Byzantine Iconography

Taft R. F. The Great Entrance. A History of the Transfer of Gifts and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. [A History of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, vol. II]. Roma, 1975. (Orientalia Christiana Analecta; 200).

Sin dalla fine del secolo IV, la parte orientale dell’impero romano, in seguito divenuto impero bizantino, era stato afflitto da molteplici eresie, che rischiavano seriamente di minare e di compromettere la sua stessa unità. Le più importanti tra queste eresie, erano il nestorianesimo , il monofisismo  e il paulicianesimo . Quest’ultima eresia, era sorta in Armenia e in Siria nel secolo VII.
Secondo le fonti, il basileus Leone III, incominciò ad appoggiare gli iconoclasti per una serie di motivi: prima di tutto subì le pressioni dei vescovi iconoclasti dell’Asia Minore a favore dell’iconoclasmo; inoltre sembrerebbe che tutta una serie di disastri naturali, ultimo dei quali un devastante maremoto nel mar Egeo, convincesse l’imperatore bizantino, che tali disastri naturali, fossero dovuti all’ira divina contro la venerazione delle icone. Difficile ad ogni modo stabilire quanto di vero ci sia in questi resoconti, e sui reali motivi per cui fu introdotta l’iconoclastia. 
La riforma religiosa del basileus Leone III, andrebbe verosimilmente iscritta in una più ampia opera volta a rafforzare la stabilità e la solidità dell’Impero, ai fini della quale i pauliciani rappresentavano un pericolo. Fu anche per togliere loro il pretesto di una ribellione che probabilmente Leone III, decise di assecondare le loro richieste.

ICONS  DEPICTING  ST  CYRIL  AND  ST  METHODIUS  FROM  THE  STRANDZHA MOUNTAINS (SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURY).

During the time of the Bulgarians’struggle  for ecclesiastical  emancipation  from the Constantinople patriarchy  in  the  1850s – 1870s, the cult of theSlavic enlighteners St Cyril and St Methodius spread widely across the northern slopes of the Strandzha Mountains,whose population was predominantly Bulgarian.  This could explain why even  prior to the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War, icons of the two saints began to appear in the vicinity of the towns of Sredets and Malko Tarnovo.These were painted by Socrates Georgiou, a Greek icon painter from Sozopol who skillfully exploited the patrioticsentiments of the local Bulgarian church communities. A similar approach was adopted by the less gifted Greek iconpainter Stavros from Lozengrad, who was particularly active in the area around Malko Tarnovo, which remainedunder Turkish control between 1878 and 1912. During the early decades after the 1878, on the northern side of theBulgarian –  Turkish  border,  in  the  region of  Sredets and  the adjacent  villages belonging  to  the  municipalities ofSozopol and Primorsko, there were several icon painters from Tryavna (Dimitar Minev, his son Hristo Dimitrov,and others) who were working tirelessly in the local churches, painting icons of the Slavic enlighteners in the besttraditions of the Tryavna Art School. In some of the Strandzha churches a clear manifestation of the veneration of StCyril and St Methodius was the placement of their icon on the  bishop’s throne, an curious novel practice, alsoevident in a number  of  other places  across  Bulgaria, the reason for  which  was the conviction  shared by thecontemporaries that the contribution of the Thessaloniki brothers provided a solid spiritual and cultural basis for theautocephaly of the Bulgarian Church, which was restored on May 11th, 1872.

Hadrianopolis is a site located on the principal western route from the Central Anatolian plain through the mountains to Bartın and the Black Sea, 3 km west of the modern town of Eskipazar, near Karabük, in what was in Roman times southwestern Paphlagonia (modern northwestern central Turkey). This site was a small but important city, controlling this major route and dominating a rich agricultural and especially vinicultural enclave on the borders between Paphlagonia, Bithynia and Galatia. Between 2005 and 2008, four survey, excavation and restoration campaigns were conducted at this Roman and early Byzantine site by Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir. As a result of the 2005 surveys of the area, it was confi rmed that Hadrianopolis was indeed coincident with Viranşehir, which is located c. 3 km west of modern Eskipazar and was active between the 1st cent. BC. and the 8th cent. AD. The fi eld surveys in 2005 identifi ed the remains of at least 24 buildings at the site. Among them are two bath buildings, two basilicas, a domus, an apsidal building, a fortifi ed structure of the Byzantine period, a possible theatre, a vaulted building, a domed building and some domestic buildings, most of which were paved with extensive mosaic floors. Following the publication of the inscriptions (Hadrianopolis I), glass (Hadrianopolis II), and pottery fi nds (Hadrianopolis III), the present volume IV of this multi-volume report is devoted to the early Byzantine mosaics and frescoes from this site, which have been dated mainly to the 6th and 7th cent. AD. The main find spots for mosaics and frescoes are Baths A, Baths B, Basilica A, Basilica B, the Apsidal Building and the Domus. One of the most remarkable discoveries was undoubtedly the floor mosaic of the nave of Basilica B, which displays personifi cations of the Four Rivers of Paradise: Euphrates, Tigris, Phison and Geon.

