magic and superstition in Antiquity

ABSTRACT
The Jacobean era's infamous witchcraft trials are recalled after reservoir repairs close to Pendle Hill reveal a buried cottage with bricked‐up cat. Interpretations of the building as the site of Malkin Tower, recorded in court records as the venue of a witches coven are critically evaluated in the light of archaeological and historical evidence.

KEYWORDS
WITCH, PENDLE WITCH TRIALS, PENDLE HILL, MALKIN TOWER, FOLK BELIEF, MAGIC, LANCASTER ASSIZES, WISE WOMEN, CUNNING FOLK, ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, SEVENTEENTHCENTURY, ALIZON DEVICE, SALEM WITCHES, THOMAS POTTS, LOWER BLACK MOSS, ELIZABETH SOUTHERNS, DEMDIKE, ELIZABETH DEVICE, JAMES DEVICE, ANNE WHITTLE, CHATTOX, ANNE REDFERNE, JANE BULCOCK, JOHN BULCOCK, ALICE NUTTER, KATHERINE HEWITT, ALICE GRAY, JENNET PRESTON, GUNPOWDER PLOT, CAT

ABSTRACT: This lecture (Part-2) continues the examination of Old Kingdom elite tombs, looking at (1) other types of middle-upper class tombs that emerge in Old Kingdom Egypt (i.e., rock-cut tombs; rock-cut mastaba tombs); (2) various reasons why such apparently “different” tombs emerge and whether they really are so different (i.e., identical components; non-structural elements); (3) ancient tomb robbing, robbers, and how some tomb builders/owners try to combat robbery (e.g., decoy chambers); (4) a brief discussion of changes in tomb design during the ED-Old Kingdom; (5) the sorts of texts and decoration (genres) found in middle-upper class tombs; (6) the artists and various techniques applied in decorating elite tombs (e.g., training; painting; relief work; stages; etc.); (7) the various ways in which Ancient Egyptian artists portrayed things (e.g., twisted profile; architecture); (8) the various types of decorative themes that emerged in Old Kingdom elite tombs; (9) the significance of the various decoration (genres) found throughout elite tombs (e.g., essential/key funerary elements [e.g., banquet scene] versus less crucial/non-essential things [e.g., daily life and other scenes]); (10) other things we can say about the elite tomb architecture, decoration, and their significance (e.g., nullifying potential dangers in decoration [depicting snakes without heads]; superstitions regarding completing funeral procession scenes); (11) the different types of elite burial chambers and examples of and changes in  decorated ones (versus mostly non-decorated ones); (12) some examples of non-royal sarcophagi (i.e., “stone coffins”: rectilinear boxes); (13) selected examples of non-royal, elite coffins (i.e., wooden, rectilinear boxes); (14) some "typical" mortuary furnishings (burial goods) found in elite tombs; and (15) the forms of and furnishings in middle class and lower class tombs and graves (only a brief summary to illustrate the burial practices of the bulk of Egypt's Old Kingdom populace).  The lecture ends with a series of text slides summarizing the main points from both parts 1-2 of the lectures on elite Old Kingdom tombs.  UPDATED: March 13, 2023. Much editing/formatting, plus some new images, and adding a selected set of sources (end slides)

Even though the concept of “magic” has sufffered severe criticism in academic discourse, the category continues to be used in many disciplines. During the last two decades, classicists in particular have engaged in a lively discussion over “magic” and have produced an impressive amount of written output. Given the impossibility of defijining “magic” in a consistent and widely accepted manner, one cannot help but wonder what these scholars are actually talking about. Hence this paper purports (a) to critically review the recent debate on “magic” in Classical Studies, (b) to advocate for abandoning an abstract category of “magic” in favour of a proper analysis of ancient sources and (c) to historicize the term “magic” in Antiquity, that is, to muse on its ancient semantics, functions, and contexts. This methodological approach does not only overcome the major problems inherent in modern definitions of “magic,” but will also yield new insights into terminologies, modes of thought and speech strategies that underlie ancient religious discourses.

