Rene Zandbergen & Rafał T. Prinke, The Voynich MS in Rudolfine Prague

Alchemy and Rudolf II
Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe

in the 16th and 17th centuries
Editors
Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko
3
Contents
Preface Alchemical Translation in Rudolfine Prague:

Ivo Purš / 9 The Case of George Ripley / 293
Jennifer M. Rampling
Edition and terminological note / 15
The Voynich MS in Rudolfine Prague / 297
René Zandbergen and Rafał T. Prinke
Alchemy in Central Europe
and in Imperial Prague
Alchemy Protagonists
in the Age of Rudolf II
A Path to the Rudolfine World / 19
Vladimír Karpenko
Alchemy at the Aristocratic Courts Nolite de me inquirere [Do not seek to ask about
of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown / 47 me]: Michael Sendivogius / 317
Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko Rafał T. Prinke
The Habsburgs on the Bohemian Michael Maier and his Prague Activities / 335
Throne and Their Interest in Alchemy Ivo Purš and Jaroslava Hausenblasová
and the Occult Sciences / 93 Between Medicine and Politics: Oswald Croll’s
Ivo Purš Activity in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown
The Scientific Education of a Renaissance during the Reign of Rudolf II / 367
Prince: Archduke Rudolf at the Spanish Jaroslava Hausenblasová
Court / 129 The Word of God and the Universal Medicine
William Eamon in the Chemical Philosophy
Rudolf II’s Patronage of Alchemy of Oswald Croll / 381
and the Natural Sciences / 139 Hiro Hirai
Ivo Purš Imagination and the Heavenly Body in
“Transforming the Whole Corpus Solis into Liquor the Alchemic Cosmology of Oswald Croll / 387
Irreducibilis.” Laboratory Alchemy Jakub Hlaváček
at the Court of Emperor Rudolf II / 205 Matthias Erbinäus von Brandau (von
Rudolf Werner Soukup Brandow): Alchemy between Reality
Transmutation: Miracles and Doubts / 229 and Phantasy / 393
Vladimír Karpenko Vladimír Karpenko
Alchemical Manuscripts in the Collections of Tadeáš Hájek of Hájek and his Alchemical
Rudolf II / 249 Circle / 423
Alena Richterová Ivo Purš
5
Tycho Brahe: Between Astronomy Sebald Schwertzer: Between Metallurgy
and Alchemy / 459 and Alchemy / 671
Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš
Edward Kelly: A Star of the Rudolfine Era / 489 Abramo Colorni and the Secret
Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš of Acquiring Niter / 691
Vladimír Karpenko
Anselm Boëthius de Boodt: Physician,
Pharmacy in the Rudolfine Age / 699
Mineralogist and Alchemist / 535
Pavel Drábek
Ivo Purš
Martin Ruland the Elder, Martin Ruland

the Younger, and the Milieu of Emperor’s Sequel Rudolfine Alchemy
Personal Doctors / 581
Ivo Purš and Josef Smolka Daniel Stolcius and Emblematic
Alchemy / 719
Simon Thadeas Budek and his Contacts Vladimír Karpenko
at the Court of Rudolf II / 607
Jaroslava Hausenblasová and Ivo Purš Joannes Marcus Marci and his Circle / 741
Josef Smolka
Cornelius Drebbel: Inventor,
Mechanic, and Alchemist / 625
Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš Summary / 771
Alchemy in the Everyday Life of First Illustrations / 793

Chamber Servants of Rudolf II / 647 Sources and bibliography / 815
Václav Bůžek
Authors / 855
Index / 857
Alchemy in the Context
of Science and Economy
Mining and Metallogenesis in Bohemia during

the Sixteenth Century / 657
John A. Norris
6
Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe
in the 16th and 17th centuries
Editors
Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko
3
Contents
Preface Alchemical Translation in Rudolfine Prague:

Ivo Purš / 9 The Case of George Ripley / 293
Jennifer M. Rampling
Edition and terminological note / 15
The Voynich MS in Rudolfine Prague / 297
Alchemy in Central Europe
and in Imperial Prague
Alchemy Protagonists
in the Age of Rudolf II
A Path to the Rudolfine World / 19
Vladimír Karpenko
Alchemy at the Aristocratic Courts Nolite de me inquirere [Do not seek to ask about
of the Lands of the Bohemian Crown / 47 me]: Michael Sendivogius / 317
Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko Rafał T. Prinke
The Habsburgs on the Bohemian Michael Maier and his Prague Activities / 335
Throne and Their Interest in Alchemy Ivo Purš and Jaroslava Hausenblasová
and the Occult Sciences / 93 Between Medicine and Politics: Oswald Croll’s
Ivo Purš Activity in the Lands of the Bohemian Crown
The Scientific Education of a Renaissance during the Reign of Rudolf II / 367
Prince: Archduke Rudolf at the Spanish Jaroslava Hausenblasová
Court / 129 The Word of God and the Universal Medicine
William Eamon in the Chemical Philosophy
Rudolf II’s Patronage of Alchemy of Oswald Croll / 381
and the Natural Sciences / 139 Hiro Hirai
Ivo Purš Imagination and the Heavenly Body in
“Transforming the Whole Corpus Solis into Liquor the Alchemic Cosmology of Oswald Croll / 387
Irreducibilis.” Laboratory Alchemy Jakub Hlaváček
at the Court of Emperor Rudolf II / 205 Matthias Erbinäus von Brandau (von
Rudolf Werner Soukup Brandow): Alchemy between Reality
Transmutation: Miracles and Doubts / 229 and Phantasy / 393
Vladimír Karpenko Vladimír Karpenko
Alchemical Manuscripts in the Collections of Tadeáš Hájek of Hájek and his Alchemical
Rudolf II / 249 Circle / 423
Alena Richterová Ivo Purš
5
Tycho Brahe: Between Astronomy Sebald Schwertzer: Between Metallurgy
and Alchemy / 459 and Alchemy / 671
Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš
Edward Kelly: A Star of the Rudolfine Era / 489 Abramo Colorni and the Secret
Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš of Acquiring Niter / 691
Vladimír Karpenko
Anselm Boëthius de Boodt: Physician,
Pharmacy in the Rudolfine Age / 699
Mineralogist and Alchemist / 535
Pavel Drábek
Ivo Purš
Martin Ruland the Elder, Martin Ruland

