Alcuin of York

3–4 | Предисловие

ОТ АНТИЧНОСТИ К СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЮ:

5–13 | Цивилева В. Е. Письмо Севера Меноркского: предварительные замечания
14–35 | Письмо Севера Меноркского / Пер. с лат., коммент. В. М. Тю-ленева, В. Е. Цивилевой
36–46 | Тюленев В. М. Почитание усопших: церковная практика и взгляды Августина
47–83 | Манукян Э. М. Стать своим среди своих: методы адаптации и служения Сидония Аполлинария на епископском престоле
84–90 | Ильина А. А. «Место твоё – стоять между Богом и людьми»: письмо Алкуина к архиепископу Кентерберийскому
91–97 | Алкуин. Письмо 17 архиепископу Кентерберийскому / Пер. с лат., коммент. А. А. Ильиной

ЧЕЛОВЕК ЭПОХИ РЕНЕССАНСА:

98–117 | Соловьев С. В. Леонардо Бруни post mortem: танатография гуманистического идеала первой половины XV века
118–129 | Хуан Луис Вивес. О душе и жизни. Книга II. Главы “О старости», «О продолжительности жизни», «О смерти» / Пер. с лат., предисл., коммент. Н. В. Ревякиной
130–147 | Руяткина Т. М. Отечество славлю, которое есть, но трижды – которое будет: особенности патриотических представлений и национального самосознания английских гуманистов
148–178 | Луи Ле Руа. О превратности, или изменчивом разнообразии, вещей во Вселенной. Книга X / Пер. с лат., предисл. и коммент. Д. В. Самотовинского

СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЕ: ВЗГЛЯД ИЗ НОВОГО ВРЕМЕНИ:

179–191 | Сен-Симон. Мемуары / Пер. с франц., предисл. и коммент. И. В. Кривушина, Е. С. Кривушиной

192–193 | In memoriam. Горфункель Александр Хаимович (11.07.1928-26.04.2020)

Through an examination of the fractured source material regarding Charlemagne's Imperial Coronation by Pope Leo III in 800, it is possible to discern that there was indeed a longer-term Imperial Strategy behind Charles' acceptance of the title Holy Roman Emperor.

Charlemagne imposed many linguistic reforms in an effort to restore Latin to what he saw as its original state of purity, thus effectively forcing the separation of the language of the Church from the language of the people. Modern French would be born from the latter.

This paper examines the Grand Lodge of All England held at York, otherwise referred to as the York Grand Lodge, which was an independent body of Freemasons that existed during the eighteenth century. The paper explores the origins of this Grand Lodge and how it came into conflict with the dynamic of the Premier Grand Lodge of London. The leading figure of York Masonry Dr Francis Drake will be discussed, and how this concept of independent Masonry survived up until the closing years of the eighteenth century, leaving behind remnants of a Masonic culture that still inspires Masonic researchers to this day.

There is no complete account of the transmission of Alcuin’s poems, which is apparently quite unpredictable if not random. The circulation of a number of short compositions, which accompany his treatises and his letters, and their circulation together, is so far uncharted. Particularly intriguing is the manuscript tradition of “O vos, est aetas,” a poem in seven distichs, in which young men are encouraged to learn rhetoric and to cultivate virtue. The poem generally occurs in connection with two prose works by Alcuin, the De dialectica (henceforth DD) and the Disputatio de rhetorica et virtutibus (henceforth DR). It may be copied either between the two treatises, before the prologue poem of the DD, “Me lege, qui veterum” (carm. 77), as in the edition of André Duchesne, or at the end of the DR, as in the edition of Frobenius Forster. It may also be copied before, after, or between the so-called pseudo-Alcuinian Schemata. The poem also occurs independently of the two Alcuinian treatises and takes different forms in the many manuscripts that preserve it. “O vos” does not always occur in its complete form (14 lines) and there are versions which feature only a part of its couplets, arranged in different combinations.A close inspection of the tradition of the poem and its collocation within the manuscripts that preserve it yields a different picture from the accepted one. The instances in which the poem occurs independently from the prose works by Alcuin are much more numerous than the data of the Clavis imply, and those in which the poem is not copied out completely are much less frequent than surmised by Wallach and other scholars. In his still standard edition, Ernst Dümmler chose to publish the entire poem (as carm. 80.1), alongside another piece, “Qui, rogo, civiles” (carm. 80.2), which is indeed the usual prologue of the DR. This choice, however, needs some consideration, the more so as it is hardly supported by the manuscript tradition. A close inspection of the tradition of the poem and its collocation within the manuscripts that preserve it yields a different picture from the accepted one. The instances in which the poem occurs independently from the prose works by Alcuin are much more numerous than the data of the Clavis imply, and those in which the poem is not copied out completely are much less frequent than surmised by Wallach and other scholars. In his still standard edition, Ernst Dümmler chose to publish the entire poem (as carm. 80.1), alongside another piece, “Qui, rogo, civiles” (carm. 80.2), which is indeed the usual prologue of the DR. This choice, however, needs some consideration, the more so as it is hardly supported by the manuscript tradition.