Η παρουσία του φαντάσματος στη "Mostellaria" του Πλαύτου εδράζεται στην δεισιδαιμονία, θρησκοληψία και χειραγώγηση των μαζών στη Ρώμη. Οι μεταφυσικές τους ανησυχίες εκδηλώνονταν με ανάμικτα συναισθήματα, από τον θαυμασμό για το μυστήριο της φύσης, μέχρι τον απίστευτο φόβο που εμφορούνται οι άνθρωποι για το άγνωστο. Με αφορμή την παρουσία/απουσία του υπερφυσικού στοιχείου στη ρωμαϊκή κωμωδία, θα φωτίσουμε ενδιαφέρουσες, αναπάντεχες και, ως επί το πλείστον, άγνωστες πληροφορίες για τα διοσημεία, τα φαντάσματα, τα στοιχειωμένα σπίτια, τα όνειρα και τη μαγεία στη Ρώμη, στοιχεία που απαντούν σε μια σειρά από κείμενα, ως λογοτεχνικά - και όχι μόνο - μοτίβα.

This is a study of the reaction of Roman elites to religious innovation and foreign influences. During the imperial period foreign religious influences played an important role in Roman life and the Roman elite had a somewhat ambivalent view of them. Everyone in the empire was required to make public sacrifices to the emperor and the gods of the Roman state. This can be seen as a loyalty test of sorts, but people were allowed to take part in other religious activities besides their official obligation. Generally foreign religious practices were tolerated as long as they did not prevent people from worshiping the official state gods, especially the emperor. However, the practice of magic was illegal under Roman law, even though the vast majority of Romans sought out some kind of magical assistance. Educated Romans were critical of what they considered superstition, which was generally considered excessive fear of the gods, but thought it only proper to perform a reasonable amount of sacrifices to the gods in order to show them respect. “In Rome, religio (national and authentic) was readily contrasted with superstitio (exotic and suspect).”  I expect to find a variety of opinions, positive, negative and mixed, on various religious practices. Although innovation in religion was generally seen in a negative light certain practices were approved of despite their novelty.

The article analyses Cicero's attitude to gods, religion, divination, and superstition. Cicero follows tradition in acknowledging the existence of the gods, considering them immortal, blissful, animate, and anthropomorphic. He is ambivalent about the interaction between the gods and people. Cicero considers religion important for the Roman people because this was the popular belief-it was not his own viewpoint. Cicero thinks that people obtain divination from the gods. According to Cicero, there are two types of divination: artificial (auspices, haruspices, divination by lightning, stars, and other signs of nature) and natural (predictions in a dream, in a state of ecstasy, before death). In relation to divination, we see how multi-dimensional Cicero's beliefs were: as a philosopher, he can accept or deny divination; as a Roman politician, he regards divination as an important instrument of the Roman religious rituals. Cicero opposes superstition to religion in his theological works, but in his secular works, he uses superstition and religion as synonyms. Rezumat. În articolul de față este analizată atitudinea lui Cicero față de zei, religie, divinație și superstiție. Cicero urmează tradiția recunoscând existența zeilor și considerându-i nemuritori, cu suflet și antropomorfi. El este ambivalent în ceea ce privește interacțiunea divinitate-oameni. Cicero consideră că religia este importantă pentru romani ca o consecință a unei tradiții populare-nu era propriul său punct de vedre. Divinația, în viziunea lui, se putea obține de la zei. După Cicero, există două tipuri de divinație: artificială (auspicii, haruspicii, divinație prin fulger, stele, alte semne ale naturii) și naturală (preziceri într-un vis, într-o stare de extaz, înainte de moarte). În legătură cu divinația, gândirea lui Cicero este multidimensională: ca filosof, poate accepta sau nega divinația; ca politician roman, privește divinația ca pe un instrument important al ritualurilor religioase romane. Cicero opune superstiția religiei în lucrările sale teologice, dar în cele seculare utilizează religia și superstiția drept sinonime.