the Younger, and the Milieu of Emperor’s Sequel Rudolfine Alchemy
Personal Doctors / 581
Ivo Purš and Josef Smolka Daniel Stolcius and Emblematic
Alchemy / 719
Simon Thadeas Budek and his Contacts Vladimír Karpenko
at the Court of Rudolf II / 607
Jaroslava Hausenblasová and Ivo Purš Joannes Marcus Marci and his Circle / 741
Josef Smolka
Cornelius Drebbel: Inventor,
Mechanic, and Alchemist / 625
Vladimír Karpenko and Ivo Purš Summary / 771
Alchemy in the Everyday Life of First Illustrations / 793

Chamber Servants of Rudolf II / 647 Sources and bibliography / 815
Václav Bůžek
Authors / 855
Index / 857
Alchemy in the Context
of Science and Economy
Mining and Metallogenesis in Bohemia during

the Sixteenth Century / 657
John A. Norris
6
The Voynich MS in Rudolfine Prague
Introduction tury or even later.3 Some annotations on the in-

The Voynich MS is a parchment codex, pro- side cover have been made by later owners. The
bably written in the first half of the 15th century,1 manuscript consists of 20 gatherings or quires
originally composed of 116 folios. It entered which are bound to tawed thongs; 14 of the 116
modern history in 1912 when the Polish-born folios are now lost.
antiquarian book dealer Wilfrid M. Voynich Several unusual features of the manuscript ap-
(Michał Wojnicz, 1865—1930) acquired it. The pear immediately when opening it. First, the pages
manuscript is written entirely in an unknown are filled with an elegant but otherwise unknown
script and an unidentifiable language or code. script. The writing is minute and well executed.
Owing to the fact that it has resisted all attempts Some of the characters have familiar forms, look-
of decryption, it has become known as the “most ing like Latin characters and numerals, but others
mysterious manuscript in the world.”2 are not found in any other script. The writing can
Two independent facts link the manuscript be clearly recognized in Figs. 290—298 below.
with Rudolfine Prague, but other than these, Second, the manuscript is profusely illus-
very little is known about the manuscript during trated. What is unusual is, that, while many il-
this time. The manuscript does not include any lustrations look familiar (there are plants, astro-
of the standard alchemical symbols, but it was nomical diagrams), they are quite original if not
owned by alchemists and almost certainly at- unique.
tracted their attention. Third, the manuscript includes a consider-
This article will first provide a general descrip- able number of “foldout” folios. These are folios
tion of the Voynich MS, and then address the two, three or even six times a normal folio size,
history of the manuscript, concentrating on the and have been folded once or several times to fit
period of Rudolf II’s rule and shortly thereafter. into the book.
It concludes with a few words about the progress As the writing still cannot be deciphered, it is
in the study of this mysterious manuscript. not certain what the subject matter of the manu-
script is, but based on the illustrations it appears
Description of the manuscript to be a work on herbs, astronomy, and medicine.
The Voynich MS is a parchment codex in oc- It can be tentatively subdivided into several sec-
tavo, measuring 22.5 × 16.0 cm. Its thickness is tions, as follows:
about 5 cm. It has a limp vellum cover without
any indication of its origin (year, title or author). Herbal section
This cover was probably added in the 18th cen- More than half the manuscript is laid out as an
herbal, with mostly page-filling plant drawings,
with additional text written around it, in short
1 This period, sometimes questioned by earlier re-
searchers, has been confirmed by the recent investiga-
tion using Carbon-14 dating technology (see below). 3 Almost all MSs in the Collegium Romanum that
2 John Mathews Manly first used the phrase in 1921 in have been preserved until today were rebound in a
the title of his article. similar manner after 1773.
297
paragraphs. Figs. 291—292 show typical exam- a complex drawing composed of nine large cir-
ples. Only very few plants can be identified with cles similar to those in the cosmological section.
reasonable certainty, and in some other cases The meaning of this drawing is not clear. There
parts of plant drawings (flowers, leaves) resemble are some indications of “flows” in the drawing,
existing plants. The most unusual aspect is that though overall it does not appear to represent a
the drawings in this manuscript are unique and “process.” Fig. 295 shows this composite drawing
original, while during this period, herbal books at reduced size.
were essentially copied from each other follow-
ing a few standard patterns. All the same, the lay- Pharmaceutical section
out of the herbal pages closely resembles that of Then there are a number of pages showing small
many standard herbal manuscripts. parts of plants, sometimes just leaves, sometimes
just roots, aligned horizontally, with, to the left,
Cosmological / astronomical section vertical tubes which most probably represent con-
The next section contains mostly circular dia- tainers of some sort, but which have also been lik-
grams, including drawings of sun, moon, stars ened to early 17th-century microscopes. Because
and other elements like pipes and lozenges. these pages appear to show methods for com-
The drawings do not appear to be related to any bining herbs into potions, this section is usually
known philosophy. Included in this part is a set called the pharmaceutical section. Figs. 297 and
of zodiac diagrams, where 10 of 12 zodiac signs 298 show examples of a pharmaceutical pages.
are included, in the right sequence, but oddly Also included in this section are a number of
enough starting with Pisces, and with Aries and additional herbal drawings, which seem to have
Taurus represented by two separate circular im-
ages. Every sign includes 30 feminine figures
each holding a star and accompanied by a “word”
in the mysterious script. While it seems likely
that these are related to the 30 degrees of each
zodiac sign, again this representation appears to
be unique. Figs. 293 and 294 show examples of
a zodiac pages in the manuscript. None of the
drawings appears to be related to the planetary
theories that were so much in the minds of phi-
losophers from the days of Copernicus onwards.
Biological / balneological section