Studies the origin of the idiomatic expression "in medio ecclesiae" in Ps 22 ("in medio ecclesiae laudabo te") and its application by frankish theologians to Cross-monuments in carolingian churches and the liturgy of their dedication. The increasing use of such crosses in the liturgical hours and for the meditation of the Passion in carolingian prayer books from the 9th century on may be one reason for the change from the aniconic cross depiction to the later crucifixion image and for the following placement of tombs of founders before the cross and its altar around 1000. Examines the relation of this liturgical development to the first monumental crucifixions in Carolingian and Ottonian Art.

Some events of the cultural and spiritual life of the 9th century may be at first sight interpreted as not related: for example the origins of a unified liturgical repertoire and the interest in Latin lexicography. However, within the cultural environment of Alcuin and of the Carolingian Court it is easy to point to a common reason in the project of a new unified, European Latin.

Le clerc Cathwulf et Fulrad, abbé de Saint-Denis, apparaissent, en rapport étroit avec des conceptions de la royauté héritées de l'influence insulaire, comme les artisans des réformes des institutions entreprises par Pépin III et Charlemagne. Ces deux clercs dressèrent, en quelque sorte, les plans et jetèrent même partiellement les fondements d'un vaste édifice institutionnel, mais dont la maîtrise de l'ouvrage fut reprise par d'autres, Alcuin notamment, au point peut-être, pour ces derniers, d'avoir occulté peu ou prou, "volens nolens", le rôle fondateur de leurs deux éminents prédécesseurs. Là réside l'intérêt principal d'une relecture attentive du capitulaire de Herstal à l'aune de la lettre de Cathwulf.

3–5 Предисловие

ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ

Человек и власть:
5–27 | Польская С.А. Монарх перед посвящением: предписания ordo Карла V
28–42 | Хохлова Ю.С. Теоретико-методологические подходы к историко- психологическому познанию человека двора раннего Нового времени

Человек и социум: стереотипы сознания:
43–64 | Краснова И.А. Социальная идентичность городского нобиля: Лапа да Кастильонкьо - юрист, политик и эрудит

История ментальности. Интеллектуальная история:
65–78 | Барышников В.Ю. "Ей многое ведомо...": Эпизод из интеллектуальной истории Исландии X века /65/
79–105 | Филиппова М.А., Гвоздецкая Н.Ю. Имена античных и библейских народов в поэме "Елена" как фрагмент древнеанглийской
языковой картины мира

Homo historicus: восприятие истории:
106–116 | Гусакова О.В. Набеги викингов на Линдисфарн и Кентербери: об аллюзии к Алкуину в "Англо-саксонской хронике"

Исторические портреты:
117–147 | Матюшина И.Г. Король Этельстан в истории и эпосе

ТЕКСТЫ И КОММЕНТАРИИ

148–159 | Магн Феликс Эннодий. Благодарение за свою жизнь (Вступ. стат., пер. с лат. и комм. В.М. Тюленева)
160–174 | Мартин Брагский. Об исправлении простолюдинов (Вступ. стат., пер. с лат. и комм. Ю.А. Горбуновой)
175–178 | Григорий Великий. Послание Берте, королеве Кента (Вступ. стат., пер. с лат. и комм. Ю.М. Прогуновой, Н.Ю. Гвоздецкой) /175/
179–187 | Ненарокова М.Р. "Орел парящий": Арнон Зальцбургский, друг Алкуина
187–188 | Алкуин Йоркский. Послание Аквиле (Арнону Зальцбургскому) (Пер. с лат. М.Р. Ненароковой) /187/
189–197 | Ненарокова М.Р. Путешествия к святыням: Алкуин и монастырь Сент-Аманд
198–203 | Алкуин Йоркский. Цикл "О монастыре Сент-Аманд" (Пер. с лат. и комм. М.Р. Ненароковой)
204–219 | Веспасиано да Бистиччи. Комментарий к "Жизнеописанию Джаноццо Манетти" (Вступ. стат., пер. со староитал. и комм. Н.В. Ревякиной) /204/

