Terrorism Studies

The impact of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), with its emphasis on preemptive military force, is a matter of considerable debate. This timely book employs a time series intervention approach to evaluate the extent to which the onset of the GWOT (beginning with the invasion of Afghanistan) and related events (the invasion of Iraq, the capture of Saddam Hussein, and the release of photos from Abu Ghraib) are associated with changes in transnational terrorist activity.

Utilizing an extremely sophisticated statistical analysis of longitudinal data exploring the relationship between the U.S. "Global War on Terror" (GWOT) and the frequency and lethality of acts of transnational terrorism, this study has produced some counterintuitive findings which are now compatible with official thinking.

Highly readable with a rich quantitative analysis of the largest ever terrorism database constructed for the period 1992-2004, the results of the study are fascinating and have important implications for current U.S. foreign policy in the Global War on Terrorism. The author has painstakingly examined, with precise numbers, the impact of the use of preemptive force in the War on Terrorism in a way that has never been done before.

This is the first publication showcasing compelling data on the impact of the current war on terrorism on the level, lethality and frequency of transnational terrorist activity around the globe. With extremely current data, When Terrorism and Counterterrorism Clash is a critical reference to all in the fields of international relations and political science.

Terrorism is surrounded by myths. This book aims to look beyond these, and provide insight into how and why terrorism conflicts erupt, who are the terrorists and what motivates them, and why are governments often so bad at combatting this threat. The book highlights what is distinctive about modern terrorism, but argues that the lessons of history apply as strongly today as ever. This accessible and concise book will appeal to both students and general readers, giving a fascinating introduction to the historical and present-day incarnations of terrorism - and what matters most about them.

In a review in 1988, Schmid and Jongman identified a number of key problems in research on terrorism. These included serious concerns with the methodologies being used by researchers to gather data and with the level of analysis which was undertaken once data was available. Following on from this work, this paper draws on a review of research published between 1995 and 2000. It was found that the problems identified in 1988 remain as serious as ever. Research is ultimately aimed at arriving at a level of knowledge and understanding where one can explain why certain events have happened and be able to accurately predict the emergence and outcome of similar events in the future. Terrorism research however has failed to arrive at that level of knowledge. This paper outlines some of the causes of these continuing problems and highlights ways in which the situation can be improved.

At a time when there is an increasing sense of paranoia regarding terrorism, there is a powerful need for balanced, expert and informed research into the subject. This book assesses the state and nature of research on terrorism, examing critical issues in the conduct of research and then in how such work is applied in the real-world.Terrorism is a topic which provokes extreme perceptions, perceptions which spill easily into considerations of the actors behind the violence. Misconceptions and prejudices born in the wake of the amorality of terrorist acts - the wanton destruction of property and the suffering of victims - if pervasive enough can have a powerful influence on official attitudes and policy on how to deal with terrorism. This volume outlines the current issues and trends which dominate terrorism research; it explores how research on terrorism is focused, carried out and analysed; and it examines how research impacts in applied settings in terms of counter-terrorism practice and policy. The focus of this book is ultimately to present a clear and succinct view of the key issues and problems facing terrorism research at the start of the 21st century. profe

The aim of this chapter is to provide a general review of research published in the core terrorism studies journals between 1990 and 2007. As such, this chapter seeks to build on a long history of past reviews and assessments of the literature which have attempted at various points to assess the state of the art on this subject. Terrorism has never been an easy subject to study or research. In particular, relentless (and ongoing) conceptual and definitional disagreements, a shortage of experienced researchers, and a general lack of funding for studies have all presented formidable obstacles. Indeed, in the 1990s, there were probably only about 100 researchers across the world researching and writing on terrorism on a regular basis. One consequence of such an environment is that studies which are expensive in terms of funds or time have been scarce as the resources have not been present to carry them out. This has hindered the progression of the field and much work is simply rehashing old data or providing primarily descriptive or exploratory analysis. Since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, interest in - and funding for – terrorism related research has increased enormously. The number of researchers both in terms of postgraduate students and more established professionals has increased enormously. Thus, this review hopes to shed light on what are the key issues in the core journals in a post-9/11 world and whether there are any indications that old problems and limitations are as prevalent as in the past.

