im digitalen Medienzeitalter.

Good Girls is an original, comedy-crime drama created by Jenna Bans. It premiered on February 26th, 2018 on NBC as a mid-season entry.

From publicly-available sources, I determined (1) the creator’s track record of success and (2) the originality of the story’s premise.

Using a proprietary algorithm, I determined the size of the pilot episode script’s semantic network.

With these three variables, I identified 18 comparable dramatic series that appeared on the four major broadcast networks in the last ten seasons.

Based on my analysis, I predict that (1) Good Girls will not achieve a full first season, i.e. 20+ episodes (2) Good Girls has only a 1-in-6 chance of being renewed for a second season and (3) if renewed, the season will fall well short of 20 episodes.

This thesis examines the ways in which political journalists in the USA and UK talk about issues of truth and power as it relates to journalism’s role as the Fourth Estate. The theoretical basis comes from a critique of the two major structures underpinning the Fourth Estate, that of epistemology (the study of truth) and ideology (broadly, the study of power and ideas). This involves unpacking and critically examining the ability of news media to convey ‘true’ information and the ideological formations in which the news media production practice is situated. The epistemological theories of Realism, Pragmatism, Antirealism and Hyperrealism will first be elucidated in an in-depth theoretical discussion, focusing on the contributions of Baudrillard. Four major theories of ideology, that of personal ideological bias, chaos, control, and ideology as fetishistic disavowal will be examined, this time focusing on the work of Žižek.
This theoretical discussion is complimented by an analysis of interview questions relating to epistemological concerns and to ideology. The empirical data consists of twenty interviews conducted with political correspondents in the USA and UK. A version of critical discourse analysis is used to examine the ways in which journalists talk about the issues raised by the questions, what is termed their ‘discursive strategies.’ The categories for analysis are grounded in the discursive strategies used by the journalists themselves, examined to elaborate not simply the explicit content, but the deeper implicit meanings inherent in the way they answer.
This provided both an original theoretical discussion and an original set of empirically-derived data. It also allows us to further understand the role of journalism as the Fourth Estate, the types of ‘truth’ it brings to us, the types of ideologies that underpin the news production process via news media professionals, and how the system is maintained despite its inherent contradictions.

This public consultation draft aims to derive a comprehensive ethics framework to guide journalists and media publishers who operate in a ‘post-truth’ world. This modernization is essential in an era where ‘fake news’ abounds in a visible number of mainstream, niche and alternative media outlets (Dorf &Tarrow, 2017). This dire development is causing an ever-growing number of people to lose confidence in the accuracy and intent of media content and the ability of media broadcasters to self-administer their own self-authored ethics code.


Journalism journalist ethics journalist ethics journalism ethics code of ethics fake news twitter tweets media communications news ethical

Media ownership is believed to be the dominant force driving news decisions and policy. This study
investigates whether media ownership prompted news bias and gave way to newsroom intervention
during Indonesia’s highly-polarised 2014 presidential election period. The examination focuses on the
perceptions and experiences of Indonesian television journalists under two different media ownership
structures, i.e. politician owned and non-politician owned TV channels. Using a survey method, a
total of 102 television journalists from two politician owned media (Metro TV and TV One) and two
non-politician owned media (Kompas TV and SCTV) were examined; eight of whom were later
interviewed using semi-structure in-depth interview technique. As previous studies and observations
assert, Metro TV endorsed Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, whilst TV One backed Prabowo Subianto in the
presidential race. TV channels without political affiliation were relatively neutral. This study reveals
that media ownership prompted news bias, exemplified by politician owned media journalists’
perceptions and experiences arguing that they were not given freedom to cover political news freely
and impartially, their news products were overtly biased, and their media owners interjected opinions
and personal interests into news and editorial. Also, they experienced direct and indirect owner
intervention within news-making processes. In contrast, their counterparts from non-politician owned
media believed that media ownership did not prompt news bias, as they experienced no intervention
in upholding news balance and impartiality. This study contends that politician owned TV channels
were severely abused and used as political machine to serve the owners’ political ambitions, despite
the fact that the channels are broadcast via public frequencies. As the Indonesian public was given
limited options to gain pluralistic political information, further studies investigating how Indonesian
voters reacted to the news bias presented by the politician owned TV channels, as well as whether or
not the news bias had influenced their voting behaviours are worth examining.

