Taliban

In this article, an effort has been made to elaborate further on the nature and causes of this combined state terrorism of US and NATO forces, covered up under the more general word “war”, which is more acceptable to the general publics and invokes conditioned conventional patriotic feelings, primarily in the mass unconscious, which then are manifested in the mass consciousness, in various forms; as well as the nature and causes of the success of the Afghan national liberation forces, and of the defeat of imperialist forces, in spite of their incomparable military, technological, and economic superiority.  Such developments involve the dialectical interaction of various contradictions, including those of guerilla and conventional warfares, their development and resolutions. Therefore, some analysis of these has also been included in this article.

There are various types of wars.  On the most basic level, these can be divided into just and unjust wars.  Imperialist, colonial, and neocolonial wars are always unjust wars, while national liberation wars against these are always just wars, Afghanistan national liberation war being one of these.  US and NATO imperialisms were responsible for two unjust wars in that country, that is, the proxy war from 1979 to 1996, which resulted in the rule of Taliban from 1996 to 2001, and then direct invasion and war against that country from 2001 to 2021.  Both these wars were in fact massive imperialist state terrorisms, which caused great devastations in an already impoverished country, killing hundreds of thousands, wounding and maiming millions, causing countless millions to become internally displaced and refugees in other countries, destroying their infrastructures and means of living, and installing subservient puppet governments.

Afghanistan masih belum terlihat akan mencapai stabilitas politik pasca Taliban kembali menguasai hampir seluruh wilayahnya. Bahkan sebenarnya instabilitas politik bukan hanya terjadi sejak Mei dan pertengahan Agustus ini sebagai puncaknya, tetapi selama hampir setengah abad terakhir jika dihitung dari mulainya invasi negara lain terhadap mereka. Beberapa ahli atau pemerhati politik berharap momentum perubahan kekuasaan pemerintahan kepada Taliban menjadi momentum yang tepat untuk melakukan diplomasi internal diantara  mereka sendiri. Tetapi, mungkin saja tidak sama sekali

On March 2014, in an Islamic-State-sponsored prisoner swap, Mohammed Haydar Zammar, the al-Qaeda operative jailed in Syria in 2001, was freed in exchange for Syrian army officers held by the IS.

News articles that covered the prisoner exchange did not bother to explain why the IS would go to such trouble to gain his release. However, analysts familiar with the history of Islamist movements knew why...

Beginning with the Communist Saur Revolution of 1978 and continuing through Gen. David Petraeus’s 2010 appointment replacing Stanley McChrystal as commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, this book is an inside account of one of the most vicious conflicts fought between the two Cold War superpowers: the Soviet war in Afghanistan (1979–89). Analyzing the behind-the-scenes decisions made in Moscow, Washington, and Kabul, former BBC correspondent Deepak Tripathi shows how that conflict transformed Afghanistan into a sanctuary for terrorism.

Explaining how Afghanistan descended into a civil war from which the Taliban emerged, Tripathi explores the ways in which the country ultimately became a grotesque mirror image of the anticommunist alliance of U.S. forces and radical Islamists in the Cold War’s final phase. Calling for a departure from the current pursuit of military strong-arm tactics, he advocates an approach that is centered on development, internal reconciliation, and societal reconstruction in Afghanistan.

Afghan women’s life expectancy increased, mortality during child decreased, and participation in social and political activities increased during the 20 year-long War on Terror as the rights of women were provided for during this time. However, despite the encouraging statistics, the idea that women are inferior and should not have the right to freedom remained within the country. Dr. Sanchita Bhattacharya, a Research Fellow at the Institute for Conflict Management, India points out that despite the absence of the Taliban, Afghan women still suffered due to male members of their family or tribe. Before the Taliban disbanded, violence against women was legalized in the country under the justification of preserving religion and the Taliban way of life. With the "come back” of the Taliban, the author states that violence against women will be normalized and it will be difficult to measure the degree of exploitation and harassment.

The developments in Afghanistan, especially in the last decade after 9/11 terrorist attacks to the World Trade Center, have recently received a great deal of attention by academics, researchers, think-tankers, strategists, journalists, and editors besides the government policy makers. Today, the America’s war in Afghanistan, which is considered as the “war of necessity”, became America’s longest war in the history of the country. The war in Afghanistan, which began on October 7, 2001 when the former President George W. Bush commanded the first air strikes against the Taliban camps, became the longest military conflict in American history by passing the Vietnam War (lasted a total of 103 months) and Korean War. As of June 7, 2010, the war has just ended its 104th month. The unintended consequences of the war so far direct us to a not-welcome-question: “How many more months will it take to win the war (in favor of the United States)?”