Erasmus of Rotterdam describes, in his fictional dialogue Amicitia (Sympathy), in the Colloquia, some late medieval variants he had heard from Italian peasants of a snake entering the human body (tale-type AaTh/ATU 285B*). In particular, the friendly lizard is alleged to save dozing peasants, by warning them of the snake’s approach: the snake might otherwise have entered sleeping mouths and have crept into their bodies. Starting with Erasmus’ account, this paper brings together the documentary evidence for these enduring folk beliefs: the general enmity between lizards and snakes and attempts on the part of lizards to help humans against snake attacks.

As part of the Roman religion, the prodigies represented an important role closely linked to the fear they caused to be understood as manifestations of gods with negative character. These were understood to be produced only when humans had taken any action for which they were responsible and that had angered some particular deity, must be atoned for as soon as possible based on rituals perfectly set. The Romans suffered defeats at the hands of Hannibal only understood by them as produced by the loss of the favor of the gods, and in their search to confirm there were reports of numerous miracles which were recorded by Livy.

La posibilidad de una vida después de la muerte ha despertado por igual fascinación y temor. ¿Cómo es el Más Allá? ¿Es posible regresar a este mundo después de haberlo abandonado? ¿Existen los fantasmas? De ser así, ¿cómo y para qué se manifiestan? Este libro nos conduce a través de diferentes civilizaciones y épocas, demostrando que la creencia en los fantasmas y los muertos sin descanso ha sido una constante a lo largo de la historia. Desde la Antigüedad hasta nuestros días, los fantasmas se han aparecido como seres vengativos, malévolos o amables, revelando las más diversas intenciones: dar una advertencia, atemorizar, realizar alguna petición o incluso hacer daño. Sus formas y actitudes han dependido de la visión y las creencias religiosas de cada momento. Así lo refleja el análisis de las fuentes documentales, literarias e iconográficas que han recogido los diferentes autores de este libro, y que abarcan desde los papiros de Egipto hasta las tragedias de Shakespeare o las fantasías de Charles Dickens. Advertimos, entonces, que las rusalki rusas son tan aterradoras como los yürei japoneses, y que el temor a los aparecidos es algo común a todos los pueblos. Y es que cada cultura ha creado sus propios fantasmas, evidenciando con ello la necesidad de obtener respuestas a fenómenos inexplicables y a presencias impalpables que actúan en el mundo que nos rodea.

The famous letter of Pliny the Younger concerning Bithynian Christians shows that as a Roman governor Pliny was obliged to take any steps to retain public order in his province. Yet, few researchers dared to ask whether he had to appeal to such drastic methods. It seems that he had not to. His conduct in relation to Bithynian Christians destroys prevalent image of Pliny as a well-educated humanist and sensitive aesthete. The whole story puts in quite bad light also his superior - the emperor Trajan.

As the Middle Ages drew to a close, in the Balkans and in the increasingly distressed territories of the dying Byzantine Empire, there was a widespread fear of restless dead people who would abandon their tombs in order to hound the living. Drawing upon wide-ranging original research, this book examines the development of beliefs in vampires in the Byzantine and Slavic Middle Ages, explores their origins in ancient times, and follows their evolution and relationships with heresy and the history of the Church up to the modern era. Anthropological analysis of ancient sources reveals unexpected facets of the vampire myth; the ensuing "archaeology" shows that reality truly can be stranger than fiction