The publication of the sixth volume of the official history of the BBC, Pinkoes and Traitors: The BBC
and the nation 1974‐1987 by Jean Seaton is reviewed. The book is found to contain numerous
errors, mis‐statements of facts and significant omissions rendering the book an unreliable source
for those researching either the history of the BBC or the impact of the BBC on Britain’s political
and cultural life. Seaton’s major errors and omissions are catalogued as an aid to future researchers
and alternative, more reliable, secondary sources identified.
KEYWORDS
BBC, HISTORY, BROADCASTING, TELEVISION, RADIO, BBC LOCAL RADIO, BBC NATURAL HISTORY UNIT, BRITISH
HISTORY, ASA BRIGGS, JEAN SEATON, HUW WHELDON, ALASDAIR MILNE, PLAY FOR TODAY, THE HITCHHIKER’S
GUIDE TO THE GALAXY, GARDENER’S QUESTION TIME, THE MOUSETRAP, HOWARDS’ WAY, THE THORN BIRDS,
LIFE ON EARTH, NEWSNIGHT, PANORAMA, I, CLAUDIUS, BOYS FROM THE BLACKSTUFF, EDGE OF DARKNESS, BLUE
PETER, BAGPUSS, THE WOMBLES, NATIONWIDE, GRANDSTAND, POT BLACK, THE GENERATION GAME, MATCH OF
THE DAY, BLACK AND WHITE MINSTREL SHOW, EASTENDERS, STARSKY AND HUTCH, MARK TULLY, GRAHAME C
GREENE, CHRISTOPHER ANDREW, TIMOTHY GARTON ASH, TOM BOWER, PAT LOUGHREY, DAVID MCKITTRICK,
BRYCE MCCRIRICK, KELVIN MACKENZIE, GILES OAKLEY, NAOMI SARGANT, RONNIE STONHAM, DAVID
ATTENBOROUGH, DERYCK COOKE, DERRICK AMOORE, SALLY DOGANIS, TIM EGGAR, AUSTEN KARK, SARA
NATHAN, STEWART PURVIS, STEWART PARKER, PHILLIP WHITEHEAD, TONY SMITH, ALASDAIR MILNE, AUBREY
SINGER, ANNA HOME, HUMPHREY BURTON MARK DAMAZER, FRANCESCA KIRBY‐GREEN, DONALD GRATTAN,
ALAN YENTOB, BROADCASTING STANDARDS COUNCIL

Quadro sinóptico de conceitos de teoria da narrativa, com comentários associados a sua aplicados na análise do discurso de noticiários e documentários. provenientes de REIS & LOPES (1988) Dicionário de Teoria Narrativa. GREIMAS & COURTÉS (1989) Dicionário de Semiótica e
MOUILLAUD (1997) "O sistema das citações".

ÖZET
Modern devletin doğuşuyla beraber gözetim, mekânsal ve zamansal açıdan genişlemiş, topluma yayılmıştır. 20. yüzyıldaki enformasyon temelli teknolojik gelişmelerle beraber ise yeni bir aşamaya geçilmiştir. Bu yeni dönemin en belirgin özelliği, insanları gittikleri her yerde gözetim altında tutabilen, eylemlerini kayıt altına alabilen gözetim teknolojilerinin ortaya çıkmış olmasıdır. Bunların başında kameralı gözetim teknolojileri gelmektedir. CCTV olarak önce İngiltere’de başlatılan kameralı gözetim, Türkiye’de MOBESE adıyla faaliyete geçmiştir.
Gözetim sistemleriyle beraber görüntü kaydetme teknolojilerinde yaşanan gelişmeler, insanların iktidarlar tarafından daha yakından takip edilmesine olanak vermiştir. Buna ek olarak, habercilik alanında yeni görüntü kaynakları kullanılmaya başlanmıştır. Kolay taşınabilir amatör kameranın ve özellikle işyerlerinde kullanılan güvenlik kamerasının yanı sıra polis kamerasına ait görüntülerin de televizyon haberlerinde kullanıldığı görülmektedir. Bunların arasına en son eklenen ise MOBESE kameraları olmuştur. Bu tez çalışmasında MOBESE kameralarının haberlerdeki kullanımı ‘MOBESE haberciliği’ şeklinde tanımlanmış, kaynak kullanımı ve türsel özellikleri, içerik çözümlemesi yöntemi uygulanarak ortaya konmuştur. Çıkan sonuçlar, MOBESE haberciliğinin, haber kaynağı ve görüntü kaynağına olan bağımlılığın üst seviyede olduğu, tabloid özellikler gösteren, görüntü ve ses efektleri kullanılarak yeni bir gerçekliğin yaratıldığı ve ilginçlik etmenin ağır bastığı, asayiş konulu haberleri kapsadığını göstermektedir.