Beginning with the communist Saur Revolution of 1978 and continuing through Gen. David Petraeus's 2010 appointment replacing Stanley McChrystal as commander of US forces in Afghanistan, this book is an inside account of one of the most vicious conflicts fought ...

While the UN and other global institutions are in the limelight to help alleviate the humanitarian crisis in war-ravaged Afghanistan, Pakistan also has a role to play. It ought to diplomatically urge rich Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia to lead this initiative. The Saudis, having strategic competition with Qatar, may find an opportunity to establish a meaningful presence in this part of Asia. Last but not the least, Pakistan ought to urge Russia and China to financially support the Afghans. Pakistan must prioritise bilateral and multilateral trade with Afghanistan. Both Kabul and Islamabad need to understand each other’s sensibilities. Finally, Pakistan needs to focus on the Central Asian states, which recently indicated their geo-economic interests in India, which is the largest market in the region after China. To help Afghanistan ameliorate its humanitarian crisis, there is no harm in engaging the Central Asian countries via Moscow or Beijing. Until Afghanistan’s neighbours come on board, structural issues will only linger.

Since 2001, we are seeing increasing attention being given to understanding terrorism, with a new focus on the issue of how terrorist organisations are financed. They ask important questions regarding who finances terrorism and how do they do it. However, these analyses have often ignored how terrorist organisations are able to pay for themselves to be able to continue operations in prolonged conflict situations, especially given the new norm of targeted financial sanctions and the increasingly stricter financial and banking regulations. Against this background, the paper asks how terrorists organisations fund their operations in prolonged conflicts, and how that affects the organisational structure and behaviour of the groups by looking at the way that these terrorist groups interact with the local population. The paper uses the framework of global value chains (GVCs) to understand the financing chains that are developed by the terrorist organisations, linking the terrorists with those who support them logistically and emotionally and those who financially support them. The paper underscores that the aspects of logistical, emotional and even material support often happens though the exchange of value, rather than through exchange of money, such as extortions for safety. This framework of value-chain financing is then tested on two different terrorist organisations, the Taliban and the Lashkar-e-Taiba, in South Asia. By considering available examples, we were able to see how such organisations enter into certain value chains, interact with other groups of people, which has an effect on the strategic behaviour of the group in respect to which groups it targets, when and how. Their funding mechanism and fronts for the same are detailed, demonstrating how this affected their modus operandi, including but not limited to, drug mulling, hawala, trafficking, zakat and state support.

Afghanistan's future will continue to be defined substantially by Islamabad's mischief. Unless Pakistan is compelled by the international community to end its support to the Taliban and other extremist formations in Afghanistan, the prevailing troubles can only escalate.

This empirical research documented voices of women and girls in female shelters and prisons in Samangan, Laghman and Wardak provinces who experienced systematic sexual and gender based violence before and after they escaped forced marriages, forced virginity tests, physical and sexual violence. Women who challenged the status quo, fundamentalism and extremism faced imprisonment for up to five years. The research interviewed primary, secondary and territory health care professionals, who carried out or witnessed invasive virginity tests. The evidence suggests that women are being deprived of basic human rights of exercising autonomy and freedom. It shows difficulties some health professionals’ encounter in documenting, reporting and treating cases of violence against women and girls. The research concludes that a survivor-centered approach, and secular framework is required against tyranny, misogyny and oppression. Instead of imposing moral arguments and harmful laws that undermine w...

The essay presents some arguments that try to explain the popularity that surrounded the Taliban during the resurgence of the group after 2006. The Neo-Taliban, as more often called, managed to rise again, despite the counter-terrorist policy implemented by the United States in Afghanistan following 9/11. The essay will primarily focus on the Pashtun grievances that allowed for the continuing of the group of the Afghan Taliban in the country's territory. (Essay written in 2013)

Elahi’s study on Islamist terrorism in Pakistan focuses on the period since the year 2001 and in particular on the Taḥrīk-e Ṭālibān Pākistān (TTP) rebellion. Anatol Lieven authored the book’s foreword (pp. xii-xiv). In the introduction (pp. 1-9) Elahi links the rise of Islamist extremism and sectarian violence in Pakistan to state-sponsored jihadi activities to counter the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan as well as to Pakistan’s failure to formulate a national counter-terrorism strategy.

