Warlords

“Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State in Afghanistan” was written by Dipali Mukhopadhyay, Assistant Professor of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University, and explores how some of the warlords in Afghanistan turned into political representatives of the central government after 2001. Though warlords are often considered as threats to the stability of a country, the central government of Kabul engaged some of them to establish a strong administration beyond the capital of Kabul and manage the periphery.

This article examines power dynamics in political groupings during
the 2014 Afghanistan presidential election and assesses the impact on
political stability and order. The focus is the power dynamics of local
political-economic and identity networks that have come to underpin
and constitute the state in post-2001 international state-building.
The article first seeks to understand how the complex relationships
between the two leading presidential candidates, Ashraf Ghani and
Abdullah Abdullah, and key powerbrokers were negotiated and
subsequently influenced electoral outcomes. Second, focusing on
negotiations over the appointment of the Cabinet ministers, advisers
and staff, and governors, the study maps the restructuring of political
networks within the Afghan state. The analysis reveals the impact of
the election on the redistribution of power and resources, and the
consequences for political order and state stability in the post-2014
period.

We analyse the influence of gun culture and exogenous political events on gun regulation in post-Soviet Georgia. While neighbouring states retain restrictive Soviet-era gun laws, in Georgia, state failure, armed conflict and proliferation of weapons during the 1990s all impelled recent governments towards moderate gun policies, including liberal rules on handgun ownership, strict rules on gun carriage and a national gun registry. We conceptualize gun policy as the product of relatively durable institutional legacies and underlying social attitudes—in this case, a distinctive post-communist ‘gunscape’—which constrain future policy development; and specific political conjunctures, which provide opportunities for limited policy experimentation. While Georgian gun owners desire weapons for self-defence, sport and the affirmation of masculinity, they do not seek to defy the state or replace its role in collective security, leading to a moderate ‘harm reduction’ approach to regulation that may be applicable in other post-conflict societies.

In early modern period, bosnian conquest and islamization provoke several historiographical debates - deeply close to current social and political concerns - that this paper - stemed from two lectures made at University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne - try to go over. Thanks the abundant studies published since the last bosnian war, it has been clear conquest and islamization of Bosnia are two different processes. Islamization is partly due to internal social conflicts of the christian medieval bosnian society and to opportunities for the dhimmi-s to make a career out of the Ottoman administration or to freed themselves from the Jizya or from their lords. Islamization is not encourage as it is an issue for the Sultan taxation and for the Muslim Clergy. New Bosnian Muslims present many evidences of religious and cultural syncretism. Islam is adapted to the structures of the society and conversions reinforce the traditional elite's position, which chose to turn Muslim. Yet, according to the Ottoman clergy, jihad is not conquest and conversion but a way to control the practices of converted Muslims and in a changing world.

This thesis explores how three crucial variables affect stability in Afghanistan: (1) political legitimacy, (2) state-building and (3) Pakistan’s support for the Afghan Taliban. Chapter one lays the foundation for this thesis by exploring and showing the importance of the relationship between political legitimacy and stability in Afghanistan. Chapter two will build on this foundation by essentially testing this connection by examining how U.S. state-building efforts fared in addressing the issue of legitimacy as they tried to stabilize the country. Finally, chapter three looks at the relationship between Pakistan’s foreign policy, legitimacy and stability in Afghanistan, although it is more focused on explaining what drives Pakistan’s policies to influence these factors.

Baron R.F. von Ungern-Sternberg (1885–1921) is almost a legendary figure. He was General of the Russian White Army fought against the Reds in Civil War after the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia. He participated in the Civil War in Russian Siberia, Manchuria and Mongolia. Baron Ungern, traditionalist and one of first eurasianists, became the key figure in finding the independence of modern Mongolia. This book is a full reconstruction of life and activities of Baron Ungern, based on all available materials, including those from Russian, Mongolian, Estonian, American, Japanese and other archives. These data, based in a large part of formerly unknown materials, are discussed in general context of events in Mongolia and Siberia of that time. Some legends related to Baron Ungern are also discussed. The book includes biography of the last Great Khan of Mongolia, whose power was restored by Ungern. Unpublished documents and memoirs added. The book may be interesting for historians, political scientists, ethnographers, orientalists and all interested in the history of Russia and Mongolia. English contents included.