The most enigmatic part of the manuscript is the
section which includes drawings of small nude
feminine figures (similar to those in the zodiac
drawings), which are either bathing in a green
liquid, or are part of intricate systems of pipes
or ducts, sometimes rather similar to internal
human organs (see Fig. 296). Thus this section,
comprising one quire of 10 folios, is sometimes
called biological, sometimes balneological.
Rosettes page (foldout) 290. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Li-
Following this is a single sheet six times the size brary Ms. 408, fol. 35v, a page from the so-called sec-
of a normal folio, which, when folded out, shows tion of herbs.
298
291. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Li- 292. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Li-
brary Ms. 408, fol. 40r, a page from the so-called sec- brary Ms. 408, fol. 50r, a page from the so-called sec-
tion of herbs. tion of herbs
become misplaced in the manuscript. This is one Brief overview of the history
of the reasons why some people believe that the of the manuscript
current arrangement of the manuscript does not Wilfrid Voynich bought the manuscript in 1912
correspond with the original intention of the au- in the Villa Mondragone in Frascati (Italy). In-
thor. side the manuscript, he discovered a letter writ-
ten in 1665 by the Prague doctor and philosopher
“Recipes” section Joannes Marcus Marci,4 sending the book to his
The final quire of the manuscript consists essen- good friend Athanasius Kircher in Rome. The
tially of text only. Each page has a number (typi- letter indicates that the manuscript was once
cally 15) of short paragraphs, and each paragraph owned by Emperor Rudolf II who paid an un-
has a small star drawing in the margin. This sec- identified person 600 ducats for it. Marci also
tion has been dubbed the recipes section, which writes that it was believed that Roger Bacon
is occasionally confusing. wrote the manuscript. Voynich quickly conclu-
Of the 20 quires in the MS, two are lost. Of ded that the seller to Rudolf II should have been
the remaining 18, each quire has been numbered at
the bottom of (usually) the last page in the quire, 4 Joannes Marcus Marci of Kronland (1595—1667) stud-
in a 15th century writing style. In addition, the fo- ied in Prague and Olomouc. In 1619, he became a medical
doctor; from 1622, he was active at the newly established
lios have been numbered in the upper right corner medical faculty of the University of Prague. From 1658, he
of each verso side (when the folio is completely was the personal physician of the emperor. See the chap-
folded in), in a later hand (16th or 17th century). ter by J. Smolka “Joannes Marcus Marci and his Circle.”
299
293. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Library Ms. 408, fol. 70v, a page from the so-called section of astrology.
the English scientist and magus John Dee, but left the manuscript to Marci in his will. Marci
there are no facts to confirm this. Indeed, there kept it for several years before sending it to Kir-
is no certain information about the earlier his- cher in Rome. After the death of Kircher, it was
tory of the manuscript, and it is assumed to have probably kept in the library of the Jesuit univer-
originated in Central Europe, possibly northern sity in Rome: the Collegium Romanum, part of
Italy. which was moved to Frascati in or around 1873.
Before Marci, the Voynich MS was owned Voynich kept the manuscript until his death,
by his long-standing friend and alchemist Jiří and eventually another rare book dealer Hans
Bareš (Latin: Georgius Barschius), who already P. Kraus donated it to the current owner: the
asked Kircher for advice on this manuscript Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library of
in 1637. He probably died in the 1650’s and he Yale University.
300
294. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Library Ms. 408, fol. 71r, a page from the so-called section of astrology.
This general description of the manuscript is the first clues about the manuscript’s history.
only brief; the interested reader is referred to the In this letter (see Fig. 299), Joannes Marcus
available literature for more information.5 We will Marci writes that he heard from a certain Dr.
now concentrate on the time that the manuscript Raphael that the manuscript was once bought
was at Rudolf’s court and the time shortly after. by Emperor Rudolf II for 600 ducats from a
“bearer” who is not further identified. Dr. Ra-
The manuscript in Rudolfine Prague phael is also the source for the suggestion that
The letter from Joannes Marcus Marci, which the manuscript was written by Roger Bacon.
Voynich found inside the manuscript, provided The latter is no longer seriously believed by
5 See e.g. D’Imperio (1978), Kennedy and Churchill anyone, but Voynich was certainly convinced
(2004), Barthélemy (2005). of this.
301
295. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Library Ms. 408, fol. 85 and 86, a page comprised of sixtimes the
normal size with complex illustration.
A second link with Rudolfine Prague was totle’s Dialectica, now preserved in the National
discovered when Voynich was making reproduc- Library in the Clementinum in Prague.6
tions of the manuscript. By accident, a partially Dr. Raphael could be identified as the lawyer
erased Ex Libris was found on the first folio, Raphael Mnišovský of Sebuzín. His statement
which could be identified as belonging to Jakub quoted in Marci’s letter and the signature of
Horčický of Tepenec. Nowadays, this is only visi- Horčický are the only concrete pieces of informa-
ble in ultraviolet light (Fig. 303). Fig. 302 shows tion we have about this part of the history of the
the Ex Libris, where it is compared with another 6 Dialectica Aristotelis, Boethio Severino Interprete,
very similar one of Tepenec in a copy of Aris- Lugduni, Apud Antonium Vincentium, 1553.
302
296. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Library Ms. 408, fol. 78r, a page from the so-called
section of biology/balneology.
Voynich MS. In addition to that, there has been a also used the earliest sketch of Horčický’s life
significant amount of speculation. The reconstruc- printed in Domus pietatis et litterarum sive semina-
tion of this past is very much work still in progress. rium s. Wenceslai juventutis studiosae sub cura Socie-
tatis Jesu (Pragae 1680) with his portrait engraved
Jakub Horčický of Tepenec by Samuel Dvořák. It is worth summarizing his
(alias Sinapius) life in some detail here.
Earlier versions of the biography of Horčický by Jakub Horčický was born around 1575 in or
Schmidl (1754), Pelzel (1773), and in a reprint of near Český Krumlov and raised as though he
his own Confessio (1782) essentially only cover the was an orphan at the Jesuit College there. He
time until Rudolf’s death. Modern biographies started as a helper in the kitchen in 1588 and
were written by Josef Vávra (1895), based mostly in 1590 was accepted into the seminary and the
on Schmidl, and by Anton Podlaha (1896), who gymnasium where he studied for six years. Stay-
303
297. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Library Ms. 408, fol. 88r, a page from the so-called section of
pharmaceutics.
ing at the College for another two years, through Growing various herbs there, he started ma-
his intelligence and industry he acquired great king money by selling healing waters that became
knowledge of herbs and medicine from Martin very popular as “aquae Sinapiane.” With the con-
Schaffner, a monk and herbalist, originally from sent of the rector, he became the administrator
Olomouc, who was 11 years his senior. In the au- of the village Kopanina which belonged to the
tumn of 1598, Horčický was sent (with letters of Clementinum and produced food for its needs.
recommendation from Jakub Geran, the rector In 1600, having learned how to run a large farm
of the Krumlov College) to study philosophy and and after graduating, he was sent to Jindřichův
logic at the Clementinum. Hradec to manage a similar Jesuit College farm
To earn his living, he also worked at the Col- there, with fields, forests and fishponds.
lege kitchen and took care of two gardens in Horčický’s work was appreciated by Vilém
Prague which belonged to the Clementinum. Slavata and his wife Lucie Ottilie of Hradec,
304
298. Voynich manuscript, Yale University, Beinecke Library Ms. 408, fol. 99v, a page from the so-called section of
pharmaceutics.
the owners of the estate, who were probably in- dolf II probably heard about his “aquae” from
strumental in arranging a new and much more some alchemists with whom Sinapius was in
prestigious job for him: shortly before 1606 he contact in Prague When he apparently cured
became the administrator of all the estates of Rudolf from a grave disease in the winter of
1608, after other doctors had given up the
the St. George Benedictine nunnery at Prague
hope, the emperor nobilitated him and made
Castle in Hradčany. They were located in the
him his courtier on June 1, 1608 with a monthly
areas of Prague, Mělník and Lovosice where he salary of 20 florins.8 Horčický still remained
had to travel to supervise them.7 Emperor Ru- the administrator of the St. George nunnery
7 Two books of vineyard records kept by him have estates, however, and in 1609 used both titles
been preserved. They are from the vineyard in the town together.
of Třebenice and one in a village nearby, and contain his
painted portrait and coat of arms. 8 Hausenblasová (2002b), p. 267; Staudinger (2008).
305
With substantial income from his court sa- His nobilitation in 1608 is well documented,9
lary, running the Benedictine estates and sel- and since he used his noble predicate in his Ex
ling his “aquae,” Jakub became quite wealthy Libris in the Voynich MS, it may be assumed that
and helped young students from poor families, he owned the Voynich MS in or after 1608. In
repaying what he had received from the Jesuits. Fig. 302, we see the same Ex Libris, and the year
He was so well off that he was even reported to 1604, but an analysis of the colors of the digital
help Rudolf II himself financially, when the em- images10 indicates that this year almost certainly
peror had no funds for alchemical experiments. belongs to the previous owner (Wroblicius), whose
In 1609, Horčický published his only book name has been crossed out. The “No 4” on the
Konffessy Katholicka, aimed against religious re- other hand appears in the same ink as the name
formers, and paid for the printing of the nearly of Jakub of Tepenec. Unfortunately, no year in-
400-page volume himself. Among other things, scription can be found on the Voynich MS.
he lamented how “pseudo-reformers” burnt old One common feature of the books owned and
books and manuscripts in monasteries. inscribed by Tepenec is that they are numbered.
When Rudolf II died in 1612, Emperor Mat- Five such books have been identified until now,
thias took over his debts, but had problems pay- with numbers 4, 7, 18, 19 and 40. Number 19 is
ing them. Horčický demanded the Kammer to a probable reading and refers to the Voynich
cover what Rudolf owed him, probably including MS (Fig. 303). It is not entirely clear whether
the courtier salary and the sums he had lent the he inscribed these numbers himself, or some-
late emperor. In 1615, he eventually accepted the one else, for example when making a catalogue
offer that instead of ready coin he would have of his books after his death, added them. As
the royal town of Mělník and the estates belong- already mentioned, he left all his belongings to
ing to it leased to him (as its governor) for six the Jesuits, and indeed three of the above books
years, receiving all the income from it in lieu (Nrs. 4, 7 and 18) belong, or once belonged, to
of Rudolf’s debt. The burghers of Mělník were the Clementinum. Nr. 40 is now in the Charles
anti-Catholic and he became involved in contin- University library, and Nr. 19, the Voynich MS
uous conflicts with them. seems to have “escaped” from the hands of the
When the uprising broke out in Prague on Jesuits. It would be of great interest to find the
April 23, 1618, the evangelical burghers arrested testament of Tepenec, to know more about his
Horčický and sent him to the capital, where he collection of books.
was tried by the Directors and sent back to the It is not clear how Jakub of Tepenec became
Mělník prison. In December of the same year the owner of the Voynich MS after Rudolf II. To
he was set free in exchange for Johann Jesenský investigate this, it would be necessary to under-
(Jessenius) imprisoned in Vienna. Horčický left stand the relation between Jakub of Tepenec and
the country but was back soon after the battle the emperor better. Of his spectacular healing of
at White Mountain, already greeting the re- the emperor there are no records whatsoever, and
turning Clementinum Jesuits on December 3, he certainly was not one of Rudolf’s private phy-
1620, whom he gave 100 thalers for food. He sicians. Instead, he is listed in the court archives
also took over the Mělník estates again and now kept in Vienna as Hofdiener auf zwei Pferden
Emperor Ferdinand II prolonged the lease for (courtier with two horses) as of June 1, 1608 (one
another six years. In September 1621, he fell of over 120 such servants)11. According to Manfred
off a horse, suffered for a whole year, and died
on September 25, 1622 after having been trans- 9 See in particular: Smolka –Purš (2014)
10 We are grateful to Gabriel Landini for this digital
ported to the Clementinum a few days earlier.
image analysis.
He made his main heir the Clementinum and 11 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien, Sam-
its seminary for poor students, later called St. mlung von Handschriften und alten Drucken, Cod.
Wenceslaus seminary. 14724, pp. 41—52; Hausenblasová (2002b).
306
299. Fragment of the letter of Marcus Marci to Athanasius Kircher from 1665.
Staudinger (priv. comm.) a donation of the book tion in Prague. He became acquainted with a
from the emperor to anyone should have been re- Polish emigrant and author of important genea-
corded in the accounts, but such record has not logical compendia Bartosz Paprocki (known in
yet been found. It would have been extremely Bohemia as Bartoloměj Paprocký of Hloholy
dangerous for anyone to be found in the unofficial and Paprocká Vůle), for whose major work
possession of any item belonging to the emperor, Diadochus (Prague 1602) he wrote two Latin epi-
after the emperor just died, as many people at the grams and probably polished up the Czech lan-
court discovered the hard way. Still, it is also pos- guage.12 Interestingly, Paprocki was at the time
sible that Jakub obtained it as part of Rudolf’s in close contact with the famous Polish alche-
debt to him or from quite a different source. mist Michael Sendivogius (1566—1636),13 whom
Mnišovský met (again?) thirty years later.
Raphael Soběhrd Mnišovský of Sebuzín After a period of studies in Paris and Rome,
Marci recorded the information about Rudolf’s he returned to Prague as a doctor of law in 1611
purchase of the manuscript in 1665, some 60 or and the then ruling emperor Matthias made him
more years after the event. How reliable is this a secretary to the all-powerful cardinal Melchior
information? Marci introduces “Dr. Raphael” to Klesl (1552—1630), bishop of Vienna and the
Kircher as if the latter would not know him, and imperial chancellor. He was involved in peace
describes him as the former teacher of the Czech negotiations between Venice and Styria, and
language to Ferdinand III, who is of course the when they proved successful, Duke Ferdinand
emperor at the time, and to whom Kircher dedi-
cated several of his books. 12 His authorship of the catalogue of bishops and
archbishops of Prague at the end of Diadochus is a
Mnišovský (originally surnamed Soběhrd) matter of controversy.
was born in 1580 to a burgher family at 13 See the chapter by R. T. Prinke “Nolite de me inquirere
Horšovský Týn and received his early educa- [Do not seek to ask about me]. Michael Sendivogius.”
307
(later Emperor Ferdinand II) made him his court

