Theodulf of Orléans

This paper deals with two textual problems in Martial 2.7. At vv. 1 and 5 most editors print the name
Atticus, while Shackleton Bailey recently favours Attalus. The former has stronger elements on his side: not only
it is better transmitted (by the first family and the excerpta Frisingensia, a XIth century anthology; also the
Gennadian edition shows traces of this name), but Attalus could have been interpolated from 1.79.1, where not
only the same name occurs, but also an almost identical clausula (1.79.1 semper agis causas et res agis, Attale,
semper ~ 2.7.1 Declamas belle, causas agis, Attice [Attale], belle). At v. 7 all modern editors print Nil bene cum
facias, facias tamen omnia belle with the exc. Fris., while second and third family have the ametrical Nil bene
cum facias, facis tamen omnia belle. The vulgate text however is far from convincing: the syntax is very strange
(tamen is always in the main clause) and the punctuation also raises doubts. I propose to read: Nil bene cum
facias, facis ‹haec› tamen omnia belle, a text transmitted by ms. G and by another ms. mentioned by Scriverius.
The omission is very easy and occurs often in Martial’s transmission. The verse resembles much Ovid, met.
14.121 et dare plangorem: facit haec tamen omnia seque (this may be due to intentional allusion or to
reminiscence). Moreover, imitation of Martial’s verse by the carolingian poet Thedoulf of Orléans, carm. 6.1 Nil
horum fixe geris, haec tamen omnia ficte shows that he read 2.7.7 in the form proposed.

Instead of exiguo prostratus corpore terra, in Theodulf of Orléans, Carmen 29,73, we should read exiguo prostratus corpore terrae. This poem is preserved in a late and very corrupt witness. Here the corruption has remained hidden because terra seems acceptable. The slight emendation terrae is supported by a number of significant parallels and a careful literary and linguistic analysis. The verse seems to be modelled on Virgil’s Aeneid, XI,87 (toto proiectus corpore terrae), and should be linked to two other contemporary compositions: Alcuin of York, Carmina, 20,23 and 44,11 (prostrato corpore terris), and the anonymous eighth century poem Exhortatio poenitendi, 86 (prostratus corpore terrae).

I föreliggande PM kommer jag att studera synen på och diskussionen om kristen konst i väst under perioden för den första ikonoklasmen i öst, det vill säga under 700-talet. Särskild tonvikt kommer att läggas vid responsen på beslutet vid andra konciliet i Nicaea år 787 och de argument som anfördes för det. De viktigaste källorna till det är dels Opus Caroli Regis contra synodum och rapporterna från det lokala konciliet i Frankfurt år 794, som ger en inblick på hur man såg på sakral konst i Frankerriket, och dels officiella skrivelser och brev från påvarna och då särskilt Hadrianus I som var samtida med såväl Nicaea II och Opus Caroli.

The research subject is the representation of the image of the Lord in the iconographic program of the apse
mosaic of the oratory of abbot Theodulf at Germigny-des-Prés. The research object is the iconographic program of the apse
of the oratory at Germigny-des-Prés. The author of the program, abbot Theodulf, was the abbot of Fleury-sur-Loire, a poet, a
theologian and the closest fellow of Charles the Great. His aniconic ideas played an important role in defining the way of
representing the Divine Presence within the space of the church he had built. Based on the method of iconographic analysis,
the author analyzes the Old Testament images of Theodulf’s mosaic and compares them with the Holy Writ. The article
considers the modern ideas about the disputable iconographic program of the apse mosaic of the oratory and offers another
variant of interpreting Theodulf’s program that supplements the existing interpretations. The author shows that the unseen
by a human eye Glory of the Lord surrounded by cherubs is the key object of the program and a part of the composition,
which symbolically means also the beginning of the Eucharistic canon.

Manuscript fragment Chicago, Newberry Library, Masi Fragm. 14 was previously misidentified as containing an unknown sermon or biblical excerpts. It is, in fact, a remnant of large-format deluxe Bible containing a set of Spanish prefaces to the Pauline epistles. These prefaces identify the deluxe codex as a descendant of a Theodulf Bible, a scholarly revision of the biblical text produced in the first decades of the ninth century by Theodulf of Orleans. Only seven copies of the Theodulf Bible are known. It is thus relevant that the Newberry fragment may have been dependent on another, previously unknown copy that was kept in one of the large monasteries of northwestern France, from which the fragment most probably comes. Because of its provenance from Haspres, the deluxe manuscript may have been produced in the nearby abbey of St. Vaast in Arras or perhaps by the community of the abbey of Jumièges.

Предметом исследования данной работы является иконографическая программа мозаики апсиды оратория аббата Теодульфа в Жерминьи-де-Пре. Объект исследования - ораторий аббата Флери и епископа Орлеана Теодульфа в Жерминьи-де-Пре - уникальный памятник каролингской эпохи, который не только позволяет прикоснуться к историческому источнику как к бесценному документу и свидетелю, но и ставит немало вопросов. В поле дискуссионных тем входят не только аспекты сохранности памятника, состояние и датировка фрагментов его декорации, но и программа мозаики, отличающаяся весьма необычной иконографией и стилем исполнения. В представленном исследовании на базе иконографического метода и междисциплинарного подхода автор анализирует ветхозаветные образы мозаики Теодульфа, сопоставляя их с текстами Священного Писания. В настоящей статье автор рассматривает современные представления о дискуссионной иконографической программе мозаики апсиды оратория в Жерминьи-де-Пре и предлагает свой вариант объяснения иконографической схемы Теодульфа, дополняющий существующую интерпретационную картину. Автор показывает, что не Ковчег Завета, как таковой, является главным смысловым объектом этой программы, а незримая Слава Господа,присутствующая между херувимами Ковчега, что, в свою очередь, связано с литургической символикой.

Modern historians have long argued that the early medieval Franks thought themselves to be the chosen people or new Israel, especially as they gained a great empire under the Carolingian dynasty in the late eighth century. The Opus Caroli of Bishop Theodulf of Orléans has often been cited as one of the clearest expressions of this self-conception as God's elect. A massive work attacking the legitimacy of the Byzantine empire in the context of the iconoclasm dispute during the early 790s, it does indeed contest the Byzantine claim to be the Christian empire. But Theodulf's repeated statement that ‘We are the spiritual Israel’ is best understood not as an assertion of ethnic election, but as a reference to the Christian tradition of Scripture exegesis which should (he argues) underpin both the Frankish and the Byzantine understanding of images. The Carolingian claim to empire rested on the Frankish championing of the universal Church, and its traditions of orthodoxy and correct biblical interpretation.

While the attitudes of Stephen of Ripon and Bede toward church-buildings have previously been contrasted, this paper argues that both shared a vision of the church as a holy place, analogous to the Jewish temple and to be kept pure from the mundane world. Their similarity of approach suggests that this concept of the church-building was widespread amongst the Northumbrian monastic elite and may partially reflect the attitudes of the laity also. The idea of the church as the place of eucharistic sacrifice probably lay at the heart of this theology of sacred place. Irish ideas about monastic holiness, traditional liturgical language and the native fascination with building in stone combined with an interest in ritual purity to give power to this use of the temple-image which went on to influence later Carolingian attitudes to churches.