The genesis of the first western kingdoms in early medieval Europe has often been framed as the consequence of barbarian invasions bringing down the Roman empire in its western provinces. This article considers a considerably more corrosive factor in the breakdown of western imperial structures, i.e. the warlordism of its own military personnel, via a case study of the Gothic aristocrat Sarus’ micro-politics of mobility. This article will show that Sarus is one of the earliest attested cases of men willing to opt out of imperial service and use violence to reintegrate themselves later. Re-examining the rapidly shifting political circumstances, it will demonstrate that Sarus was increasingly forced to move and take independent violent action, together with his men, in order to survive. This has major implications for a newly developing early medieval European phenomenon: the transformation of regular imperial commanders into irregular warlords.

Η θητεία του Στρατάρχη Sir John Harding ως Βρετανός Κυβερνήτης της Κύπρου (Οκτώβριος 1955-Οκτώβριος 1957) έχει αποτυπωθεί ως πικρή εμπειρία στη συλλογική μνήμη της ελληνικής κοινότητας της Κύπρου. Για παράδειγμα, κατά τη διάρκεια του Κυπριακού Αγώνα, η ίδια η ένοπλη οργάνωση ΕΟΚΑ (Εθνική Οργάνωση Κυπρίων Αγωνιστών) χρησιμοποίησε τους όρους «γκαουλάιτερ»  και «σατραπίσκος»  στις αναφορές για τον Κυβερνήτη που περιλαμβάνονταν στις επαναστατικές προκηρύξεις της. Επίσης, ο Harding έχει περιγραφεί με περιφρονητικούς χαρακτηρισμούς, πχ «άτιμος»  και «μεγάλο σκυλί»,  σε έργα της πνευματικής παραγωγής που έλκουν θεματολογία από την περίοδο του Αγώνα της ΕΟΚΑ. Αδιαμφισβήτητα, τέτοιας μορφής προσλήψεις και εκφράσεις οφείλονται στα τα μέτρα που εφήρμοσε ο Στρατάρχης στην προσπάθειά του να καταστείλει τη δράση του ένοπλου ενωτικού κινήματος της Κύπρου ήδη από τα πρώτα στάδια της θητείας του στην αποικία. Επιπρόσθετα, η ελληνόγλωσση ιστοριογραφία δίνει έμφαση στη διαδικασία διαπραγμάτευσης του Sir John Harding (Οκτώβριος1955-Φεβρουάριος 1956) με τον πολιτικό ηγέτη των Ελλήνων Κυπρίων, τον Αρχιεπίσκοπο Μακάριο Γ’, για τη διευθέτηση του Κυπριακού Ζητήματος,  ενώ η ξενόγλωσση ιστορική παραγωγή ανασυνθέτει την εκστρατεία του Στρατάρχη για καταστολή της ΕΟΚΑ, η κορύφωση της οποίας σημειώθηκε κατά το διάστημα μετά την κατάληξη των συνομιλιών σε αδιέξοδο.  Απεναντίας, η παρούσα μελέτη πραγματεύεται αυτή καθαυτή την πολιτική διάσταση της εμπλοκής του Harding στο Κυπριακό, από την έναρξη της θητείας του τον Οκτώβριο του 1955 μέχρι τα τέλη του 1956. Σημαντικό ζήτημα που απασχολεί την ανάλυσή μας είναι το παρασκήνιο της επιλογής του Sir John Harding από τη βρετανική πολιτική ηγεσία για τη θέση του Κυβερνήτη της Κύπρου. Επιπλέον, το μεγαλύτερο τμήμα της έρευνάς μας αφιερώνεται στις απόψεις του Κυβερνήτη για την επίλυση του Κυπριακού και το πώς αυτές εξελίχθηκαν κατά την υπό διερεύνηση περίοδο.