counsellor and tutor of his son, later Emperor
Ferdinand III,14 whom he taught the Czech lan-
guage. Mnišovský also served him after he was
elected king of Bohemia in 1617 and in 1621 was
actively involved as an attorney in the execution
of 27 leaders of the Czech Uprising.
The following year he was ennobled (with
the predicate “of Sebuzín and Horštejn”) and
became a counsellor of the court of appeal. His
career continued in 1622—1626 when he was a
member of the reform commission for Moravia
and Kladsko, in 1628 became a secretary of the
royal court chancellery, in 1635 a royal attorney,
and in 1640 vice-chamberlain in charge of land
records. For his services, he received a land es-
tate in Moravia and a house in Prague from the
emperor, soon buying other houses, estates and
vineyards.
He wrote Latin poems throughout his life
and at its end he composed 540 funeral epigrams
which were published posthumously as Funebria
Raphaelis Mnischofsky de Sebuzina et in Lochkow,
s. c. Majestatis appelationum consiliarii et in regno
Bohemiae Vice Camerarii (Prague 1644). Besides
Latin, he knew German so well that it was his
duty to translate imperial decrees arriving from
Vienna into Czech before they were printed. 300. The coat of arms of Jakub Horčický with the device
“Iustum habeo thesaurum”.
Most certainly, he also spoke several other lan-
guages and loved learning them, as he himself
wrote with pride “Lingua polyglossa mihi” [My lan- of Uppsala.16 As concerns alchemy, he was a
guage is multilingual].15 great supporter of the Polish alchemist Michael
Mnišovský died in 1644, so Marci’s infor- Sendivogius. Specifically, he writes in a 1630 let-
mation is more than 20 years old, but since it ter to Emperor Ferdinand III on the subject of
concerns a book that had clearly interested alchemy (see Fig. 304):17
Marci since the 1630s, and involves the already “Since my youth I have spent much effort and time
legendary Emperor Rudolf II, it is quite cred- on all this, over thirty years, seriously [?] consulted all
ible that Marci would have remembered this authors that ever became available, also read much in
accurately. manuscripts, in characters and in cipher, of Emperor
Intriguingly, Mnišovský was interested both Rudolf, and also found many such ones in the librar-
in secret writing and in alchemy. He is the au- ies of monasteries, especially the abbeys of Braunau and
thor of a book about steganography in the style Kremsmünster.”
of Johannes Trithemius, but using the Czech
language, which is now preserved in the library
16 Uppsala MS Slav.60. See: Davidsson (1959).
14 Ferdinand III of Habsburg (1608—1657), from 1627 17 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv Wien, Habsburgisch-
King of Bohemia, from 1637 Holy Roman Emperor. Lothringisches Hausarchiv, Familien-Korrespondenz
15 Quoted by Podlaha (1903), p. 15. A, Karton 8, ff. 279—284.
308
Unfortunately, no other evidence that the