“Rivoluzionario professionista” convertito all’Islam, Carlos ha dedicato la sua vita combattendo “per la liberazione del mondo dallo sfruttamento imperialista e della Palestina dall’occupazione sionista”. Le armi gli “sono state imposte dalle circostanze, determinate dalla violenza stessa del nemico”, e il “terrorismo” è una fatalità imposta “dal rapporto di forze cui nessun resistente, musulmano o meno, può sfuggire, poiché è di fronte a un nemico potentissimo, senza freni né limiti in arroganza e ambizione di conquista”. Il terrorismo “è l’arma dei poveri”, “un’arma di prima scelta per ristabilire una parvenza di equilibrio contro la sproporzione dei mezzi di informazione, il cui monopolio assoluto è del nemico”, ovvero degli americani. In questo libro autobiografico commentato da Marco Marsili, Ilič Ramírez Sánchez ricostruisce le tappe della carriera che ne ha fatto il terrorista più famoso e ricercato nel mondo, dai primi attentati degli anni ‘70, all’amicizia con Osama Bin Laden, Saddam Hussein e Mùammar Gheddafi, fino all’arresto avvenuto in Sudan nel ’94. Carlos svela la verità sugli attentati dell’11 settembre, e spiega, con una lucida analisi, la strategia statunitense della “guerra preventiva”, motivata dalla necessità di mantenere il controllo sul prezzo del petrolio, scambiato sui mercati internazionali in dollari. Una feroce critica ai media occidentali, al capitalismo, al consumismo, all’Onu, e alla sinistra occidentale, accusata di essersi adagiata “sugli allori della borghesia convertendosi al liberalismo californiano”.

The paper is an analysis of the different typology, forms and aspects of terrorism in its modern incarnation. It is a critical and thorough analysis of the varied manifestations of terrorism in the international political system. The paper shows that terrorism has evolved with modernity. Terrorism in its new variation is what this paper has called ‘Terrorism 4.0.’ Terrorism 4.0 (T4) has two basic and definable characteristics: it is fratricidal and genocidal in nature. The paper explores the different strategies and tactics employed by various and distinct terrorist groups to destabilize states in the international political system using T4 in combination with traditional terrorism practices. By drawing on the activities of non-state actors such as ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Tehrik-i-Taliban , Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, Hamas and Hezbollah, the paper shows that terrorism has evolved beyond its traditional conceptions in the 20th century.

Religion and ethnicity is widely associated with the unrelenting Taliban-led
violence in Pakistan. Their shari’a rhetoric coupled with a sympathetic politicoreligious
constituency compounds the terrorism landscape for the general
audience. Besides, less academic treatment of the phenomenon entailing analysis
of its wholesome dimensions further constrains its understanding. Conceding the
fact that religion pervades all aspects of contemporary conflict, this article argues
that the present setting is neither rooted in the ethnicity nor in the religion
literally as the conflict formation variables; it is instead governed since its
inception by dynamics germinating from Pakhtunwali (a social code of conduct
of tribal Pashtun), mainly its retributive imperative. It specifically investigates
the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan’s rent seeking, greed and hypocritical behavior,
which, it contends, lies in the selective perversion of Pakhtunwali permeated also
by the nuanced influence of foreign fighters. The peace advocates’ claim for
potential success in dialog with Taliban is therefore considered as misleading.
Drawing upon an adapted theoretical framework, the article attempts to
empirically demonstrate the viability of these assertions.

This entry on Terrorism examines the definition and problems defining the phenomenon, types and typologies developed and used to understand terrorism, its history and different approaches to periodization, and finally its study. Specifically, it looks at the history and development of Terrorism Studies in the 1960s and 1970s as an interdisciplinary expert field, and its growth post-9/11 and in the context of the war on terror. This is followed by a summary of criticisms of Terrorism Studies, and short history and overview of Critical Terrorism Studies.  Finally, it looks at the contribution to the study of terrorism from Sociology and Social Theory.