ОБЗОРЫ И ПРЕЗЕНТАЦИИ

220–226 | Гвоздецкая Н.Ю. Н.К. Малинаускине. Классические языки в высшей школе. М.: из-во Сретенского монастыря, 2012. - 272 с, ил. /220/

The Latin quotation in the title of this article is taken from the Admonitio generalis, a key document of Charlemagne's reforms circulated in 789. In a well-known passage, to which the title refers, Charlemagne calls for the establishment of schools and adds a set of subjects that might be interpreted as the school curriculum. The whole passage has caused quite a few problems for scholars on account of its seemingly corrupt grammar and ambiguous vocabulary. In this article, I revisit the term 'nota' and provide some new insights in how it should be understood. I argue that the graphic symbols meant by this term include manuscript abbreviations, shorthand as well as technical signs, such as the critical signs to be found in Carolingian pandect Bibles.

Alcuin's carm. 69 has been interpreted in some influential studies of the Codex Amiatinus as describing a pandect written per cola et commata. It  incorporates in its final four lines both the couplet found above the Amiatinus Ezra-portrait and a  line (not a couplet) from the preface to Juvencus's hexameter retelling of the Gospels. The occurrence of the Ezra-couplet underlies the theory that Alcuin had seen either the Codex Amiatinus or one of its sister codices and there obtained the Ezra-couplet.  Amiatinus scholars (though not liturgists) have thus  often assumed that carm. 69 describes a book written per cola et commata. Some editors of carm. 69 have assumed that the final two couplets are a later addition.
      In this study of the relevant lines I show that carm 69 does not describe a book written per cola et commata and further, that that phrase would never have been used to describe a page layout in the eighth century. 
    The Juvencus line can give a clue to the poem's date, substantiating Bonifatius's Fischer's views of a 799-801 date against recent skepticism. Alcuin reworked the line borrowed from Juvencus's praefatio in two letters written on either side of the year 800; in both, his adaptation resembles the relevant lines in carm. 69. The combination of the couplet with the Juvencus borrowing is thematically coherent: both treat, in different ways, the theme of destruction and deliverance from fire. Accordingly, the notion that the Ezra couplet and Juvencus lines were later additions to Alcuin's poem cannot be upheld.
    The transmission of the poem and its form in each witness has not previously been correctly set out. No edition uses all witnesses.
      New information from the Peutinger library catalogue research project allows us to assign the exemplar of the text of carm. 69 as transmitted in  London BL Harley 3685 to Freising; this points to a stronger Bavarian reception than has hitherto been recognized.
    The prevailing  hypothesis about carmen 69 and the Ceolfirth pandects, developed and elaborated by Corsano, Meyvaert, and Chazelle--  that Alcuin derived the Ezra couplet from first-hand acquaintance with either the Codex Amiatinus or one of its sister codices (if they indeed contained material similar to the first quire) must therefore be set aside. While Alcuin could indeed have seen the book, it is far more likely that his acquaintance with the couplet derives from an intermediary such a lost collection of epigrams..

For a PDF of the published article, please send me a message via the Academia.edu message system, or contact me by email

3–5 | Предисловие

ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ

Личность в истории:
6–22 | Яблонская О.В. "Self-made man" средневекового Лондона
23–50 | Соловьев С.В. Знаки ума: как выглядели гуманисты раннего Возрождения
51–64 | Руяткина Т.М. Быть пророком в своем отечестве и остаться в живых: к вопросу о судьбе английских гуманистов в XVI веке
65–76 | Хохлова Ю.С. "Человек в поиске себя": к вопросу о самосознании французского придворного второй половины XVII столетия

Человек и власть:
77–88 | Сивкина Н.Ю. Придворные интриги в начале правления Филиппа V Македонского
89–104 | Таланова И.В. О некоторых аспектах образа власти вождя в "Саге об Инглингах"
105–125 | Польская С.А. Потестарные стратегии Карла V: статус "людей войны"
126–133 | Гладков А.К. Власть и память в Средние века (по материалам трактата De translatione imperii Марсилия Падуанского)