emperor ever owned the manuscript has been
found so far. One possibility is provided by the
catalogue of his Kunstkammer, which lists a con-
siderable number of books kept in his art col-
lection.18 Unfortunately, the descriptions in
this catalogue are usually not clear enough to
allow obvious identification of specific books,
and there is no entry that clearly refers to the
Voynich MS. One tantalizing entry may be men-
tioned here:19
“In folio, a philosophical old handwritten book (or
written in old style) with illustrations, and a copy on
parchment written by Mathes Dörrer, unbound, and
not fully collated, and of which Mr. Haydn has re-
moved a few leaves by order of his majesty.”20
The Voynich MS is clearly not in folio, but
the above entry says that this book was not
bound, and some of the folios of the Voynich
MS are certainly large enough to be called “in
folio.” As already suggested by several investiga-
tors, the pages of the Voynich MS appear to be
in the wrong order, it could be that it was only
bound much after it was written. In addition,
the folio numbers appear to be in a hand fit-
ting the Rudolfine timeframe. Furthermore, the
Voynich MS is missing some leaves and it is of
301. Depiction of Jakub Horčický from the work by F. course profusely illustrated. The difficult part of
M. Pelzl Abbildungen böhmischer und mährischer the above entry is the copy on parchment by a
Gelehrten und Künstler nebst kurzen Nachrichten von certain Mathes Dörrer, who has not been iden-
ihrem Leben und Wirken, Prag 1773–1782. tified yet. It is clear that this is a highly specu-
lative possibility, but we consider it worth fol-
Here we see that the Voynich MS is pre- lowing up further. In any case, there are several
cisely the type of artefact that would attract reasons why the manuscript might not figure in
Mnišovský’s attention, and therefore his ac- the Kunstkammer catalogue. It may have already
curate recollection is not incredible. His visits been given to Jakub of Tepenec, or it may not
to Braunau and Kremsmünster must have been have been considered a work of art. None of Ru-
undertaken in his Styrian period or even earlier, dolf’s alchemical books now preserved in Leiden
during his peregrinatio academica. One is allowed is listed in this catalogue.
to be skeptical about the precise amount Rudolf
II paid for the book, especially as he was not 18 See Bauer and Haupt (1976), pp. XX—XXI.
at Rudolf’s court and may have seen the manu- 19 “In folio: ein philosophisch alt geschriben buch mit figurn
scripts from his collection only after 1621. While und ein copey uff pergamen geschriben vom Mathes Dörrer,
600 ducats is not exceptional in comparison to ungebunden, welchs nit gantz beysamen und Herr Hayden auß
bevelch I. Mt: etliche bletter davon genommen.” Nr. 2585 in
some of his other acquisitions, this figure may Bauer – Haupt (1976).
well have been exaggerated by either Mnišovský 20 See the chapter by A. Richterová “Alchemical
or Marci, or even be entirely invented. manuscripts in the Collections of Rudolf II.”
309
The manuscript’s road to Prague manuscripts and co-author of a book on Dee’s