Our understanding of how people become involved in terrorism and violent extremism has transformed since the turn of the century. That transformation occurred at the same time that ‘radicalisation’ took over as the dominant framework for considering questions around terrorist psychology, motivation and recruitment. Today, radicalisation is typically seen to refer to a complex and dynamic process which results in individuals coming to embrace a violent ideology in support of a political or religious cause. The concept of radicalisation has become an almost universal element in contemporary efforts to understand and combat terrorism. This chapter outlines the rise and development of theoretical models and research on radicalisation. It highlights some of the major research breakthroughs but also focuses on where very significant gaps remain in our understanding. The chapter cautions that we need to be careful in terms of how we think about the broader role of radicalisation. A subtle – and dangerously unquestioned - assumption has spread that ‘radicalisation’ as a phenomenon is the major root cause of terrorism. When different radicalisation models are used to design or justify a variety of counter-terrorism policies and programmes, care is needed to look beyond the headline banner of radicalisation and pay attention to the factors identified within those models as key drivers.

Extant terrorism studies can be characterized, among other discrepancies, by the absence of systematic study of terrorism persistence more specifically the conceptual validity of prevailing longevity arguments in explaining empirical reality. This article helps to fill the gap. It does so by subjecting existing theories coalesced from a diverse set of relevant literature to a structured critique, and then pitches the salient inferences to a plausibility probe through a case study of terrorism landscape in Pakistan. Several gaps transpire in current research warranting revisit of major assumptions to harmonize theory with real time dynamics of clandestine non-state violence. More importantly, the study engenders unique insights which can benefit future study of terrorism prolongation in identical settings.

Course Description:
Can HipHop culture help produce a more just world? If so, what theory and praxis best advance this aim? These are the questions that drive this conceptual course. Our critical interrogation of the relationship between HipHop and social justice considers the culture from its U.S. Black Power era underpinnings to its disparate contemporary “glocal” manifestations. We begin by asking what is "HipHop," what is "social justice," and what is their relationship, and proceed to consider how HipHop can be an effective force for social justice and what obstacles mitigate against this potential. These discussions will develop familiarity with important concepts in Black studies and social theory such as race and colonialism, imperialism and hegemony, structure and agency, identity and strategic essentialism. Weekly readings will typically pair writings specifically on HipHop with theory from across the humanities and social sciences including philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, and political economy. Students will participate in the selection of weekly required listening/viewing of music and videos. We will endeavor to consider the race/class/gender dimensions of our weekly topics. Students will acquire a broader familiarity with HipHop activism, and develop new conceptual tools and critical thinking skills.

This survey of terrorism research focused on research studies published in the first five years after the 9/11 attacks. It highlights a number of positive trends which can be seen in this initial period after 9/11. To begin with, it is clear that more researchers are working on the subject than before and there has been a real increase in collaborative studies. This allows studies to be more ambitious in both data-collection and data analysis, though there has only been a very small shift away from literature review-based research. There has, however, been a much more promising increase in the use of descriptive and inferential statistical analysis. The use of inferential statistics on terrorism data in particular has more than trebled since 9/11, a trend which can only help improve the reliability and validity of the conclusions being reached by researchers. Admittedly, this is an increase starting from an extremely low level indeed (and still compares poorly to core journals in other areas) but it is unquestionably a major step in the right direction.

General Yakubu Gowon became Nigeria’s military ruler at a very critical period in the young country’s history in 1966. Due to the various tensions orchestrated by the different ethnic groups in the multi-ethnic state, Nigeria tethered on the verge of collapse by the mid-1960s and eventually lurched into a Civil War in 1966. By the time the war came to an end in 1970, Gowon was confronted with various nation-building challenges such as that of governance, federalism, ethnicity and democracy. To tackle these various nation-building challenges, Gowon introduced targeted programmes and policies designed to turn Nigeria into a cohesive and functional polity. This work is the analysis of the various initiatives used by General Yakubu Gowon between 1966 and 1970. The work discovers that Gowon made use of Praetorian, Conceptual and Institutional mechanisms to tackle the country’s nation-building challenges.

This chapter examines the history of counter-terrorism and the terrorism and terrorist threats to which it responded in the United States pre-9/11. Part one will provide an overview of the different types of domestic and international terrorism and movements that have affected or targeted America historically and been the focus of counter-terrorism. Part two will examine the history of counter-terrorism in the United States, looking at different developments, policies and approaches, and examine the ways in which counter-terrorism has changed in response to both threats and attacks, political and ideological agendas and interests, pressure and criticism, as well as challenges, mistakes and failures.

Winter, A. 2018. 'The United States of America: Counter-Terrorism Pre-9/11'. Routledge Handbook of Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism. ed. Andrew Silke. Abingdon: Routledge.