Ο Ιούλιος Ομπσέκβενς ή Οψέκβενς ή Οψεκούης (Iulius Obsequens) είναι ένας συγγραφέας, για την ζωή του οποίου δεν γνωρίζουμε απολύτως τίποτα ει μη μόνον το όνομά του που παραδίδεται στον τίτλο του έργου του. Επιπροσθέτως, δεν υπάρχει απολύτως καμία αναφορά από κανέναν άλλο συγγραφέα. Μέχρι σήμερα παραδίδεται, ένα και μοναδικό έργο του, το «Βιβλίο Περί Διοσημείων» (Liber de prodigiis), το οποίο αντλεί το υλικό του πρωτίστως από μια επιτομή γραμμένη από τον Τίτο Λίβιο ή τουλάχιστον βασισμένη στο έργο του Ab urbe condita, χρησιμοποιώντας, παράλληλα και άλλες πηγές. Ίσως αντλεί και από τις Periochae, δηλαδή την περίληψη της ιστορίας του Λίβιου. Πρόκειται για μια συλλογή θαυμάτων, τερατογενέσεων, ιεροσκοπιών, φυσικών φαινομένων, ιπτάμενων αντικειμένων και στρατιωτικών περιστατικών μεταξύ 249 π. Χ.-12 π. Χ., τα οποία, εάν και εφόσον ισχύει αυτή η χρονολόγηση, συνέβησαν 400 χρόνια πριν. Τα πρώτα χρόνια χάθηκαν, ενώ και στα τελευταία παρουσιάζονται αρκετά χάσματα. Ο συγγραφέας ανήκει επομένως, όπως και ο Φλώρος (Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum omnium annorum DCC Libri duo), αλλά και ο Κασσιόδωρος (Chronica), στους επιτομογράφους-συμπιλητές της πολύτομης ιστορίας του Τίτου Λίβιου, ωστόσο επικεντρώνεται σε συγκεκριμένη θεματολογία. Στο βιβλίο αυτό, μετά από μία γενική εισαγωγή, μεταφράζεται το εν λόγω έργο – εξ όσων γνωρίζουμε – για πρώτη φορά στα Ελληνικά.

ABSTRACT: This lecture begins with several questions: How different is Egyptian art and architecture from our modern/western examples? Is Egyptian art, “art for art’s sake”? Is it something else? Both?  Where do we, or do we, draw the line between art and architecture? For instance, buildings form a skeletal framework for art (e.g., wall scenes), fittings (e.g., statues), and furnishings (e.g., objets d’art).  The lecture proceeds with a overview of the basic raw materials available for Ancient Egyptian architecture and art, and their general applications and limitations in use, while quarrying and construction techniques are also summarized.  A brief coverage is given for the selection of certain building sites, the design requirements within many cultic and funerary structures, their decoration, and furnishings, including the diverse symbolism incorporated into certain types of structures (e.g., temples, shrines, chapels, tombs, and palaces).  The lecture narrows its focus to artistic and cultural conventions in art, looking at the techniques and canon for portraying human figure, animals, flora and other things: e.g., primary versus secondary figures such as kings, gods, and tomb owners versus servants, POWs, etc. (i.e., “Echelon perspective”). In the coverage of conventions in sculpture,  and “the law of frontality” is discussed.  Further narrative and illustration is provided for various motifs, gestures, and symbolism within various scenes, art and Ancient Egyptian culture: smiting scenes, stereotypes for Egyptians and foreigners, symbolic associations between various colours and amulets, art, and architecture, the significance of various gestures (e.g., turning of the bow; submission, mourning), aspects of duality, significant numbers, and other symbols and symbolism in Ancient Egyptian art. A series of summary text slides is provided at the end of this lecture, summing up the most pertinent points.  UPDATED: 2023.

Learn about the role of magic and superstition in the everyday lives and homes of ancient peoples, from Caesars to slaves.  The Classical world had a place for everything from personalized curse tablets, to avenging goddesses (designed to kill you or drive you mad), to witches reported to be able to call down the moon.  Come see the rich world of superstition that makes up the foundation of so many of our own modern myths, legends and superstitions.  Led by historian Lauren Hammersen."

"Please note the lecture will contain mature content."