SUMMARY
With the birth of the modern state, surveillance expanded in terms of time and space, and spread to the society. A new phase was entered with the information based technological developments in the 20th century. The most distinct characteristic of this new phase is the emergence of the surveillance technologies that keep a close watch on people everywhere and record their actions. The camera surveillance technologies constitute the main part of these technologies. Launched first as CCTV in England, camera surveillance entered into service with the name of MOBESE in Turkey.
The developments in the image recording and surveillance technologies enabled rulers to keep a closer watch on people. In addition to that, new image sources were begun to used in journalism area. Images belonging to the police cameras as well as easy portable amateur cameras and security cameras for work places are used in television news. MOBESE cameras have been added to all of these cameras lately. In this thesis study, the use of MOBESE cameras in the news was defined as “MOBESE journalism” and the use of sources and specific features were set forth with an application of content analysis to television news. The results show that MOBESE journalism includes news about public order that are highly dependent on news and image sources, also show tabloid features, construct new realities by using image and sound effects and mostly rely on interestingness.

The EMBERS of REVISIONISM
Essays critiquing creationist Irish history and Roy Foster on Ken Loachʼs The WIND that SHAKES the BARLEY

Niall Meehan & Brian P Murphy

Contents

THE EMBERS OF REVISIONISM Critiquing Creationist Irish History - Dr. Niall Meehan
Introduction – enter Conor Cruise O’Brien
PART I MAKING SPACE FOR REVISIONISM
PART II THE SOUTH
2.1 ‘Catholic Bourgeoisie’
2.2 Southern Economy
2.3 ‘Wonderful Catholics’, ‘Good Little Protestants’
PART III REVISIONISM AND THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
3.1 Deceived Schoolboys
3.2 Journalists and History
3.3 Left, Right
3.4 Reporting History
3.5 Tales of the RIC
3.6 Academic Tales
3.7 Protestant Views
3.8 Adulterers and Homosexuals
3.9 Kilmichael Interviews
3.10 April Killings
3.11 Ethnic Cleansing Retreat
PART IV CONCLUSION

The WIND that SHAKES the BARLEY
Historical reflections on Roy Foster’s criticism of Ken Loach’s 2006 film
Dr. Brian P. Murphy osb
INTRODUCTION
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO THE FILM
THE CROWN FORCES
DEMOCRATIC MANDATE AND REFERENCE TO IRAQ
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES
SECTARIANISM
SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE WRITING OF IRISH HISTORY

Southern Star letters on the West Cork History Festival

Niall Meehan essay begins:

Introduction – enter Conor Cruise O'Brien
Historians who search for enhanced knowledge of past events never do so in a vacuum. Inevitably, societal pressures infiltrate the historian’s thought processes. When the subject matter of history comes closer to the present, politics intervenes. This is especially so in Ireland where the past is never past, but instead is considered the political present in retrospect.

Attempts to control the presentation of Irish history redoubled after 1970. This was due to official apprehension that nationalists and republicans in revolt against sectarian rule in Northern Ireland might influence southern popular consciousness. The consequent attempt to revise and to reverse a nationalist version of Irish history, so as to alienate southerners from northerners, was actively pursued by Conor Cruise O’Brien. He operated prominently in four areas of Irish life: government, politics, academic history and journalism. Their interaction was central to the relative success within academia of the revisionist project.

In revising Irish history O’Brien revised also his 1960s self. Before tacking to the right during the 1970s, he contributed three important articles to London’s New Left Review (NLR). They contained observations and sentiments he would later either ignore or disavow.

The first in 1965 challenged Cold War neo-colonialism, a subject of which O’Brien had direct personal experience. In 1961 he was forced out of his UN role in the province of Katanga in the newly independent, former Belgian, Congo. He had opposed the violent attempts of Western interests and white-ruled Rhodesia to partition off and turn Katanga into a client state. O’Brien wrote in the Observer on 10 December that year, ‘My resignation from the United Nations and from the Irish Foreign Service is a result of British Government policy’.

In exile from Ireland from 1962-68, O’Brien was associated with the ‘new left’. He opposed United States involvement in the Vietnam War, racism plus police violence in the US and Apartheid in South Africa. A 1967 NLR essay explained O’Brien’s role in exposing how the CIA funded and manipulated Encounter magazine (through the Congress of Cultural Freedom). O’Brien recounted also Encounter’s failed attempt to silence him. Another 1967 essay warned that ‘counter revolutionary subordination’ of intellectuals by the state in western society was a threat to ‘scholarly integrity’.

O’Brien was a committed supporter of resistance to US forces in Vietnam. Some years earlier he had supported the Algerian fight for independence from France. At a 1967 symposium on the Vietnam War O’Brien clashed with Hannah Arendt, who had remarked, ‘As to the Viet Cong terror, we cannot possibly agree with it’. O’Brien responded,

'I think there is a distinction between the use of terror by oppressed peoples against the oppressors and their servants, in comparison with the use of terror by their oppressors in the interests of further oppression. I think there is a qualitative distinction there which we have the right to make.'