The items found represent the high status equipment belonging to elite warriors who were mounted on horseback. Video from the excavations:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lznKbpUULIE
These exclusive, often gilded, weapons and horse equipment are extremely fragmented, but at the same time they are very well preserved.
The artefacts are richly ornamented with both abstract and zoomorphic figures. A whole world of symbols is presented within these
small artefacts. This paper will examine the interrelationship of the figures and consider how they should be interpreted in relation to
the religious disputes of the period in which they were created. 350-550 AD. Keywords: War-booty, offering site, Migration Period, mounted warriors, warlords, Odin, divine leadership, Christianity, Norse religion,
animal style, symbols, identity

To date, warlordism in Africa has been viewed solely negatively. This has come about, in part, because of the analytical lenses that have been used. Typically, warlordism has been examined at the state level; and behavioural traits, rather than definitionally necessary components, have been the focus.
In effect, ‘warlord’ has been confused with other violent actors. I suggest here a reconceptualisation ‘from below’, which takes into account variation in types of warlordism, and which allows for both positive and negative effects of warlordism on society and the state.

Afghanistan’s complex conflict shows little sign of abating.  This paper looks at the nature of the conflict and factors that might influence its post-2014 direction.  It treats Afghanistan as a qualitative intrinsic case study and positions itself in the middle of historical context, civil war theory and the post-2001 political and military situation.  Although disagreements within broader civil war theory make analysis of Afghanistan challenging (how to address complex conflicts and concepts of stalemate might benefit from further exploration), Charles Tilly’s work provides a fresh perspective and a flexible platform from which to view the conflict.  The paper identifies areas analytically “less-travelled”: the idea that a military stalemate might be a long-term result after 2014 and that other political/military factions might also get drawn in to contest control of the state.  It finds that a struggle for army loyalty is plausible and could become a further danger to the stability of the country.  The international community and the Afghan population could perhaps give thought to three issues: the implications of the term “civil war”, how to consider and address the notion of stalemate and, finally, that the Taliban might not be the only group contesting state control.

Resumen En las siguientes páginas se describe lo que tradicionalmente se ha llamado «la era de los señores de la guerra» en China (1916-1928). Tras el hundimiento de la dinastía Qing y la muerte sin sucesor del dictador Yuan Shikai, no hubo ningún poder capaz de aglutinar suficiente autoridad y legitimidad para unir toda China. Los líderes militares convirtieron sus divisiones en ejércitos privados y ellos mismos se convirtieron en señores feudales que soñaban ser emperadores. Para ello, se aliaron con potencias extranjeras, Japón, Reino Unido y EEUU, principalmente, que a su vez, los utilizaron ellos, a los caudillos chinos, para repartirse, de facto, China. Mientras, en el sur un grupo de idealistas nacionalistas y comunistas llamaron a los soviéticos para que les ayudasen. En resumen, las siguientes páginas tratan de la lucha entre el pasado y el futuro, entre el pueblo chino y el imperialismo Palabras clave China, Guomindang; Señores de la guerra; Era de los señores del guerra; Camarillas militares; República China; Expedición al Norte.

This paper analyses news stories about so called warlords particualrly in Afghanistan. Based on a model of interpreting myths that builds on Saussurian linguistic analysis and Levi-Strauss' analysis of myths (hence the title), the paper argues that myths about warlords contain underlying and implicit stories about states. Analysing how myths about warlords are told allows dissecting what the authors want to say about states and legitimate politics. Myths about warlords are therefore also myths about states.

Despite efforts to bolster failed states over the past two decades, many states in the international system still exhibit endemic weakness. External intervention often leads to political instability and in most cases fails to foster state consolidation, instead empowering and creating ties with the ones it aims to weaken. Using the case of Afghanistan, I develop a typology of political orders that explains variation in degrees of state consolidation and provides the basis for more systematic comparative analysis. I demonstrate the resilience of a political logic according to which non-state armed actors (warlords) ‘shape-shift’ and constantly reinvent themselves to adapt to changing political environments. This article, based on extensive field research in Afghanistan, shows why failed states are unlikely to consolidate and exhibit western-style state-building, as a result of intervention or otherwise.