In the biblical theophanies of Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3, divine condescension and human ascent constitute reciprocal ecstatic moves towards a divine–human encounter. The christological interpretation, widespread in early Christian reception history, further discerns in Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3 an anticipation of the radical condescension of the Logos-made-human and, conversely, an anticipation of the deifying ascent of humanity in Christ. Finally, the early Christian reading of Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3 as ‘christophanies’ – that is, as manifestations of the Logos-to-be-incarnate – also allows us a glimpse into the performative aspect and experiential claims of early Christian exegesis, broadly construed to also incorporate hymnography, iconography and ritual.

Wstęp Mirosław J. Leszka, Kirił Marinow................................................... 1

I
Konstantynopolitańskie porty IV–XII w. [Constantinopolitan harbours in the 4th–12th centuries] Mirosław J. Leszka......... 5

II
Wszystkie okręty cesarza. Rozważania nad stanem rzymskiej marynarki wojennej za panowania cesarza Maurycjusza (582–602) [All ships of the emperor: Roman Navy during the reign of emperor Maurice (582–602)] Łukasz Różycki........................................................................................... 17

III
Konstantynopolitańska eskadra cesarska w dobie panowania Komnenów (1081–1185) [Constantinopolitan squadron in the era of imperial reign of Comnenian dynasty (1081–1185)]
Marcin Böhm....................................................................................... 47

IV
Wygnani biskupi Konstantynopola w późnej starożytności i ich kontakty ze stolicą nad Bosforem [The Exiled Bishops of Constantinople from the Fourth to the Late Sixth Century] Rafał Kosiński................63

V
Chazarowie w Konstantynopolu (VII–XI w.) [The Khazars in Constantinople] Jarosław Dudek …........ 79

VI
Miejsce portu w fabule dwunastowiecznego romansu bizantyńskiego [The port in the plot of the twelfth-century Byzantine romance] Anna Kotłowska . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

VII
Winieta Konstantynopola na mapie z Ebstorf [Vignette of Constantinople on the Ebstorf Map] Piotr Kochanek……………………. . . 113

VIII
Hodegon – z rozważań nad pierwotną lokalizacją konstantynopolitańskiego sanktuarium [The Hodegon. Considerations on the location of the Hodegetria sanctuary in Constantinople]
Piotr Łukasz Grotowski . ……………………………. . . . . 137

IX
Pogańskie prywatne uroczystości kommemoratywne w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim [Pagan Private Commemorative Rites in the Early Byzantine Period] Ireneusz Milewski . . . .  . ……………... . . . . . . . . . 215

Aneks [Annex]
Itinerarium Stefana z Nowogrodu z opisem konstantynopolitańskiego portu Kontoskalion (1348/1349). Przekład i opracowanie [The Itinerary of Stephen of Novgorod: Containing a Description of Kontoskalion Harbour in Constantinople (1348/1349).] Zofia Brzozowska .. . . . . . 227

Summary. . . . . . . ………………………………………. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261

Wykaz skrótów [List of Abbreviations]. …. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

Bibliografia [Bibliography]……… . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Źródła [Sources]. . … . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Opracowania [Secondary Literature]..  . ……. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289

Indeks osobowy [Index]. ……………. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315

Indeks nazw geograficznych i etnicznych [Index of geographical and ethnical names]. . …. . . . . . . . . 328

Indeks nazw konstantynopolitańskich [Index of Constantinopolitan names]….. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333

The main function of religious art is to embody the abstract idea of God in a form that allows its easiest perception. A central problem of any religious system is God’s presence and its adequate description. Theophanic events are never single-layered and this is a challenge for both the spiritual writer and the spiritual artist.
One of the most enduring trends in religious beliefs in all ages and cultures is the designation of the diversity of manifestations of the divine power, presence and action with unifying notions. Probably the most sustainable and universal in this respect is the concept of the “glory” of gods, through which their divinity is expressed most emphatically, most sensually, and at the same time most unattainably for mankind. This concept is expressed through the term “the glory of God”, which is used in the theological language of all organized religious systems to denote the manifestations of the sacred.
The radiance, which symbolizes the divine grace, power and superiority over all the senses is a common and invariable part of the outward expression of the supernatural character of the events connected with the manifestations and actions of God’s glory. Therefore, one of the key problems facing the visual language of any religion is to find a concise, clear, easily doable and easily understandable form in which to express the theophanic radiance. Thus, two of the most ancient sacred symbols in human history – the nimbus and the aureole (mandorla) were born.
In Christian art, the mandorla has been used to depict the manifestations of God’s presence and actions. The human consciousness perceives the verbal descriptions of theophanic events differently and is not able to create a general convention for their uniform understanding, so the iconographic canon uses certain symbols capable of presenting the necessary universal ideas. The mandorla is an oval, oval-pointed or round outline, which in certain iconographic subjects encompasses the figure of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Trinity and the Theotokos or in rare cases those of some saints. It serves as a visual epitome of the phenomenon of God’s glory.