In December 1967 O’Brien was front-page news in the Irish Times, that reported his arrest while demonstrating against the war, and being kicked by a policeman. In May 1968 O’Brien condemned police attacks on, and harassment of, the militant, armed, Black Panther Party.

O’Brien linked his Irish and international perspect-ives in his second NLR contribution, ‘The Embers of Easter’, on the fiftieth anniversary of the 1916 Rising against British rule. It was a robust anti-imperialist inter-pretation of Irish history. O’Brien had a connection there too. His uncle, the pacifist Francis Sheehy Skeffington, was executed during the Rising on the orders of a later found ‘guilty but insane’ Cork-born, Anglo-Irish British officer, Captain J.C. Bowen-Colthurst.

To great fanfare, in December 1968 O’Brien joined the small but then vibrantly and newly left-wing Irish Labour Party. Under a soon to be abandoned slogan, ‘The 70s will be socialist’, he was easily elected to the Dáil (Irish Parliament) at the June 1969 general election. O’Brien’s triumphant return to Ireland coincided with the emergence of civil rights demands that became a civil rights revolt in Northern Ireland. He was quickly in the thick of opposition to the North’s ‘Orange state’ .... [the rest in PDF]

Il nuovo giornalista sarà sempre di più un content producer: dovrà essere in grado di intercettare l’informazione, di analizzarla, valutarla, e ridiffonderla, possibilmente in diversi formati. È questo l’identikit del professionista nell’era digitale disegnato da Marco Marsili nel libro “La rivoluzione dell'informazione digitale in Rete. Come Internet sta cambiando il modo di fare giornalismo” (Odoya, Bologna, 2009; prefazione Gianpiero Gamaleri, postfazione Massimo Esposti).

Selezionare nella marea di informazione del web sta diventando il vero valore aggiunto della professione. Trovare news davvero utili e favorirne la diffusione è una delle sfide più difficili per chi vuole esercitare questa professione in un momento storico di grandi cambiamenti: le barriere di accesso, tanto per cominciare, sono sempre più basse e chiunque può fare informazione attraverso il suo blog o caricare un servizio video. La crisi attuale di molte imprese editoriali e la dilagante sfiducia dei lettori verso la stampa sono altri segnali evidenti di un settore al bivio.

È vero che la rivoluzione digitale apre nuovi scenari molto interessanti: la lenta erosione del potere di una casta, lo spirito di collaborazione e condivisione delle notizie, la partecipazione dei lettori e il boom del citizen journalism, gli straordinari sviluppi delle tecnologie di connessione (si parla già di web 3.0!) e il sempre più facile accesso ai servizi. Non ultimo la prospettiva di nuove figure professionali. Ma la rete pone anche delle
problematiche di non facile soluzione: quanto è neutrale il web? Chi controlla l’accesso? Chi garantisce la sicurezza? Come combattere il digital divide?

Problematiche che Marco Marsili, docente di Teorie e tecniche del linguaggio giornalistico presso l’Università degli Studi dell’Insubria,
direttore responsabile de "La Voce d’Italia" (uno dei più importanti quotidiani indipendente on line), prospetta già nelle prime pagine di introduzione, per poi affrontare in ogni capitolo tutti i diversi aspetti del giornalismo di oggi. Giornalismo inteso come processo, come lavoro e come industria. Ne esce un vero manuale non solo per chi fa questa professione o vi aspira, ma utile per coloro che vogliono capire di più dell’ecosistema delle telecomunicazioni, dei modelli di produzione e fruizione delle news, dei rapporti tra politica e informazione, degli interessi nascosti, delle distorsioni degli aiuti statali, delle problematiche aperte e delle false ideologie che circolano nell’era del web 2.0.

Ogni capitolo presenta in genere qualche elemento storico che rende più completa la lettura del presente e meno azzardata – anzi, sempre circostanziata e molto argomentata - di qualche ipotesi di sviluppo futuro. Si comincia dalla stampa: un focus sul panorama editoriale italiano e internazionale, il passaggio dalla carta al web, lo stato di salute dei giornali (non certamente buono), i rapporti tra informazione e politica. La chiarezza sulle dinamiche di potere presenti dietro i giornali non serve a innescare una sterile polemica, piuttosto aiuta a capire perché una
testata fa determinate scelte e non altre, e quali sono le conseguenze di avere in Italia solo editori il cui core business non è mai l’impresa editoriale: costruzioni, motori, moda, tutto ma non i giornali.