Vent'anni dopo Enduring Freedom-l'operazione voluta da George W. Bush nel 2001 per vendicare gli attentati dell'11 settembre-, i talebani sono tornati a Kabul e hanno proclamato la rinascita dell'"emirato islamico". Come spiegare il fallimento degli Stati Uniti e dei loro alleati e, prima ancora, quello dei sovietici e dei britannici? Il volume intende rispondere a questa domanda ripercorrendo il lungo cammino che ha portato una confederazione tribale a diventare il centro nevralgico di interessi economici e geopolitici regionali e globali.

While a significant degree of uncertainty surrounds the Taliban’s international agenda, prominent players within the Muslim Brotherhood have already signaled their unambiguous support for the group. This paper compiles those declarations of support by Muslim Brotherhood members, documenting various quotes, official statements, publications, media appearances, and more. The collection starts from the fall of Kabul and proceeds to the present, dividing quotes into two distinct categories according to their origin: 1) those made by members or groups of the global Muslim Brotherhood, and 2) those made by members or institutions specifically of the Muslim Brotherhood in
the West. On the whole, the collection below provides evidence not only of the ideological affinities shared by the Taliban and the Muslim Brotherhood, but also reveals how the Brotherhood is adapting its discourse to incorporate and accommodate new narratives of the fall of Kabul to the Taliban

This empirical research documented voices of women and girls in female
shelters and prisons in Samangan, Laghman and Wardak provinces who
experienced systematic sexual and gender based violence before and
after they escaped forced marriages, forced virginity tests, physical and
sexual violence. Women who challenged the status quo,
fundamentalism and extremism faced imprisonment for up to five
years. The research interviewed primary, secondary and territory health
care professionals, who carried out or witnessed invasive virginity tests.
The evidence suggests that women are being deprived of basic human
rights of exercising autonomy and freedom. It shows difficulties some
health professionals encounter in documenting, reporting, and treating
cases of violence against women and girls. The research concludes that
a survivor-centered approach and secular framework are required against
tyranny, misogyny, and oppression. Instead of imposing moral
arguments and harmful laws that undermine women’s rights, brave
leadership at many levels is required to tackle health inequities,
dismantle patriarchy, counter fundamentalism, and other entrenched
systems of inequality. A new kind of feminist citizenship is needed not
based on identity but political values.

The article discusses how social positioning, socialization and various ideological stances mattered in encounters between Sufi communities and the Taliban in the 1990s and how this might inform our understanding of their present-day negotiations. It looks at religious governance from a community negotiation perspective informed through oral history interviews and ethnographic research.

A deeply touching and painfully thoughtful expose on the plight of women in Afghanistan, analyzed through the creative lens of Maryam Mahboob's writing. While any political analysis that utilizes literature as its chief source has to be by default analysis through microcosm-anecdotal and intensively minute in everyday life detail-this book is also organized across very important macro-themes, like politics, women's issues, war, radicalization, exile, and identity. Utilizing this structure allows the words at the micro-level to easily connect to the macro-level of international affairs, conflict, and peacebuilding. There is no doubt the true purpose of the work is to bring the reader deep into the psychological conflict and personal turmoil suffered by women throughout the horrific tumult that describes Afghani life and politics for nearly four decades that is seen in Mahboob's works. But it also serves as a powerful launching point for readers who want to pursue the bigger issues that the work takes on, including diaspora dilemmas, gender studies, and religious radicalization's impact on civil society. The chapters could be better organized to maximize that impact but this is a minor quibble. Since its founding as a monthly collection of recommended titles more than 50 years ago, Choice has become the go-to source for librarians seeking worthwhile new titles for their collection. Our publication offers approximately 600 reviews every month, identifying the best new books and digital content in academia. With more than 2,400 institutions served worldwide, Choice is the premier review journal of new academic titles. Choice is the publishing branch of the Association of College & Research Libraries, a division of the American Library Association. Together, Choice and the ACRL provide professional development tools for librarianship. Our webinars, bibliographic essays, and digital publications help librarians strengthen their skills, and further their careers.