Homo historicus: восприятие прошлого:
134–148 | Барышников В.Ю. Снорри Стурлусон: нарративные модели конструирования языческого прошлого
149–158 | Филиппова М.А. Этноним "Dene" в англосаксонской поэме "Беовульф" (опыт лингвонарратологического анализа)

Homo religiosus: элита и "безмолвствующее большинство":
159–184 | Омельченко Д.М. Борьба с язычеством в пастырской деятельности епископа Арелатского Цезария

Homo ludens: история повседневности:
185–200 | Матюшина И.Г. Перебранка как развлечение: Данбар и Кеннеди

Путешествия и путешественники:
201–215 | Каццола П. Итальянские страницы "Дневника путешествий" Мишеля де Монтень

ТЕКСТЫ И КОММЕНТАРИИ

216–234 | Эннодий. Панегирик королю Теодориху. Фрагмент: [§§ 48-93] (Пер с лат. и комм. В.М. Тюленева)
235–242 | Ненарокова М.Р. Алкуин Йоркский и его поэма "О Линдисфарнской резне"
243–251 | Алкуин Йоркский. О Линдисфарнской резне (Пер. с лат. и комм. М.Р. Ненароковой)

Time and again Eusebius of Caesarea and Alcuin of York chose to present in their writings their imperial masters, Constantine the Great and Charlemagne, as wise rulers, dressing them with Platonic and Solomonic robes. It is our assumption that to understand this sapiential discourse on kingship we should trace its roots to the Christian reception of the Greco-Roman and Biblical Wisdom tradition. Both the first Christian Emperor and the first ever Theologian-Prince, Constantine the Great had been vilified as a ruthless tyrant and an ill-educated ruler by authors ancient and modern. However, there is every indication that he was the prince with the highest cultural training since the Second century AD and a devoted patron of the arts. He was able not only to actively participate in fluent Greek in the heated debates at the Council of Nicaea but also to write theological tracts espousing a profound political theology which incorporated ideas and expressions from a great array of sources, both Christian and Pagan. In this regard, Eusebius presents us with a portrait of the first Christian Emperor that is appropriately Solomonic. In Eusebius' Constantinian

ENGLISH: The paper deals with the third canzone of Dante's 'Convivio', 'Le dolci rime d'amor ch'io solea'. The first part of the contribution contains a comprehensive survey on the development and semantic diffraction of the concept of nobility, from the Antiquity to the time of Dante, and focuses on the origin and process of doctrinal legitimation of the notion of metaphysical nobility. The second part of the paper shows the way Dante, around 1295, pursued an unprecedented attempt to reconcile the different ideas of nobility of the tradition (theological, natural, and civil nobility, according to Bartolo da Sassoferrato's definition) in an original synthesis that is also a political proposal.

ITALIANO: Il saggio, dedicato alla terza canzone del 'Convivio', contiene un’ampia ricognizione sull’evoluzione e diffrazione semantica del concetto di nobiltà, dall’antichità all’epoca di Dante. A un bilancio degli scritti che, in maggior misura e con maggiore originalità, contribuirono al dibattito antico sulla nobiltà seguono prima un esame dei modi in cui, a partire dall’età patristica, la cultura e la letteratura cristiana accolsero, confutarono o trasformarono le varie nozioni di 'nobilitas' ereditate dal mondo classico e, poi, un’analisi del processo con cui, in età altomedievale, nacque e trovò legittimazione dottrinale il concetto di nobiltà metafisica, che si affermò pienamente nella letteratura filosofica e teologica dei secoli XII e XIII. Alla luce di tale disamina, nella seconda parte del contributo si mostra come Dante, nell’elaborare la propria tesi intorno al 1295, abbia perseguito l’ambizioso e inedito tentativo di contemperare in una proposta unitaria le diverse idee di nobiltà che la tradizione gli consegnava, armonizzando in una sintesi originale, che è anche una proposta politica, elementi di nobiltà teologica, naturale e civile.

Seven unexplored sources of the Irish origine legend (Lebor gabála) are discussed: Prudentius of Troyes and the poem Waltharius; Alcuin as magister e partibus Scythiae in BL, Add. 47679; Ralph de Diceto and Henry of Huntingdon (cf. Geoffrey of Monmouth); John of Fordun; the Annals of Roscrea (pre-Patrician section); the Lecan Synchronisms; Dublin; and National Library of Ireland, MS G 6. The last two tracts are still unedited.