L’approccio è lo stesso anche per gli altri capitoli sulla pubblicità on line, le reti dell’informazione e del sapere (documentatissima la sezione dedicata alla banda larga), il giornalismo on line in tutte le sue articolazioni (tecnogiornalismo, tv su web, cellulari, peer to peer, video, social network…), la proprietà intellettuale e la privacy fino al funzionamento dei motori di ricerca. Tanti i nodi che via via emergono, a partire dalla crisi della stampa, la mancanza di indipendenza e pluralismo, la partita del digitale terrestre, il freno del monopolio allo sviluppo delle infrastrutture per la connessione veloce a Internet, il problema del rispetto della privacy da parte delle piattaforme di behavoural targeting.

Pagina dopo pagina il lettore si sente così più accorto e consapevole delle straordinarie opportunità che la rete offre per fare informazione ma anche dei suoi problemi, delle questioni chiave che bisognerebbe affrontare per realizzare un sistema editoriale più solido, capace di produrre informazione di qualità. “Collaborazione, organizzazione e innovazione costituiscono i presupposti irrinunciabili sui quali deve essere fondata
qualsiasi iniziativa che voglia avere una qualche possibilità di successo”, dice in sintesi l’autore. Come agire in questa direzione, però, non è di così semplice evidenza.

Proprio di fronte a un quadro così completo sembra ancora più difficile rispondere a quelle domande iniziali poste dall'autore: come sta cambiando il giornalismo con la rete? Chi sopravviverà a questa rivoluzione digitale? E soprattutto quali forme sta assumendo il giornalismo in un mondo di contenuti gratuiti dove il problema è disporre di un budget sufficiente a garantire la ricerca di fonti attendibili, l’accuratezza dei contenuti, il giusto compenso del collaboratore, la sopravvivenza di una testata?

Certamente Marsili offre “una messe rilevante di dati e di chiavi interpretative”, spiega Gamaleri nella prefazione, aiutandoci a formare “le griglie mentali che ci consentono di cogliere il cambiamento”, perché la più grande sfida per l’uomo è sempre stata quella di “padroneggiare la trasformazione che egli stesso ha messo in movimento”.

This book is essentially an ethnography of television production in a situation of acute change. In late February 2002, when the fieldwork for this thesis commenced, an Express train carrying many Hindu-nationalist activists caught fire outside a small-town station in the West-Indian state of Gujarat. The incident set off the most brutal and most clearly state-sponsored violence against the Muslim minority (more than 2000 dead, 200 000 displaced) in India's post-Independence history. It was the first communal violence that was 24x7 reported nation-wide by commercial television, and it was the first pogrom on a global scale that was covered live and uncensored by competing networks from the same country (rather than international media "uncovering" such a form of organised violence and persecution).
Researched under this impression of mediated real violence, this thesis provides, firstly, an analysis of the interplay of transnational media corporations, particularly Rupert Murdoch's Star TV, in their pursuit of creating profitable national consumer markets, preferably in a democracy like India, with the anti-minority politics, modes of popular/populist mobilisation and discursive strategies of Hindu nationalism. It looks at the economic, technological, medial, political, social, visual/iconographic and legal aspects of this interplay and delineates their concrete manifestations in news as well as in entertainment programming of everyday television (particularly in very popular shows and channels at the time). These aspects are set into the larger framework of globalisation, privatisation, commercialisation and neo-liberal policies, the related thrusts of social upward mobility (especially in the new middle classes), ‘good governance’ (instead of socio-economic justice) and shifting class-, caste-, majority-minority and national-regional relations in the context of a re-formulation of nation and state that defines and legitimises new logics of inclusion and exclusion.
Secondly, this work is a study of "Indianisation" and lingual/representational politics in the context of the growing precariousness of the liberal-secular discourse and of democratic, independent mass media in India. Especially English-language journalists, whose largely critical coverage of the anti-Muslim violence experienced an hitherto unknown rejection on the part of TV audiences (and consequently produced a slump in advertising revenues), turned with the Gujarat crisis out to epitomise the ambivalence of challenging the definitional power of a privileged postcolonial class: its rightful critique carries the danger of vindicating and naturalising anti-minority cultural nationalism. The study follows and examines, before the background of a normative construction of a Hindi-speaking, ‘authentic’ media consumer, the changing position of both English and Hindi-producing journalists and producers, their respective perceptions of alienation, speechlessness and empowerment, their unwanted role as activists in the context of shifting meanings of 'neutrality' and 'objectivity', their difficulties or agility in assessing their options and maintaining, changing or even developing their convictions, and the strategies they find or reject for adapting to the circumstances.
In this context, thirdly, this book engages in a critical debate of anthropological assessments of globalisation and media change and theories of postcolonialism on the one hand and conventional modes of ethnography on the other hand. It attempts to show the 'blind spot' of the mutual linkage between Hindu nationalism and economic liberalisation in the approaches specifically of Arjun Appadurai and the Subaltern Studies Group and argues for a stronger reflection and consideration in anthropological research on the cooperation between ‘the global’ and ‘the local’ in terms of disabling and anti-emancipatory mechanisms rather than focussing mainly on aspects of empowerment and negotiation of identity. At the same time it proposes, by introducing an ‘ethnographic moment’ instead of the ‘ethnographic present’, a flexibility in ethnography that is aware of its increasingly ephemeral character and that takes account of the pace of change in the media as well as of the grown likelihood, in a global era of post-traditional wars and genocidal politics, of the field researcher to be confronted with incalculable situations of conflict and violence.