This course provides students a broad introduction to contemporary regional and international security by focusing on the phenomenon of Non-State Armed Actors (NSAAs) in the MENA region. It surveys some of the major concepts, theories and knowledge in the area of IR, ISS, Political Geography, and Military Studies through and exploration of series of empirical puzzles. This includes an assessment of how the main perspectives of aforementioned disciplines provide insights into NSAAs phenomenon and the conditions for conflict and war. Throughout the seminar, students are encouraged to relate the conceptual themes addressed to their own research interests and agenda in the security and terrorism studies.

Terrorism is best understood as a form of warfare. Considerable division exists among researchers on the issue of defining terrorism. A minority propose that terrorism is a form of warfare, possibly identical to guerrilla warfare. However, the majority disagree with this position, instead viewing terrorism as a distinct and separate phenomenon. This divergence has been fuelled by the distinctive questions of morality which cloak any consideration of terrorism. The impact of this special morality dimension to the problem is examined, with the focus being directed to biases arising from the moral standpoint which has been adopted by most. It is argued that many of the so-called distinctions between terrorism and warfare are illusionary. The article concludes that while there are solutions to the current conceptual deadlock these are unlikely to be realised in the near future.

The Earth Liberation Front is a radical environmental movement that developed from the ideological factionalization of the British Earth First! movement of the 1990s. Its ideological underpinnings are based in deep ecology, anti-authoritarian leftism highlighting its critique of capitalism, a commitment to non-violence, a collective defense of the Earth, and a warranted feeling of persecution by State forces. In its current form, the Earth Liberation Front is a transnational, decentralized network of clandestine, autonomous, cells that utilize illegal methods of protest by sabotaging and vandalizing property. The small unit cells are self-contained entities that can operate without the support of external entities such as financiers or weapons procurers. Tactical and operational knowledge is developed and shared through commercially available books written by the broader environmental movement throughout the last four decades, as well as inter-movement publications produced by the cells and distributed through numerous sympathetic websites. Membership in the Front can be understood as occurring on two levels, the covert cell level and the public support level, both of which operate in tandem to produce and publicize acts of property destruction. At the cell level, individuals conduct pre-operational reconnaissance and surveillance, develop and construct weapons systems, carry out orchestrated attacks, and announce their actions to support groups and media while maintaining internal security and anonymity. At the aboveground level, support entities help to publicize attacks carried out by cells, respond to media inquiries and other public engagements, identify and coordinate aid to imprisoned cell members, and develop and distribute sympathetic propaganda produced by, and in support of affiliated individuals. This case study uses the history of the Earth Liberation Front‟s United States attacks as its unit of analysis, and seeks to outline the ideology, structure, context and membership factors that constitute the movement.

The period following 9/11 saw those looking for historical precedent to explain Al Qaeda rediscover the Anarchist terrorists of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Coincidentally this seemed to coincide with the emergence of Islamo-Anarchism, an attempt by some to marry a spiritual Islam with the decentralised anti-governmental approach of Anarchism.

This article firstly rejects these developments, but goes on to contend that such narratives are perhaps not surprising given the paucity of debate in the fast developing academic field of Terrorism Studies, dominated as it is by either statist and security industry tendencies, or a Critical Terrorism Studies perspective that risks becoming the mirror opposite of its opponent.

This book is the result of a research project organized by the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (Siyaset, Ekonomi ve Toplum Araştırmaları Vakfı, SETA) born out of the need to understand the context-specific dynamics of the violent radicalization of the PKK and its urban strategy between 2015 and 2016. The aim is to explore the causes, new dynamics, and effects of PKK terrorism, and to explain the failure of its urban warfare tactics in Turkey.

Such an exploration is timely in two significant ways. First, the Middle East is witnessing an appreciable rise in terms of the violent rhetoric and terrorist actions of certain violent terrorist organizations. While the unfamiliar dynamics of this new radical extremist trend may differ from country to country, and from region to region, the PKK case is a textbook example regarding the question of how a terrorist group devastates the daily life of ordinary people, and destabilizes the nature of the regional order. Secondly, understanding and addressing the PKK’s violent tactics require comprehending how the newly emerging regional geopolitical antagonism and disorder transform the strategy of a terrorist organization, and affect the nature of the conflict, especially in the post-Arab Spring period in the Middle East.