Para comprender más profundamente los trágicos eventos del 11 de septiembre de 2001, es fundamental conocer el pasado reciente y turbulento de Afganistán. Condenados en Afganistán ofrece una descripción de primera mano de cómo la diplomacia fallida condujo a una victoria fundamentalista islámica en un país devastado por la guerra y, posteriormente, a una toma de posesión talibán y un hogar para la red terrorista Al Qaeda de Osama bin Laden. En abril de 1992, Phillip Corwin formó parte de un equipo de las Naciones Unidas en Afganistán cuya misión era ayudar a garantizar la transferencia del poder del régimen comunista instalado por los soviéticos del presidente Najibullah a un gobierno interino (que se prepararía para las elecciones). Sin el apoyo de la Unión Soviética, el régimen de Najibullah se derrumbó, y fue convencido de renunciar a favor de un gobierno de unidad nacional, con el entendimiento de que sería evacuado a un país neutral (India). Debido a una serie de errores de cálculo y maquinaciones, la misión diplomática de la ONU falló. Kabul cayó ante grupos de muyahiddin antes de que Najibullah pudiera ser evacuado. La incapacidad de las diversas facciones muyahiddin para unirse llevó a su eventual derrota por parte de los talibanes, que cuatro años más tarde expulsaron a Najibullah de su refugio seguro en el complejo de la ONU y lo ejecutaron. Corwin da un recuento vívido del evento seminal de la evacuación fallida de Najibullah y las frenéticas negociaciones que no pudieron evitar la anarquía y el caos que siguieron.
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Durante su carrera en la ONU, Phillip Corwin fue oficial de información, redactor de discursos para el secretario general y sirvió en operaciones de mantenimiento de la paz en Haití, el Sáhara Occidental, Afganistán y la ex Yugoslavia. Es autor de Dubious Mandate: A Memoir of the UN in Bosnia, Summer 1995, y también es un poeta ampliamente publicado.

The longest-running and broadest nationwide survey of Afghan attitudes and opinions, The Asia Foundation’s A Survey of the Afghan People over the past decade has gathered the views of more than 65,000 Afghans on a wide range of issues central to the country’s growth and development. This year’s findings come at a critical time, including the September inauguration of President Ashraf Ghani, the formation of a unity government together with Dr. Abdullah Abdullah as Chief Executive, and the limited presence of foreign troops at the end of 2014.

This policy brief informs on the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and what the future holds for the war-torn country under a Taliban regime. The brief discusses recent developments in the country, Taliban’s PR campaign and the (grim) situation for gender and media rights under the Taliban regime in the country. In its concluding section, the brief proposes short, medium and long-term recommendations that could be considered by the international community, particularly the western bloc, when dealing with Taliban regime. These recommendations focus on ensuring gender and media rights, evacuation of under-threat Afghan and foreign nationals, clear messaging on Taliban from the western bloc, a possible working relationship with a Taliban regime and reviving Afghanistan’s economy.

Many analysts and policy makers agree that the withdrawal of the US and North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces and formation of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan will exacerbate the political, social, ethnic and religious fault lines in Afghanistan and may lead to civil war and chaos in Afghanistan reminiscent of the 1990s. This will also exacerbate non-traditional security threats such as Islamic fundamentalist and transnational terrorism, drugs/narcotics trade and human migration/refugee crisis in the neighbouring countries and beyond. This
article argues that tackling the non-traditional security threats facing the region and beyond is a public good. It analyses the tackling of non-traditional security threats –terrorism, narcotics trade and human migration/refugee inflow –through the prism of collective action problem that is joint production of a good or joint action to tackle the problem. It illustrates that difference in threat perception, clash/conflict of interests and geopolitical rivalries will hinder cooperation and intelligence sharing, and lead to uncoordinated action and free riding. It will also create problems of leadership and affect the choice and efficacy of the organisation/institution to tackle the threats. The article highlights that in the absence of collective action, it will be extremely difficult