CATALOGUE OF THE EXHIBITION "THE LIFE AFTER DEATH" IN THE FRAME OF THE CULTURAL CAPITAL OF EUROPE PAFOS2017 AND AARHUS2017. A CULTURAL APPROACH TO THE PRESERVATION OF THE DEAD'S MEMORY THROUGH ART AND BURIAL CUSTOMS IN CYPRUS AND DENMARK FROM ANTIQUITY TILL NOWADAYS/ ΚΑΤΑΛΟΓΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΚΘΕΣΗΣ "Η ΖΩΗ ΜΕΤΑ ΘΑΝΑΤΟΝ" ΣΤΑ ΠΛΑΙΣΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΤΙΚΩΝ ΠΡΩΤΕΥΟΥΣΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΕΥΡΩΠΗΣ ΠΑΦΟΣ2017 ΚΑΙ ΩΡΧΟΥΣ2017. ΜΙΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΙΚΗ ΠΡΟΣΕΓΓΙΣΗ ΣΤΗ ΔΙΑΤΗΡΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΜΝΗΣΗΣ ΤΩΝ ΤΕΘΝΕΩΤΩΝ ΜΕΣΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΤΕΧΝΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΙΣ ΤΑΦΙΚΕΣ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΚΥΠΡΟ ΚΑΙ ΤΗ ΔΑΝΙΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΤΗΤΑ ΕΩΣ ΤΙΣ ΗΜΕΡΕΣ ΜΑΣ

Studie byla publikována roku 1935 v knize ,,Sbornik statej po archeologii i vizantinovedeniju izdavajemyj Seminarijem imeni N.P. Kondakova" (Díl 7) / The study was published in 1935 in the book ,,Sbornik statj po archeologii i vizantinovedeniju izdavajemyj Seminarijem imeni N.P. Kondakova" (Volume 7).

A Szent Korona műszaki vizsgálata: 5. Az abroncs császárképeinek problémája, avagy mely képek eredetiek az abroncson és a pártán? Ebben a cikkben Szent Korona abroncs-párta zománcképeinek jellegzetességeit és hasonlóságait fogom szem-ügyre venni. Ábrázolás módjukban, technikailag és kivitelezésben is tipikusak, a bizánci rekeszzománc-művészet legszebb darabjai közé tartoznak. Az abroncs szinte kör, vagy enyhén ellipszis alakú, azonban az ellipszis alakja nem szabályos. Ez a felhelyezett foglaltokat egy bizonyos ívelt formára kényszeríti, ami követi a kör alakot, illetve a kereszt irányú oldalakon a foglalat szélek egyenesek. Mivel a középkorban nem létezett tömeggyártás ezért figyelembe kell venni, hogy minden kép-nek, kőnek, gyöngynek külön csak neki készített foglalat állt rendelkezésre. Egyszerűbben fogalmazva a foglalatot és a belehelyezett képet, követ, gyöngyöt egymáshoz, illetve együtt készítették. Theophilus Presbiter részletesen leírja az előállítási módozatokat. Ez azt is jelenti, hogy ha képcsere történt akkor a foglalatokat az új képhez, illetve a képet kellett a meglévő foglalathoz igazítani. Nyilván egy ívelt foglalat esetében a kép is ívelt kellett legyen. A zománcképeket kismértékben lehetséges hajlítani, ha a zománcréteg nem túl vastag. Szvetnik Joachimtól kezdve, sokan úgy képzelik, hogy a zománcképek természetüktől fogva domborúak. Ezt pontosítani kell. A minőségi zo-máncképek mint amilyenek a Szent Koronán is találhatóak azok esetében maga a zománc valóban kidomborodik kisé. Ez megfigyelhető a legtöbb középkori zománcképen, én ezt Essenben, Velencében de a Nemzeti Múzeum-ban a Monomachos "koronán" is tanulmányoztam. Azonban a bizánci zománcképek arany lemeze jellegzetesen nem domború, sík vagy hengeres alakú melynek az alkotója egy egyenes. A Monomachos koronához egészen közel lehet menni, azt is észre lehet venni, hogy a zománc sem domborodik ki mindenhol. Ezen a műalkotáson, van olyan kép, ahol a fej környéke nem domborodik ki, de a test része erősen.