To what extent the Russian revival would change & impact the patterns of the Russian-US and the EU-Russian relations in particular and whether this can affect the contemporary roller coaster changes in transatlantic discourse especially in the context of President Trump’s call for NATO as an “obsolete security arrangement.” Although the historical importance of NATO can never be undermined but there is nevertheless a wake- up call within the European quarters to be vigilant of the new American tilt off towards NATO.

The work is the analysis of both the various nation-building challenges that have confronted Nigeria since independence and the possible ways the country can overcome them. The dream of Nigeria since independence in 1960 is to turn itself into a viable and cohesive nation. This has become an impossible dream however due to a myriad of challenges. Nigeria is a multi-ethnic society with over 250 ethnic groups. Each of these ethnic groups also have religious and economic issues that separates them from one another.  Nigeria’s diversity has been a major obstacle in its drive to become a global and responsible player in the international community. By using the qualitative research methodology, the work identified various challenges, such as corruption, autarky, governance and distribution that have been the major barriers to the creation of a viable polity. The style used in the study is also historical, descriptive and analytical. Crucially, the study also used the concept of nation-building as its Theoretical Framework. This has made it possible for the work to highlight and posit specific pragmatic and logical ways Nigeria can overcome its nation-building challenges and emerge a viable, cohesive and functional polity in the 21st century.

Following the terrorist bombings of US embassies in Nairobi and Tanzania in 1998 and the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States, Africa was immediately drawn into the global counter-terrorism efforts. Terrorism has spread throughout the continent since then, from Al-Qaeda and Al-Shabaab in Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, to Boko Haram and the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) in the Lake Chad area. Central Africa is another epicentre of terrorism on the continent.
Predictably, there has been an increase in terrorism and counter-terrorism research by both Africa-based and West-based scholars. Indeed, some researchers believe that the field is in its “golden age” (Silke and Schmidt-Petersen 2017, 9). However, Marc Sageman is sceptical; he highlights the absence of empirical data, weak methodologies, speculative studies and domination of the field by media experts. Sageman concludes that despite the rise in knowledge, terrorism studies are yet to be fully developed (Sageman 2014). This assertion is particularly validated by trends in terrorism research in Africa.

In November 2015, the United States and the Russian Federation convened the main international stakeholders engaged in the Syrian conflict to broker the Vienna Accords. The unfolding political process culminated in the issuing of UN Security Council Resolution 2254. Since then the situation has evolved rapidly, ushering in a new outlook for the resolution of the six-year-old civil war. The conflicting parties in Syria have not yet fathomed the momentum of this deal. Some progress has been made as part of successive attempts to establish a “cessation of hostilities,” but there have not yet been any major breakthroughs because the negotiating parties, supported by regional allies, are resisting the process every step of the way. The war has created new geographic realities: governance structures, political economies, and cultural paradigms. These geographies will not be easily bypassed. Dealing with the fragmented situation will hinder the prospects of a top-down solution, particularly because none of the negotiating parties has full control over its constituency. This article focuses on understanding this new geography. Arguing that the emergence of radicalized actors on the scene is not an accidental feature of the conflict dynamics, it shows how, instead, the territorial patterns of control by the different actors have used and exploited the territory to advance their positioning. Subsequently the article argues that these patterns, intended or not, have fostered the radicalization of the armed actors on all sides, imposing in the meantime asymmetrical patterns of territoriality that will seriously undermine the top-down approach of the Geneva process.

In social science research on terrorism, there is a continued lack of individual-level, data-driven evidence to test hypotheses, build reliable case studies, and support the emergence of new theories about the psychological process in the development of the terrorist. To help redress this deficiency, this article calls for explicit discussion of researchers' reluctance either to interview terrorists or share their experiences of having done so, as well as greater methodological transparency in their efforts. It identifies and explores a series of challenges in interviewing participants in political violence and argues for greater future engagement from social science researchers, and psychologists in particular. If both behavioral and interdisciplinary research on terrorism is to achieve its extraordinary potential, students and scholars of terrorism must do more than simply ‘talk’ to terrorists. They must be open to comparing experiences in an attempt to remove the novelty associated with research interviews with terrorists, be more explicit about their methods, and thereby explore interviewing as a scientifically viable method of collecting data in an area that for so long has suffered the failure of not doing so.