Tracing back the history of the Voynich MS library,23 in which the identification of Dee’s
stops at the time when it appears at the court of hand in VMS foliation was also confirmed.
Rudolf II. Could the seller be identified, there However, significant differences are apparent
would be further leads to investigate its origin. in the way individual characters are drawn in the
Wilfrid Voynich himself took up this task be- Voynich MS and in known samples of Dee’s (and
tween 1912 and 1922, and, looking for candidates Kelley’s) handwriting. Without going into de-
at the court of Rudolf II, he concluded that the tails, the crucial example is that of how number 8
seller most probably was John Dee. Voynich was formed in both cases: the VMS foliator start-
firmly believed that the Voynich MS was from ed drawing it from the bottom, while in nume-
Roger Bacon, and he was specifically looking for rous checked samples of numbers written by Dee
someone who could have sold a Bacon manu- (both quick notes and calligraphic dedications)
script to Rudolf II. He does, however, present the 8 was always started at the top. Forming
no evidence whatsoever for this identification. letters and numbers as learned in one’s youth
Later, some additional pieces of circumstantial becomes so habitual and unconscious that it is
evidence were found21, apparently supporting practically impossible John Dee may have been
this claim, and as a result, the suggestion that the author of the VMS folio numbers.
Dee was the seller of the Voynich MS to Rudolf
II is now treated in almost all textbooks about 2. Dee had an illegible book written in hieroglyphics
the Voynich MS as ranging from very likely to while in Bohemia
it being a fact. It is now time to examine this In a letter written by Sir Thomas Browne to
theory critically. Elias Ashmole in 1675, he writes about reminis-
John Dee was indeed in Bohemia from 1584 cences of John Dee’s son Arthur:24
until 1588 (with some periods also in Cracow, Po- “I was very well acquainted with Dr. Arthur Dee,
land) and his associate Edward Kelly stayed there and at one time or another he has given me some ac-
until his death in 1597, making a spectacular but count of the whole course of his life. I have heard the
short career. It is also true that Dee had only one doctor say that he lived in Bohemia with his father,
brief interview with the emperor, which was not both at Prague and in other parts. That Prince or
particularly successful for him. He was actually Count Rosenberg was their great patron, who delight-
expelled from the kingdom by Rudolf and was ed much in alchemie. I have often heard him affirme,
able to stay only thanks to the intervention of and sometimes with oaths, that he had seen projection
Vilém of Rožmberk, at whose castle in Trebona made, and transmutation of pewter dishes and flaggons
(Třeboň) he spent most of the time22. The “evi- into silver, which the goldsmiths at Prague bought
dence,” which is often quoted in literature, con- of them. And that Count Rosenberg played at quoits
sists of three points: with silver quoits made by projection as before. That
this transmutation was made by a powder they had,
1. The foliation numbers in the Voynich MS are sup- which was found in some old place, and a book lying by
posedly in Dee’s hand it containing nothing but heiroglyphicks; which book
While it seems a challenging proposal to iden- his father bestowed much time upon, but I could not
tify an author based on the handwriting of a set hear that he could make it out.”
of numbers, this suggestion needs to be taken The supposed selling of the Voynich MS to
seriously, as Dee’s handwriting was identified Rudolf II is usually dated to late summer of 1586
for the Yale library by Andrew G. Watson. He when Arthur was just seven years old. When they
is an authority on medieval and early modern left Bohemia, he was nine. The statement that
21 First presented in Roberts – Watson (1990) 23 See note 21.
22 See Halliwell (1842) and Casaubon (1659). 24 Wilkin (ed.) (1852), pp. 530—531.
310
the book contained “nothing but hieroglyphics”