Peter John Koets' essential work on the development of the Greek term 'deisidaimonia' was published in 1929. Koets examines the literary sources from Xenophon to early Christian writers, but seldom emphasizes the importance of the relevant inscriptions. Since 1929 four inscriptions have come to light which mention this term. What is remarkable about these inscriptions is that 'deisidaimonia' here bears a positive, or at least neutral meaning, and in two cases it appears in a juristic-religious context. This connotation was unknown to classical authors, albeit the positive content was traceable in the writings of Josephus or Diodore. My paper analyses the presence of this term on inscriptions compared with the works of the Greek and early Christian authors. 1711 wurde die sogenannte Karakuttis-Inschrift in Rom aus dem 3. Jh. n. Chr. bei der Kirche San Lorenzo fuori le mura gefunden. 1 Die Grabinschrift ist von einer gewissen Kasia gesetzt, und es handelt sich um G. Iulius Karakuttis, der laut Friedrich Welcker ein Schauspieler oder ein Unterhaltungskünstler gewesen sein mag. 2 Die Übersetzung lautet als folgendes: "Den wohlmeinenden Totengeistern (= dis Manibus) des G. Iulius Caracuttios. Kasia (vielleicht Cassia) hat (das Grab) ihrem verehrten und würdigen Gatten errichten lassen. Allen Sterblichen war er Freund und voll Verehrung gegenüber den Unsterblichen. Hier ruht nun Caracutti(o)s, der allen in Erinnerung bleiben wird, der den Senat, die vornehmen Damen und den Kaiserhof unterhalten hat, Freude bringend, solange die Moiren ihm die Zeit dafür gegeben haben. Wegen seiner guten Gesinnung wird man ihn in Ehren halten, auch über den Tod (Lethe) hinaus." 3 Die Frage stellt sich, in welchem Kontext und in welcher Bedeutung der , der seit Jahrhunderten verwendeter und verbreiteter Begriff auf der Inschrift erscheint. Denn die traditionelle Übersetzung als abergläubisch scheint in diesen Kontext nicht zu passen. In meinem Aufsatz versuche ich auf verschiedene Diskurse im Zusammenhang mit der  hinzuweisen, die uns im inschriftlichen Material zur Verfügung stehen. Um die inschriftliche Beispiele deuten zu können, muss man in aller Kürze die Änderung des Begriffes anhand der schriftlichen Quellen untersuchen. 1929 hat Peter John Koets seine grundlegende Zusammenfassung über die Bedeutungsentwicklung des Begriffes  veröffentlicht. 4 Er behandelt den Begriff von dem 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr., d. h. von den ersten Erscheinungen in den Werken Xenophons Agesilaos (11,8) und Kyrupaideia (III 3,58), wo der Begriff in eindeutigem positivem Sinne vorkommt, gleichwie in dem Politika von Aristoteles (1315 a), in welchem der gute und frömmige Herrscher mit dem Attribut  kennzeichnet ist. An diesen drei Stellen entbehrt der  des negativen Sinngehaltes: Xenophon hat das Wort als gleichbedeutend mit  gebraucht, d.h. im guten Sinne des Wortes, und bei Aristoteles bedeutet  dasselbe, wie  -, demzufolge steht der Begriff in enger Verbundenheit mit der Frömmigkeit. Dennoch schildert sein Lehrling, Theophrastos (Char. 16) den - als einen tadelhaften und zu verachtenden Typus, der sich bei den kultischen und gottesdienstlichen Handlungen mit seiner peinlichen Genauigkeit, sonderbarem und komischem Verhalten auslachen lässt. Eigentlich veranlassen ihn seine eigenen (superstitiöse) Vorstellungen in gesellschaftlich unangemessener Weise zu handeln. 5 Anhand dieses Textes kann man nicht darauf folgern, dass der negative Sinngehalt in der Zeit von Theophrastos erschienen war, weil es auch möglich ist, dass es schon in der verlorengegangenen Literatur des 5. oder 4. Jahrhundert fassbar war, z. B. in den Werken der alten Kyniker. 6 Auf diese Vorkommniszeit deutet das Werk von Philodemos,  hin, in welchem ein 3