Proposes a unified iconographic program for the images of the famous Byzantine casket of Veroli (now in the Victoria & Albert Museum, London). Argues for a continuity of the classical artistic tradition on Byzantine caskets, associated with an enduring understanding of Eros.
Only a few pages are included as per publications agreements. The paper can be obtained from:
https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783319960371

A discussion of the iconography of Satan, devils and demoniacs in Santa Maria Antiqua,  Sacra Parallela, Books of Job, Heavenly Ladder, Physiologus once in Smyrna, Prudentius' Psychomachia, Chludov Psalter. Summary: No comprehensive history of the devil’s iconography in Early Christian and Byzantine art has hitherto appeared. The paper analyses the representations of Satan, minor devils and demoniacs in particular in Eastern Christian art, focusing on the rare pictures of Anthony’s life that have survived in Santa Maria Antiquam and the later pictures of hermits who resist the devil’s temptations. As for the New Testament, the manuscript of the Sacra Parallela in Paris provides images for Jesus’ temptation in the wilderness, the Gadarene demoniacs, and the episode of the Canaanite woman. The oldest images of flying devils we have are found in the Murano Diptych and the Rabbula Gospels, where the exorcism of the Gadarene demoniacs is represented. Most of the paper concerns the devil’s image in Byzantine Psalters and in the Book of Job. It is suggested that the iconography of Satan and devils originated in different realm: satyrs from Dionysiac thiasos, athletic jesters, and the winged Eros.

"In his De visione Dei, Nicholas of Cusa addresses two aspects of divine vision: my desire to see God and God’s capacity to see
me. The latter aspect is distinguished by absolute power: God’s gaze is all-seeing. To explain this peculiar power Cusa
introduces what he calls the figure of an ‘omnivoyant’. This is a portrait with its eyes turned towards the spectator so that the
gaze of the depicted person appears to follow the spectator. This paper shows how this optical effect determined the choice
of the full-face view as the characteristic way to represent the divine in Renaissance painting, and how inscriptions on the
frames of a series of portraits of Christ attributed to Jan van Eyck reveal that the use of this effect was deliberate and in
accordance with theological doctrine."

Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, in Washington, DC, is an institute of Harvard University dedicated to supporting scholarship internationally in Byzantine, Pre-Columbian, and Garden and Landscape Studies through fellowships, meetings, exhibitions, and publications. Located in Georgetown and bequeathed by Robert Woods Bliss and Mildred Barnes Bliss, Dumbarton Oaks welcomes scholars to consult its books, images, and objects, and the public to visit its garden, museum, and historic house for lectures and concerts.

Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600 in the Art Institute of Chicago. A Catalogue of the Collection, by Martha Wolff, Susan Frances Jones, Richard G. Mann and Judith Berg Sobré, with contributions by Ilse Hecht, Peter Klein, Cynthia Kuniej Berry, and Larry Silver, Yale University Press, 2008, pp. 366-70

Resumo: Este trabalho analisará as relações entre política e religião no Império Bizantino, a partir das produções iconográficas da cristandade do século VI e VII. Procuraremos evidenciar como as fontes iconográficas externam visões de mundo e intencionalidades, tendo em vista as circunstâncias históricas e condições político-culturais de suas produções. Summary: This article will analyze the relationship between politics and religion in the Byzantine Empire, based on the iconographic productions of Christianity in the 6th and 7th centuries. We will try to show how the iconographic sources express world views and intentionalities, considering the historical circumstances and the political and cultural conditions of their productions.

I examine John of Damascus' defense of icons, upheld at the Council of Nicea II (AD 787). John argues that the making and honoring of images of Christ and the saints are in keeping with Scripture and Tradition. Contrary to the view that the second commandment prohibits images, John argues that a proper understanding of the commandment shows it is a prohibition on the worship of creatures. Because the context of the commandment is that God is unseen, so no image of Him is possible, the question emerges whether something has changed for those who confess that the Son of God has taken on flesh. John argues that the Incarnation not only makes images of the Son permissible but raises the question of whether resistance to such images indicates a faulty Christology. As for the honoring of images, John shows that Scripture, though prohibiting worship of creatures, approves the honoring of people, places, and things. But more profoundly, John highlights that the Eastern Church fathers understand the Incarnation to bring human nature, and through it the world, into communion with the divine nature. This communion makes it possible for a creature to serve as a conduit for divine energy and grace. John argues that such conduits are rightly honored, not as God, but as creatures in whom God's energy and grace reside. This view carried the day at Nicea II as a faithful representation of the teachings of the apostles and the fathers and remains the view and practice of the Eastern Church to this day.