Svante Fischer

“From Italy to Scandinavia – The Numismatic Record of the Fall of the Western Empire”


Abstract

In the study of an era of purported mass migration such as Late Antiquity, one ought to verify to what extent people or objects actually moved from one place to another. One must also ascertain if this migration can be shown to have had a major impact on a given society, or whether it was simply a byproduct of a different society, be it in the center or out on the peripheral rim of the Roman Empire. The evidence discussed in this paper are Late Roman solidi, 24 carat gold coins, ideally meant to weigh 4.54 g each. These were struck by the Roman emperors in the urban centers of the Mediterranean but have been recovered in Scandinavia, the distant northern periphery of Europe.  The solidi and their owners have moved across the entire European Continent precisely at the time when the Roman Empire went down in flames.
The corpus of recorded solidus hoards is invaluable empirical evidence because a seriation of particular characteristics of the material allows for important conclusions about human movement and material exchange during Late Antiquity without recourse to undue racializiation, that is, the idea that it is important to match different types of objects or sets of behavior to specific human genetic profiles. Rather, the universal nature of minted Roman gold emphasizes the importance of monetary capital and state finances in the course of history, especially in the study of crumbling imperialist economies. The exploration of the underlying network of Late Roman solidi group in die-linked or mutilated clusters shows how parasitical networks of warlords, kleptocracies, could feed of the spoils in such systems by using the migratory patterns in a time of crisis even from the very distant periphery. 



The Late Roman Background – 

To rule over late 5th century Italy one needed solidi. More importantly, one needed to strike new solidi and distribute these as a sign of political legitimacy – real or feigned. The solidi were struck in the imperial mints. These workshops were operated inside closely guarded compounds in a few major cities. This exclusive privilege usually only extended to Constantinople and Thessalonica in the East, and Arles, Milan, Ravenna and Rome in the West. Many scholars have attempted to order coin types and die-links chronologically and attribute these to various mints, often in sharp disagreement. Some scholars have worked from decontextualized coins in collections while others emphasize the importance of archaeological context and distribution networks in order to understand circulation patterns.  While one can map and order most of the die-types and die-links of the Late Roman coins struck in Italy, it is still not possible to provide a finite chronology for them.

The paper gives a brief overview of the last years' discussions on Feng Yuxiang, the so-called "Christian General", and his religious faith by making some notes on his figure. Feng's connection with a foreign religion is contextualized in the lively environment of Republican China and it is linked to his peculiar biography. His credo was certainly far from being dogmatic, but it hardly proved to be fully opportunistic as well. His military and political choices were often taken in connections with what Feng considered the essence of his faith. These facts reveal a new type of warlord that differed from the past ones, being concerned with the issues of his country and embracing a national-ranged perspective.

Tianjin’s Place in History and Historiography
Some Historiographical Remarks: A Call for an International Dialogue on the Question of Imperialism in the East Asian Region
Early Collaboration and Cooperation amongst Occupiers
Entering the Warlord Era and Elaborating a Closer Collaboration Between Colonizers
The 1923-1924 Combined Action Plan in Northern China
The 1930 Combined Action Plan in Northern China
Japan’s Rising Power in Northern China and International Imperialistic Solidarity
The Place of Japan in Tianjin after 1931: Redefining the Paradigme

La Historia de la Humanidad es el continuo proceso de cambios sociales con incidencias, por demás, muy lógicas, naturales, en las realidades de las economías temporal-histórico-sistémicas, en las mentalidades, las religiones y en las responsabilidades personales de cada individuo como " ser creado " en sus gestiones como " ser social " según las realidades geográficas y las nacionalidades. Ese continuo movimiento social en perfectibilidad permanente, en la dialéctica de lo natural, con las evoluciones de la Ciencia, ha permitido y permite el continuo crecimiento del " ser social " en sus responsabilidades naturales como " ser creado " ; es decir, en última instancia, en los impactos, directos o indirectos, de la teología antropológica en su ser como en su relación con el Otro, inevitablemente, y es por ello que son necesarios los permanentes equilibrios en las relaciones inter-personales para así poder evitar la presencia y el desarrollo de una dialéctica intra-personal generada por las soberbias personales con consecuencias imprevisibles porque, sencillamente, nadie tiene la potestad de conocer el futuro en lo personal como en la globalidad natural-histórica. Ejemplos en la Historia hay y dignos de estudio. Dicho lo dicho, porque es de necesidad expresarlo y exponerlo, nada es más dramático en las relaciones humanas que las contradicciones que se exponen durante un proceso cual, comúnmente, lo hemos denominado como " revolución " como concepto en su praxis natural tanto porque es un proceso humano, realizado por " seres sociales " , según sus propias mentalidades, experiencias personales y factores externos y ajenos cuales están íntimamente relacionados, inevitable, con la sociología en cualquiera de sus escuelas sociológicas en curso bien sean aquellas adscritas a las tesis sociológicas de las escuelas norteamericanas como aquellas que se imbuyen en las tesis marxistas expresadas en la bien rechazada por las derechas como la " lucha de clases " aunque, indirectamente, esas confrontaciones de clases se observan y se las conocen dentro de los análisis de los propios paradigmas de las sociologías humanista, marxista como positivista. Para gustos de todos los compradores ideológicos según los momentos en revolución. ¿Podríamos expresar que es " algo natural " el comportamiento del " ser creado " , en su realidad objetiva, como " ser social " , en el marco de las realidades en vivencia, cuales se expresan, directamente, en la cotidianidad de ese individuo en su lógico entorno histórico-objetivo? Lo anterior está directamente relacionado con las realidades propuestas en título que trataremos de exponer para proponer incidir en los pensares individuales de lectores y lectoras. Por ejemplo, viniendo a nuestros entornos geográficos podríamos tener que