Whether the Global War on Terror (GWOT) has changed the terrorist threat is a matter of controversy. This study, using transnational terrorism events data from 1993 through 2004, employs a time-series approach to investigate the extent to which the onset of the GWOT (beginning with the invasion of Afghanistan) and related events (the invasion of Iraq, the capture of Saddam Hussein, and the release of photos from Abu Ghraib) are associated with changes in transnational terrorist activity, its frequency, dispersion, lethality, type of attack, and type of victim of transnational terrorist incidents.

This article introduces a critical view on terrorism research and its knowledge about suicide terrorism. The analysis combines a feminist-postcolonial perspective with a sociology of knowledge approach, including discourse and dispositive analysis. It draws attention to the limitations of hegemonic knowledge production and to an Occidentalist self-assertion as its by-product. What we know about suicide terrorism and how we generate this knowledge, I argue by presenting a comprehensive study of analyses of scholarly publications on suicide bombing from the 1990s to 2006, is embedded in globally asymmetric power arrangements. I establish a link between the various forms of political violence that are present in scholarly expertise on suicide terrorism and the epistemic violence that is inherent in this field of knowledge production. By introducing the concept of epistemic violence, this text contributes to a more complex understanding of our fields of research, their objects of analysis, and the entanglements between these two dimensions, of which we are inevitably complicitous as scholars. First, the transdisciplinary research perspective is introduced in order to move away the focus from political violence (suicide bombing) and turn it on epistemic violence (knowledge production about it). Second, I present the results of the research project that this article summarizes.

Terrorism informatics has been defined as the application of advanced methodologies, information fusion and analysis techniques to acquire, analyse, and manage a wide diversity of terrorism-related information for international and homeland security-related applications. Featuring contributions by leading researchers and practitioners, illustrative case studies, this book provides an interdisciplinary and comprehensive survey of the state-of-the-art in this area.

Until recently, much of the research on terrorism was theoretical, based on small-n studies. The growing availability of large-n terrorism databases has provided great opportunities for terrorism researchers to identify cases and test and develop new hypotheses that are relevant to the field. But how good is the quality of the data in these databases? And how should the researcher go about choosing between competing databases? This chapter describes the need for a framework to evaluate the quality of terrorism data. Drawing on the concept of a “criterial framework” and “best practice” criterial standards developed to bridge qualitative/quantitative and small-n/large-n divides, the chapter also proposes a set of criteria to evaluate terrorism data and uses these criteria to evaluate and compare a series of quantitative terrorism events databases.

Despite an atmosphere of fire and fury, the British far right has historically been too weak to sustain an enduring terrorist group. However, the evolving threat of ‘lone actors' means there is little room for complacency when it comes to countering far-right extremism

In guise of an abstract, here is a quote by Derrida, from 'Rogues' (xii, 2003):

"What is 'coming to pass' or 'happening' [arrive] today in techno-science, in international law, in ethico-juridical reason, in political practices and rhetorical strategies? What happens when we put to work within them the concept and the name of sovereignty, especially when this concept and this name, in the power of their heritage and of their onto-theological fiction, appear less legitimate than ever?

What is happening to the notions of the “political” and of “war” (whether world war, war between nation-states, civil war, or even so-called partisan war)? What happens to the notion of “terrorism” (whether national or international) when the old phantom of sovereignty loses its credibility? For this has been happening for longer than is often believed, although it is happening today in a new way and at a different pace."

General Yakubu Gowon became Nigeria’s military ruler at a very critical period in the young country’s history in 1966. Due to the various tensions orchestrated by the different ethnic groups in the multi-ethnic state, Nigeria tethered on the verge of collapse by the mid-1960s and eventually lurched into a Civil War in 1966. By the time the war came to an end in 1970, Gowon was confronted with various nation-building challenges such as that of governance, federalism, ethnicity and democracy. To tackle these various nation-building challenges, Gowon introduced targeted programmes and policies designed to turn Nigeria into a cohesive and functional polity. This work is the analysis of the various initiatives used by General Yakubu Gowon between 1966 and 1970. The work discovers that Gowon made use of Praetorian, Conceptual and Institutional mechanisms to tackle the country’s nation-building challenges.