"This paper raises two questions in particular: why, out of all the biblical books, did Ælfric restrict his choice of biblical commentary
to one on Genesis? And secondly, why, of all the many commentaries on Genesis available to him, did Ælfric decide to translate Alcuin’s tract?"

Apresento aqui nova tradução completa e anotada em português do texto Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi iuvenis Pippini cum Albino scholastico. Esse importante texto de caráter didático é composto quase que inteiramente a partir de outros textos anteriores que circulavam nos domínios carolíngios e evidencia o processo de composição de Alcuíno de Iorque, baseado, senão na emulação, certamente na prática da coleção e mistura de exemplos passados. A tradução acompanha breve introdução e notas que explicitam as respostas dos enigmas mais difíceis. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Alcuíno; diálogo; educação; renascimento Carolíngio.

Abstract
This article proposes the edition of two short texts (a doctrina de fide and a letter appended to it, called admonitio) and discusses their attribution to Alcuin of York and their datation in the first semester 802. Both texts are preserved in both mss. Graz, UB 724 (13th c.) and Munich, BSB, clm 6314 (9th c.). The doctrina and the appended letter have been considered as pseudepigraphs until now and therefore were never edited. They can be attributed to Alcuin on the basis of external criteria. They are explicitely attributed to Alcuin in both manuscripts, where they also figure in Alcuinian corpuses. They can also be attributed to Alcuin on the basis of internal criteria. There are several textual parallels between the appended letter and Alcuin’s letters on the one hand, and between the doctrina de fide and Alcuin’s De fide sanctae Trinitatis on another hand. From a reference to « the emperor », we infer that the letter was written after 800. Parallels with the De fide and a straigthforward reference to Alcuin’s withdrawal from his multiple abbacy, together with parallels with two letters from the first half of 802, strongly suggest a datation in that period, exactly when Alcuin started to write the De fide sanctae Trinitatis. Each of the two manuscripts has preserved a sligthly different text of the letter appended to the doctrina. Alcuin sent the first version to a group of bishops ; he sent the second one, rewritten and with a post-scriptum added to it, to one specific bishop. The place of origin of the manuscripts and several parallels with Alcuin’s letters suggest that the bishops of the first version were the bishops of Bavaria and the bishop of the second version was their superior, archbishop Arn of Salzburg. The doctrina is one more piece of evidence for the Carolingian correctio in the years around 800, and more specifically of the search for, compilation, and composition of professions of faith and commentaries on the creed in the years that followed the end of the Adoptionist controversy.
Résumé
Cet article propose l’attribution à Alcuin et l’édition critique de deux textes (une doctrina de fide et sa lettre d’accompagnement intitulée admonitio), conservés dans les manuscrits Graz, UB 724 (XIIIe s.) et Munich, BSB, clm 6314 (IXe s.). Jusqu’à présent, ces textes ont été considérés comme des pseudépigraphes et n’ont par conséquent pas été édités. L’attribution repose d’abord sur des critères externes. Les textes sont attribués à Alcuin par les deux témoins manuscrits. Dans chaque manuscrit, les textes figurent dans un corpus alcuinien. L’attribution repose aussi sur des critères internes. Les parallèles entre la lettre d’accompagnement et les lettres d’Alcuin, et entre la doctrina et le De fide sanctae Trinitatis d’Alcuin, sont nombreux. Une référence à « l’empereur » impose une datation postérieure à 800 ; les parallèles avec le De fide, une allusion à la retraite d’Alcuin de son abbatiat multiple et des parallèles avec deux lettres datant de fin 801 – mi 802 imposent une datation dans cet intervalle, au moment même de la rédaction du De fide. La lettre est préservée en deux versions : la première accompagnait l’envoi de la doctrina à plusieurs évêques, la seconde, légèrement réécrite et augmentée d’un post-scriptum, était adressée à un évêque en particulier. L’origine des témoins manuscrits et plusieurs parallèles dans les lettres d’Alcuin invitent à voir dans les destinataires de la première version les évêques de Bavière et dans celui de la deuxième leur supérieur, Arn de Salzbourg. La doctrina est un témoin supplémentaire de l’effervescence correctrice du règne de Charlemagne, en particulier de la diffusion de symboles et commentaires du symbole dans le contexte de la controverse adoptianiste finissante.