Ένα έντονο στοιχείο στη συλλογική μνήμη των Ελλήνων Κυπρίων που αποκόμισαν εμπειρίες από την περίοδο του Κυπριακού Αγώνα (1955-1959) αφορά την πικρία που νιώθουν λόγω των πολιτικών που εφήρμοσε ο Στρατάρχης Sir John Harding κατά θητεία του ως Βρετανός Κυβερνήτης της Κύπρου (Οκτώβριος 1955-Οκτώβριος 1957). Για τον Harding έχουν χρησιμοποιηθεί απαξιωτικοί χαρακτηρισμοί σε στίχους της πνευματικής παραγωγής που έλκει έμπνευση από το ένοπλο ενωτικό κίνημα της Εθνικής Οργάνωσης Κυπρίων Αγωνιστών (ΕΟΚΑ): για παράδειγμα ο Στρατάρχης έχει χαρακτηριστεί «άτιμος»  και «μεγάλο σκυλί».  Επίσης, ενόσω διαρκούσε ακόμη η επανάσταση στο νησί χρησιμοποιήθηκαν σε επαναστατικές προκηρύξεις της οργάνωσης τα επίθετα «γκαουλάιτερ»  και «σατραπίσκος».  Αναντίλεκτα, σε τέτοιου είδους προσλήψεις και εκφράσεις συνέβαλαν οι κατασταλτικές πρωτοβουλίες που ανέλαβε ο Harding ήδη από τα πρώτα στάδια της θητείας του στην αποικία.

Η παρούσα μελέτη φιλοδοξεί να σκιαγραφήσει ένα ιστορικό πορτραίτου του Στρατάρχη Sir John Harding, ερμηνεύοντας τις ενέργειές του σε πολιτικό και στρατιωτικό επίπεδο κατά το έτος 1956, όταν στην Κύπρο κορυφώθηκε η σύγκρουση της βρετανικής φρουράς με την ΕΟΚΑ. Η ανάλυσή μας θα στηριχτεί σε πληροφορίες που εντοπίζονται στην αγγλόγλωσση ή ελληνόγλωσση ιστοριογραφία που πραγματεύεται την περίοδο του Κυπριακού Αγώνα. Το εν λόγω υλικό συμπληρώθηκε με αρχειακά δεδομένα από τις συλλογές των βρετανικών κρατικών αρχείων («The National Archives»-TNA) στο Kew και κυρίως το υπόμνημα του ίδιου του Harding προς τον Βρετανό Υπουργό Αποικιών, Alan Lennox-Boyd, για τα πεπραγμένα του ως Κυβερνήτης της Κύπρου, έκτασης 405 σελίδων (μη συμπεριλαμβανομένων των  παραρτημάτων).