La guerre par le droit Les tribunaux Taliban en Afghanistan E t si les Taliban, aux capacités militaires et technologiques bien inférieures à celles des armées occidentales, avaient gagné la guerre par le droit ? Tandis que la coalition internationale a mis sur pied un système juridique inadapté et miné par la corruption, les Taliban ont installé des centaines de tribunaux dans les campagnes : en insistant sur le respect des procédures, l'impartialité des juges et l'application des verdicts, ce système de justice s'est imposé comme une des rares sources de prévisibilité dans le quotidien des Afghans. « Le tribunal des Taliban est pour tous, mais le tribunal du gouvernement est seulement pour les gens riches », confie un habitant de la province du Wardak. De quelles manières les Taliban ont-ils gagné la confiance de la population ? Comment sont-ils parvenus à se mettre en position de réguler les rapports sociaux ? Et avec quelles conséquences pour la société afghane ? Nourrie par un travail de terrain au long cours dans différentes provinces en Afghanistan, cette enquête offre de nouvelles perspectives sur un pays en guerre depuis quatre décennies et propose une réflexion novatrice sur la place du droit dans les guerres civiles.

MOHAMMAD HUSSAIN thesis

These are thesis submitted by author to Institute of Islamic Studies Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research McGill University as requirement for his degree of Master of Arts. Thesis. We don’t have much more information about his ethnicity but guessing from his stand and argument he belong to Hazara ethnicity. In this thesis he tired to present different theories regarding their origin and then support one theory by backing it by quoting different scholars. This thesis is basically extracted from literature already present.  Thesis tell us Hazara struggle in Afghanistan during different times, from a Hazara point of view.

En 1989, las últimas tropas soviéticas cruzaron, sin muchos honores, la frontera entre Afganistán y la URSS, de vuelta a sus hogares. Esta es la historia de cómo vivieron y murieron, de cómo lucharon, y de cómo lucharon sus oponentes. Esta, en suma, es la turbia y polvorienta historia de "Afgán".

The idea that there exists a certain type of heritage, known as ‘’World Heritage’’, possessing a symbolic value, not only for a national or local group but for the whole humanity and, thus, its protection and preservation is a worldwide obligation, is a quite recent concept that made its appearance in the 20th century. A major landmark towards the protection of World Heritage was UNESCO’s 1972 Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. However, sometimes, there exist conflicting values that can lead to the destruction (and even the elimination), instead of the preservation of material culture. That is exactly what happened in 2001, when the Taliban regime of Afghanistan destroyed the famous Buddhas of Bamiyan, two giant statues of the fifth century, situated in the Hindu Kush mountains, that were considered to be the largest Buddha statues in the world. Their destruction came as a huge shock, not only for the local people of Afghanistan, but for the entire global community.

During Cold War era, the US supported the armed groups in Afghanistan in terms of training and ammunition against the Soviet Union by fuelling Islamic jihadism. After failed invasion of Soviet Union, the US withdrew completely leaving the armed groups from the region and it created a threat to the whole world. The US became one of the biggest targets and victims of its own policy with 9/11 attacks, Afghanistan was one of the countries the US occupied in order to fight against terrorist organizations and to bring democracy to countries that feed and support terrorism within the framework of the Bush Doctrine. The US did not carry out this invasion alone and for the first time in its history, NATO took action within the scope of Article 5 and engaged in a collective intervention. The point reached at the end of the 20-year invasion, where humanitarian loss and economic costs are too heavy to be overcome, the US, who sat at the table with the Taliban, quickly retreated from the region by leaving everything else-once again-just as how it was while disappointing its NATO allies.

For the past three years, Islamists with ties to terrorist operatives have been meeting with members of Congress. Every spring since 2015, the U.S. Council of Muslim Organizations (USCMO), a coalition of national and local Islamist organizations, has hosted an annual lobbying event titled “Muslim Advocacy Day” in Congress, at the Capitol Visitor Center’s Auditorium.
Over the course of several days, Islamists from across the United States visit congressional offices to lobby for their national and international agendas.
The annual event is a serious lobbying effort. The 2017 lobby day, hosted by the USCMO and Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), connected national, regional and state Islamist organizations and community members with their elected representatives in Congress. CAIR reported4 that 400 delegates from 30 states had met with some 230 elected officials and congressional staff.
Among the delegates at the 2017 Muslim Advocacy Day were many Muslim Brotherhood leaders directly linked to violent Islamists. USCMO’s own leadership includes an Islamist once accused by the U.S. government of funding terrorism conducted by al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Several leaders in the delegation have elsewhere hosted Muslim Brotherhood operatives convicted of terrorism by a U.S. ally.