3–4 | Предисловие.

ОТ АНТИЧНОСТИ К СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЮ
СТАНОВЛЕНИЕ ХРИСТИАНСКОГО МИРА

Святые и мученики:
5–21 | Бабина А. А. Образ святого-епископа в «Житии св. Германа Осерского»
22–31 | Евхерий Лионский. Страдание агаунских мучеников / Пер. с лат., предисл., коммент. В. Е. Цивилевой

Эволюция языка и школы:
32–39 | Малинаускене Н. К. Осмысление древнего корня со сходным значением ‘шагать’ в античной Греции и Византии
40–52 | Тюленев В. М. Эллинская словесность и ученость на латинском Западе V – первой половины VI в.

Политические практики:
53–59 | Пикин А. В. Так называемое Завещание императора Аркадия и посольство Маруфы Майферкатского

Христианский мир Северной Европы:
60–74 | Житие и чудеса св. Фурсея / Пер. с лат., предисл., коммент. С. С. Голубевой
75–91 | Гвоздецкая Н. Ю. Видения и визионеры в литературе раннесредневековой Англии и Исландии
92–101 | Яценко М. В. Пир и винопитие в древнеанглийской поэме «Даниил» (осмысление ценностей героического мира в христианском эпосе англосаксов)
102–108 | Древнеанглийская поэма «Даниил». Глава 6. Пир Валтасара / Пер. с древнеагл. и коммент. М. В. Яценко
109–122 | Алкуин. Письма (Epp. 7, 13, 14, 15, 25) / Пер. с лат., предисл., коммент. А. А. Ильиной
123–144 | Матюшина И. Г. Король Эдуард Исповедник в «Англосаксонской хронике»

Формирование исторической памяти:
145–163 | Полывянный Д. И. Известия о начале болгар и Болгарии в средневековых византийских и болгарских исторических сочинениях

ОТ СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЯ К НОВОМУ ВРЕМЕНИ

Человек в гуманизме:
164–171 | Павел Йовий. Описание мужей, прославленных ученостью. Галеотто Марцио / Пер. с лат., предисл., коммент. Н. В. Ревякиной

Человек Франции эпохи религиозных войн:
172–193 | Самотовинский Д. В. Vitia uxoris sunt tollenda, aut toleranda: веротерпимость в политике Мишеля де Лопиталя (1560–1563 гг.)
194–205 | Жан Боден. Письмо Жану Ботрю де Матра / Пер. с лат., предисл. и коммент. И. В. Кривушина, Е. С. Кривушиной

'In Traiect mel compultimque buturque ministrat '

Alcuin's favourite food was porridge and he liked it best with butter and honey; these together symbolised wisdom and discernment. He was served porridge on a visit to Utrecht and even ate it at court banquets; the taste for it no doubt reflected the food he'd eaten in York.

3–5 | Предисловие

ЧЕЛОВЕК ПЕРЕХОДНОЙ ЭПОХИ: ОТ АНТИЧНОСТИ К СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЮ:
Сидоний Аполлинарий и его окружение:

6–14 | Литовченко Е.В. Письма Сидония как образцы эпистолярного жанра в позднеримской литературе
15–16 | Сидоний Аполлинарий. Письма Гауденцию и Фелицию (Пер с лат. и комм. Е.В. Литовченко)
17–22 | Манукян Э.М. Переписка Сидония Аполлинария и Лупа Труаского
23–26 | Луп Труаский. Послание Сидонию Аполлинарию (Пер с лат. и комм.Э.М. Манукяна)
27–33 | Сидоний Аполлинарий. Послание Лупу Труаскому (Пер с лат. и комм.Э.М. Манукяна)

ЧЕЛОВЕК ПЕРЕХОДНОЙ ЭПОХИ: ОТ АНТИЧНОСТИ К СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЮ:
Магн Феликс Эннодий

34–48 |Тюленев В.М. "Школа Эннодия в Милане". Миф и реальность
49–59 | Эннодий. Амвросию и Беату (Пер с лат. и комм. В.М. Тюленева)
60–65 | Тюленев В.М. Эннодий и Цезария Арелатский
66–67 | Эннодий. Послание епископу Цезарию (Пер с лат. и комм. В.М. Тюленева)