This article aims to critically examine how the unprecedented expansion of television industry in Bangladesh became possible over the past decade, and how the increasingly market-liberalization trend of this country constitutes the structure, content and process of news production amongst the TV channels. This is the first time South Asia has experienced the phenomenon of a TV media 'boom' in Bangladesh, in spite of the background of politically violent and prospective new democracy. However, the escalating commercialization is triggering a divide between the actual role of television and the potential role it could play in a progressive society. Since the government permitted private broadcasting satellite TV channels in 1997, a massive investment in the production and advertisement sector has been systematically facilitated by the dominant political and commercial elites of the country. The number of television networks has increased by 19 over last 11 years. In this perspective, this article traces the answers to the questions - why and how a country with $440 per capita GNP should need 19 television channels? What is the power-structure behind the abnormal growth of TV industry? Who invests and what are the sources of asset? Aiming what profit? What backing keeps these channels running? How are the owners’ political and business networks affecting the fate of news content? The paper also highlights a contradiction between the television industry of Bangladesh and the international economic powers. On the one hand, the reformation pressures from many donor agencies indirectly influenced the recent Caretaker government to eliminate corruption, and ensure an untroubled access for the international corporation’s investment and business. As a part of this operation, Ministry of Information has shut down several corrupt-licensed TV channels. On the other hand, this article explores, advertisement and investment supports from the translational corporations have ultimately encouraged the political tycoons to expand their television outlets, and now these channels have been used as local and global business-lobbying-corruption-powerhouse. Subsequently, this paper also argues with evidence that the alarming drift of corporate takeover of news-slots through 'Corporate-Branding' and 'advertiser-media-partnership' inexorably shapes the selection and production of news. Finally, an empirical analysis of this article reveals a power-exercise-web between government, corporations, media owners and newsmakers which is radically dividing the most popular mass media of Bangladesh and transforming it into a market-oriented class media.

Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é observar a construção do discurso sobre morte e sobre os mortos no " Jornal Nacional " e no " Jornal da Band ". O corpus foi composto por seis edições do JN e seis edições do JB, as quais foram ao ar no período de 20 a 25 de outubro de 2008. Foram enfocados, neste estudo, todos os casos de morte apresentados nos telejornais que compõem o corpus. Tomou-se como suporte metodológico a análise do discurso de linha francesa.

Abstract: The objective of this paper is to observe the construction of the discourse about death and the dead on " Jornal Nacional " and " Jornal da Band ". The corpus is constituted by six editions of " JN " and six editions of " JB " , which were aired in the period of October 20 to 25, 2008. In this study, all the cases of death presented in television journalism that consist the corpus are focused. We took, as methodological support, the French branch of Discourse Analysis.

Link: http://seer.uscs.edu.br/index.php/revista_comunicacao_inovacao/article/view/1356

In 1992 RTÉ lost an important High Court case which determined that the station had extended censorship provisions under Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act. A Ministerial Order in place under the act, as amended in 1976, censored spokespersons for, or representatives of, Sinn Féin on RTE .

In 'Laurence [Larry] O'Toole versus RTÉ', O'Toole argued successfully that RTÉ was wrong to censor him as spokesperson for striking bakery workers, solely because he was a Sinn Féin member. RTÉ had in effect extended the censorship provision by banning all Sinn Féin members, whether speaking for trade unions, as in O'Toole's case, other organisations, or in a private capacity.

O'Toole established his argument in letters back and forth to RTÉ Director of News Joe Mulholland in 1990 and 1991. He stated that as a worker in the Gateaux factory in Finglas (where the strike took place) and as an executive member of the bakery workers trade union, he was not representing or speaking on behalf of Sinn Féin. RTÉ rejected his argument and stated that O'Toole was banned because he was a Sinn Féin member (two of the letters are attached).