Although barbarian aristocrats and royalty were employed in the Roman service since the time of Caesar, in the 4th and early 5th century a new tendency appeared. Barbarian warlords active in the empire and loosely associated with Rome – usually through subsidies and/or military offices – began to assume royal titles as means of retaining the cohesion of forces under their command and strengthening their authority. Such was the case with Alaric and his successors, but also others such as the Burgundian dynasty of Gibichungs or Hasdingi Vandals. What started as a way of complementing official Roman authority or personal power became later the main title to rule over both barbarians and Romans. With the establishment of Amal and Merovingians, dynastic histories and traditions were developed to better ground the political power of rulers, even implying a divine origin and will behind their rise to power.
In my paper, I would like to examine this trend of assuming royal titles by barbarian warlords and commanders. I intend to trace the changing meaning of this kingship from the late 4th century up until the time of Clovis. My main focus is going to be on the aims and functions of these titles, especially legitimisation and ideology of power. In my argument, I am going to refer to such cases as Alaric and Ataulf, Gundioc and his sons, Gunderic and Gaiseric, Theodoric the Amal, Childeric and Clovis.

The article is devoted a member of the Bolshevik Party ensign of Russian army A.Ya. Semashko. In 1917 he became a popular speaker of the 1st machine-gun regiment and was very influential to soldiers. Through his work on regiments’ meeting he was chosen a commander of this military unit. Such an appointment was not approved; however Semashko stayed an “informal leader” of gunners. In the summer of 1917 he began to collaborate with anarchists and became an advocate for an armed uprising against the Provisional Government. This position A.Ya. Semashko led to a split in the Bolshevik cells of 1st machine-gun regiment. During the July days he was elected to chief of a “Provisional Revolutionary Committee” – the headquarters of the uprising. Ensign
Semashko led the first operations. Subsequently he became one of the main defendants in the case on 3–5 July uprising. Phenomenon A.Ya. Semashko, let us to look at the mechanism of functioning of informal power and the conditions of its origin.
Статья посвящена члену партии большевиков прапорщику А.Я. Семашко. В 1917 г. он стал популярным оратором 1-го пулеметного полка и имел большое влияние. Благодаря своей деятельности на общеполковом собрании он был выбран
командиром этой воинской части. Такое назначение одобрено не было, однако Семашко остался неформальным лидером пулеметчиков. Летом 1917 г. он начал сближаться с анархистами и стал выступать за вооруженное выступление против Временного правительства. Такая позиция А.Я. Семашко привела к расколу
большевистской ячейки 1-го пулеметного полка. В ходе июльских событий он был выбран лидером восстания – председателем штаба Временного революционного комитета. Прапорщик Семашко руководил первыми операциями. Впоследствии он
стал одним из главных фигурантов дела о выступлении 3–5 июля. Феномен А.Я. Семашко позволяет рассмотреть условия возникновения неформальной власти и механизм ее функционирования.

Muitas discussões acerca da governança de recursos naturais nos Estados pós-coloniais têm ocorrido, recentemente, na literatura de Relações Internacionais. No entanto, a maior parte dessas discussões busca focar no papel do Estado. Esse paper buscará mudar esta abordagem, deslocando seu foco para a atuação dos atores não-estatais, sobretudo, warlords e grupos armados regionais. Assim, serão apontadas discussões sobre as relações existentes entre esses atores e os atores estatais, apresentando as (re)articulações existentes a partir do conceito de “global assemblage”. Analisando a atuação dos grupos armados e warlords na região leste da República Democrática do Congo (RDC), mostraremos as diferentes interações entre atores estatais e não-estatais, em relações de competição e cooperação, produzindo novas práticas, instituições e formas de governança.
Esta obra está licenciada sob uma Licença Creative Commons Atribuição 4.0 Internacional.

Conference report on Historikertag 2006: Kriegsbilder I: Die Konstruktion organisierter Gewalt in antiken Kulturen. In: H-Soz-u-Kult (2006).
- Felix Pirson: Gesichter des Krieges. Kampfreliefs und Kriegserfahrung im antiken Griechenland
- Kai Trampedach: Zwangsbeschneidung und religiöse Säuberung. Der heilige Krieg der Hasmonäer
- Ulrich Gotter: Funktionale Unordnung. Plünderungen als kommunikatives System in der römischen Republik
- Martin Zimmermann: Zwischen privatem Interesse und Staat: antike worlords