means that it cannot refer to the Voynich MS for
one obvious reason: to a 7—9-year-old boy the
Voynich MS would surely be more interesting
for its colorful pictures than rather dull strings
of letter-like characters. It is also important to
note that the term “hieroglyphics” should be un-
derstood as “ideograms” rather than “unknown
script” or “cipher.”
Can the book remembered by Arthur Dee
be identified? There is actually a very good can-
didate. John Dee himself mentions in his diary
a book containing nothing but hieroglyphics –
not a cipher, however, but alchemical images,
which are more consistent with Arthur Dee’s
relation. The book was Angelicum Opus – “all in
pictures of the work from the beginning to the end.”25
The young Arthur remembered the book of
pictures (which must have appealed to his imag-
ination) and his father’s and Kelly’s conversa-
tions about an alchemical book found “in an old
place” together with the powder they used for
transmutations. After half a century, when he
talked about it with Browne, those two books
became one – or after another 30 years Browne
confused the two.
3. Dee had 630 ducats in October 1586 and Rudolf II

paid 600 for the Voynich MS
302. Signature of Jakub Horčický on the title page of the John Dee mentions26 having 630 ducats on Oc-
book Dialectica Aristotelis Boethio Severio interprete, tober 17, 1586 and this has been taken as evidence
Lugduni 1553, NL of the CR. that he probably received the 600 ducats which
Rudolf II paid for the Voynich MS shortly be-
fore. This would, however, mean that the trans-
action would have taken place at the most un-
likely time, when Dee was banished from Prague
(late May 1586), went to Erfurt and Kassel, and
then returned to Třeboň (late August 1586). It is
simply impossible that Dee would have any audi-
ence granted by Rudolf at that time, especially
as the Pope and the Inquisition were involved.
In reality, the memorandum by Dee explains27
that Dee’s adversary Francesco Pucci desires the
25 12 December 1587; see Halliwell (1842).