When the High Court verdict was announced, RTÉ was in effect ordered to liberalise its censorship regime. Many expected that the station would be relieved to permit more freedom of speech. The NUJ Broadcasting Branch in RTÉ welcomed the ruling and it was thought management would follow suit. Surprisingly, RTE management did not and justified its stance to staff in an internal bulletin. The Repeal Section 31 Campaign replied with its own RTÉ staff bulletin. The two bulletins are available here, alongside campaign leaflets produced before and after the High Court judgement.

In this article author gives a chronological analyses of the Russian travel journalism, and a genre of travel program in particular. Evolution of television travel journalism in Russia is described in three stages: author depicts characteristics of each stage in evolution, and provides the most vivid examples of TV-programs to illustrate these stages. The article examines the modern television travel programs in the context of the current media situation of digitalization, convergence, conglomeration, and unification of journalism, which occurs in two dimensions — contextual and technological. Author analyses the modern conditions, problems, trends and prospects of the Russian geographically oriented popular science journalism. The study detected the beginning of a formation of unified publicly available multimedia environment, where the content is circulating freely (regardless of the country of production). The study results suggest that the Russian television travel journalism is on the verge of transition to a new stage of development, where the user of television will not only be able to put together his or her own program schedule, but also to participate in the creation of travel program.

This chapter seeks to re-interpret Iraqi politics after the US-led intervention of 2003 by examining the alternative discourses of democracy emanating from within Re-Colonial Iraq. It details the complex public sphere of the post-Saddam era and points to the inclusive nature of the positive developments that have occurred across the nation since 2003. The first part discusses the post-Saddam media landscape which has played a positive role in covering the nation’s difficult transition to democracy. The second part of this chapter documents and examines the Iraqi people’s exercise of their democratic right to protest and the influence these protests have had on the politics of the post-Saddam era. The chapter concludes that Iraqi citizens who play an active role in their own governance and participate in democratic mechanisms such as elections and mass demonstrations are helping to create a more robust democracy.

La commune de Molenbeek a été au centre de l’attention médiatique belge et internationale de 2015 à 2017 en raison de l’origine des auteurs des attentats de Paris et de Bruxelles. Celle-ci n’a pas été positive pour l’image de la commune et a souvent manqué de nuance en ce qui concerne les médias étrangers. Qu’en est-il de l’image de la commune auprès des Belges ? Ce travail portant sur l’image de Molenbeek dans le JT de la RTBF et son évolution depuis les années 60-70 jusqu’à fin 2017 adopte une approche tant quantitative que qualitative, avec pour cette dernière une analyse diachronique de reportages sur le thème de l'éducation.

• Longlisted for Business Book of the Year, Tata Literary Live 2015 (one of India’s most prestigious book awards)
• The New York Times featured the book prominently:  (https://nyti.ms/2ZIpo0K) 
• Featured high on non-fiction best-seller charts in India, 2015.
This book looks closely at what is happening to India’s television industry, how is it adapting to the rapid digital changes in the country and what India’s television programming tells us about the state of the nation?  In Behind a Billion Screens, Nalin Mehta examines how television works in India, how TV channels make their money or not and what this means for the cacophony that appears on our screens.

Given that television is a strategically vital social gateway for power, he also probes the ownership of television networks — politicians, corporations, real-estate tycoons and tells us why this matters.Based on extensive research and wide-ranging conversations with industry leaders, channel heads, policy makers and politicians, this is a comprehensive report on the state of the Indian television industry, how it is shapeshifting in response to the ferment of mobiles and social media and its vital role in the wider Indian story. Everybody watches television, everybody has an opinion on it and everybody claims to have solutions but Mehta brings new research and understanding to illuminate a topic that often raises a lot of heat and smoke but little light.

PRAISE FOR BEHIND A BILLION SCREENS

1. 'Nalin is probably the best media academic in India…this book is a seminal contribution to the evolving debate about the role of the media in India.’                        — Uday Shankar, CEO Star India (2015); now President, Walt Disney Asia Pacific and Chairman, Star and Disney India http://bit.ly/2OTB3Jg

2. 'Remarkable for being both a distinguished academic and an experienced journalist, Mehta brings to this book the knowledge of a battle-hardened insider, the prose of a gifted story-teller and and the analysis of a fine scholar. This book is a major contribution to media scholarship — and a ripping good read.
— Robin Jeffrey, Emeritus Professor Australian National University and La Trobe University

3. ‘There is a coup underway in India: Some people who are inconvenienced by democracy have taken over nearly all the country’s television news channels….These facts are retold in a new book, “Behind a Billion Screens: What Television Tells Us About Modern India,” by Nalin Mehta, a historian and former television journalist….Mr. Mehta’s book portrays a host of problems facing Indian television, including the tastes of viewers, a lack of talent, youth hampered by poverty and substandard schooling, and government policies that impede the ability of channels to expand their revenues.
-– Manu Joseph in The New York Times, May 13, 2015. http://bit.ly/1I8aA1x