ЧЕЛОВЕК ПЕРЕХОДНОЙ ЭПОХИ: ОТ АНТИЧНОСТИ К СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЮ:
Цезария Младшая

68–72 | Прогунова Ю.М. "Благочестивым госпожам Рихильде и Радегунде смиренная Цезария...": К вопросу о распространении "Правила" Цезария Арелатского в Галлии VI века
73–79 | Цезария Младшая. Послание Рихильде и Радегунде (Пер с лат. Ю.М. Прогуновой)

ЧЕЛОВЕК ПЕРЕХОДНОЙ ЭПОХИ: ОТ АНТИЧНОСТИ К СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЮ:
Олимпиодор Александрийский

80–104 | Олимпиодор Александрийский. Комментарий на книгу Иова (Вступ. статья, пер. с древнегреч. К.В. Норкина)

МИР АНГЛОСАКСОВ

105–118 | Гвоздецкая Н.Ю. "Британия - это остров среди океана...": образы народов Британии в историческом нарративе Беды Достопочтенного /105/
119–130 | Яценко М.В. Поэтическое осмысление Ветхого Завета в Древней Англии (На материале нарротологического анализа отрывка из поэмы "Исход")
131–137 | Древнеанглийская поэма "Исход" (пер. с древнеангл. и комм. М.В. Яценко)

ЧЕЛОВЕК ЭПОХИ КАРОЛИНГОВ

138–150 | Ненарокова М.Р. "Пришло письмо...": страница из стихотворного дневника Алкуина
151–152 | Алкуин. Пришло письмо (пер. с лат. М.Р. Ненароковой)

МИР СРЕДНЕВЕКОВОГО РЫЦАРСТВА В СКАНДИНАВИИ

153–173 | Песни из собрания "Стренглейкар" (Вступ. стат. пер. и ком. И.Г. Матюшиной)

Öz: Cermen kavimleri içerisinde günümüz Avrupa'sının oluşumuna en büyük katkıyı yapanlar şüphe yok ki Franklardır. Şarlman ise sadece Frankların değil, Avrupa tarihinin en önemli krallarından biri olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu nedenle onun ismi Hristiyanlığın geleceği açısından hayati adımlar atmış olan meşhur Bizans imparatorları Konstantin ve I. Theodosius ile çoğu zaman birlikte anılmaktadır. Şarlman, Franklarca çok önce başlatılan kuzeydeki Sakson politikasını nihayete erdirmiş, hükümdarlığı döneminde doğuda beliren Avar tehdidini ise halefini zora sokmadan kendi zamanında sonlandırmıştır. İki putperest kavmin onun elinden yatıştırılması ve dönemin papası III. Leo'nun Roma'daki muhalifleri tarafından kıskaca alınması kralın 800 yılında taçlandırılması hadisesini gündeme getirmiştir. Fakat Şarlman her ne kadar kilise ile barışık bir hükümdar olarak hafızalara kazınsa da, Hristiyanlığı şiddet yoluyla uzak alanlara taşıması soru işaretlerini doğurmuştur. Bu soru işaretlerinin kendi zamanında hem de kralın başdanışmanı olan Alcuin tarafından dillendirilmesi ise bu makalenin başlığına ve içeriğine etki etmiştir. Makalede evvela Şarlman'ın yükselişi söz konusu edilmiş, sonrasında ise mektuplarına yansıdığı kadarıyla Alcuin'in din değiştirme meselesine yaklaşımı ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Avrupa, Hristiyanlık, Franklar, Şarlman, din değiştirme. Abstract: Among the Germanic tribes, those who made the greatest contribution to the establishment of today's Europe are beyond any doubt the Franks. Charlemagne is considered to be one of the most glorious kings of European history, not just the Franks. His name is thus frequently spoken along with the famous Byzantine emperors Constantine and Theodosius I, who took important measures for the Christianity's future. Charlemagne terminated the Saxon policy in the north, which had been brought into force by Franks much earlier, and ended the threat of Avars, which had emerged in the east during his reign, without landing his successor with a challenging situation in his own time. The fact that two pagan tribes were appeased by him and the opponents of the pope of the period-Leo III-in Rome had the pope over a barrel brought up the king's crowning in 800. Even though Charlemagne was engraved in memory as a ruler at peace with the church, his spreading Christianity to remote areas by means of violence raised questions.