4. ‘Television is dead. This book is its obituary’
— Rajdeep Sardesai, Consulting Editor, India Today Group

5. ‘Formidable book, excellent research. Nalin is well on his way to becoming India’s first media academic’
— Sagarika Ghose, Consulting Editor, The Times of India
‘
6. I love the racy casual style that makes serious matters so clear and interesting.’
— Jawhar Sircar, CEO, Prasar Bharti

7. ‘This is an ambitious book. Its promise is all the more seductive because of author Nalin Mehta’s background as a social scientist and media man…Behind a Billion Screens goes a fair way to meet its promise – it is engaging, full of fresh anecdotes’
— Vanita Kohli Khandekar, Business Standard

8. ‘Mehta’s book is a systemic analysis of Indian media and what brought it to its current state – where talent’s lost in a lattice of hackneyed, uninspired storylines and farcical “bhoot ka phone number” news reports – it also offers the promise of hope..
–- Mumbai Mirror, May 10, 2015

9. 'Nalin’s new book on India’s television practices, “Behind a Billion Screens” is a hotly debated one in the Capital, for there are few pieces of authoritative, research backed books that look at the world of Indian television apart from the punditry on display across social medium and online news portals’ — TheNewsMinute

1o. “This is a well-researched, thoroughly documented account of what ails television in India” – Indian Express, 27 June 2015

11. ‘Nalin Mehta has the rather unusual distinction of being a media academician who has also held a top editorial job in a TV news channel. As a result, his research is impressive and he also tells a good story. In one word, that story is: Indian news television is in a mess. But the tale is fascinating… Mehta’s recommendations to correct this logical mess are precise and logical’ –Sandipan Deb, Mail Today, 14 June 2015

12. “Mehta discusses the reach and social and political implications of television news in the same breath as scandals, fraud and the quest for influence. But the book isn’t dry or academic, referencing House of Cards, Game of Thrones, Hulu and Netflix just as comfortably as the ‘Herfindal- Hirschmann Index’… Overall, Mehta’s background in TV news stands him in good stead, as does his stint on a committee to revamp Prasar Bharati. The ambition of the book sees it through”  – Open, 12 June 2015

Cet article est le premier état d’une recherche monographique sur la chaîne d’information en continu multilingue Euronews visant à comprendre in vivo comment fonctionne ce qu’on appelle un média à vocation européenne. Autrement dit, il s’agit de tenter d’apporter une contribution sociologique aux débats portant sur les questions de “ construction européenne ” à travers l’étude d’une sorte de “ laboratoire ” européen qui rassemble des journalistes de six nationalités différentes. Après avoir dressé un bref historique de la création de la chaîne en la replaçant dans les différents espaces (politique et médiatique) auxquels elle est liée, il s’agit d’abord de montrer quelles sont les contraintes – tant au niveau des sources, de l’organisation de la rédaction, que de la nécessité de plus en plus présente de produire une information attrayante à partir d’un objet a priori peu télégénique - qui pèsent sur ce média à prétention européenne. Tous ces éléments invitent ainsi à s’interroger sur les obstacles à l’édification d’un média transnational. Enfin, cet article analyse la manière dont les journalistes cherchent à construire - à travers leur travail et leur organisation au quotidien - ce “ point de vue européen ” sur l’actualité dite internationale.

This chapter was born with the aim of reflecting about the concepts of ubiquitous TV and liquid spheres. First one is defined by its ability to offer content access anytime anywhere; while second one emerged from Bauman’s liquid perception of modern society. Specifically, liquid spheres reflected the user performance in the era of mobile communication. Journalism genres, due to its defining features, have been adjusting to a mobile and online ecosystem that demands from its narrative tension, its ability to adapt to the new user requirements and to the media landscape. The internment flow of information affected the specific resources of a narrative to generate and maintain the interest and climax of a story as well as to incorporate the prosumer presence in the value chain. Moreover, users management of content and information on the Internet have showed prominent aspects to bear in mind like the continuous partial attention, the multitask, the multiplexing, the fluidity of identity, the cellular and nomadic intimacy, the relation between memories and place, the limitations in the extension between knowledge and action, the strong circumstantial pattern behaviour, the relevance of temporal priority in the digital literacy, the lack of rationality in some attitudes and performances, the ambiguity and volatility of the ‘Personal Policies’ and ‘Terms and Conditions’, adding the liquidity and mobility of our society and technology itself as well as the architecture of exposure in the interface design of mobile communication.