26 Casaubon (1659), pp. 447—448.
303. Signature of Jakub Horčický on fol. 1r of the 27 We are indebted to Philip Neal for the English
Voynich manuscript, visible in ultraviolet light. translation
311
304. Part of the letter of Raphael Mnišovský to Emperor Ferdinand II from 1630.
amount of 800 florins from him, for reasons, ranging from 20 florins to 2,500 ducats, involving
which are not entirely obvious. Dee writes that at least 18 different named sellers. These acquisi-
he once already offered Pucci 630 ducats (rough- tions represent only a small fraction of the books
ly the equivalent of 800 florins)28. On this occa- listed in the Kunstkammer catalogue, to the ex-
sion, Dee wants to settle this issue with Pucci tent that they can be identified at all.
in front of reliable witnesses, and produces bags One particularly interesting example is re-
with 2,000 ducats and 400 thalers, from which corded on August 9, 1593.30 For 310 thalers,31 Ru-
the 800 florins are then formally handed over dolf II acquired four herbal books32 of Leonhard
to Pucci. It is clear that the 600 ducats for the Rauwolf, brought to him by Richard Strein of
Voynich MS and the 630 ducats recorded by Schwarzenau. Rauwolf was a medical man who
Dee have nothing to do with each other. travelled extensively in Europe and the Near
What is more, large parts of the account led- Orient, and collected herbs during these tra-
gers of Rudolf II have survived and are now pre- vels, which he dried and glued into books. These
served in the Austrian state archive in Vienna. books are listed in the Kunstkammer inventory,
These reflect only Rudolf’s court accounts, not and are currently preserved in Leiden, where
his private expenditure. Part of these have been they were taken by Isaac Vossius after a short
transcribed and are now available in electronic stay in Stockholm33.
form29. Around 22,000 entries between 1576 and
1614 have been searched by the present authors 30 Österreichisches Staatsarchiv Wien, Allgemeines
for a possible reference to the purchase of the Verwaltungs-, Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv, Alte
Voynich MS, but without success. In any case, Hofkammer, Hoffinanz, Band 469-R [1593], fol. 242r.
if the acquisition was a private one of Rudolf 31 Approximately 360 florins or 270 ducats, exchange
rates varying.
II, it would not have been recorded anyway. In- 32 The record says four books, the Kunstkammer
terestingly, there are quite a number of records catalogue has five, the Leiden library lists four books
of book acquisitions by Rudolf II, for amounts by Rauwolf plus one (the so-called “en tibi” herbal) not
created by Rauwolf.
28 Both florins and ducats are gold pieces, but their 33 In literature about these herbals, it is usually
value is not the same. A typical ratio for the time of assumed that they were bought from Rauwolf by the
Rudolf is 3 ducats = 4 florins Bavarian elector Maximilian I, but the above evidence,
29 See Staudinger (2006). not available to those authors, shows otherwise.
312
The conclusion is that a large number of peo- was the person who convinced Marci of the use-
ple sold books to Rudolf II for amounts similar fulness of alchemy in the preparation of drugs
to what has been claimed for the Voynich MS, and medicine.38 It is clear that the Voynich MS
only a fraction of which has been recorded, and must have attracted the attention of alchemists
the identification of John Dee as the seller is also before and during Rudolf’s time.39
based entirely on speculation.
Voynich manuscript research
After the death of Rudolf II Even now, almost 100 years after its discovery,
The history of the manuscript becomes better unanswered questions still surround the manu-
documented after the deaths of Rudolf II and script. Research into the script and language of
Jakub of Tepenec. By 1637 it is in the hands of the manuscript has resulted in a partial under-
the Prague judicial official alchemist Jiří Bareš, standing of some of its statistical properties, but
who was probably born shortly after 1580. He these only emphasize the unusual nature of the
studied in the Clementinum until 1603, about writing. Still not a single word can be transla-
the same time that Jakub Horčický was there, ted. It can almost certainly be excluded that the
and in 1605 in the Sapientia in Rome. In 1624 manuscript contains a plaintext encrypted using
he became a citizen of Prague and probably at the techniques of the 15th or 16th century.
about the same time was employed as a scribe at On the other hand, it is not even clear whether
the Highest Burggrave Court of Justice, where the manuscript has any meaningful content at all.
he was advanced to the prestigious office of re- The hypothesis that the Voynich MS contains
lator in or before 1630. He held it until at least meaningless strings of text gives rise, however, to
1646.34 Around 1622 he met Joannes Marcus questions about how it was done, which are very
Marci and became a close friend of him until his difficult to answer. Such a proposal was made in
death, some time before 1655.35 2004 by the English scientist Gordon Rugg, but
In a surviving letter from Bareš to Kircher,36 this proposal, while ingenious, has so far failed to
Bareš expresses his opinion that the book proba- produce a text which is more than superficially
bly contains medical science from the Near East similar to the Voynich MS text.
(specifically mentioning Egypt, one of Kircher’s Many dozens of theories about the possible
favorite subjects), collected by a traveler who origin and authorship of the Voynich MS have
went there and took this information back with been proposed. None of these is particularly
him. Unfortunately, we do not know if this is convincing. At least on the date of its creation
simply a hypothesis of Bareš, or if it was based on there is now some new information. Forensic in-
some knowledge he had about the manuscript. It vestigations performed in 2009 revealed that the
certainly contradicts the opinion of his contem- inks and pigments are all original, and there is
porary Raphael Mnišovský, and Marci prefers no trace of any modern constituent. The parch-
not to support one opinion or the other in his ment, of which four independent samples were
1665 letter to Kircher. taken, was established to date from between
Both Tepenec and Bareš were interested in 1404 and 1438 with 95% probability. The manu-
pharmacy and medicine, and Bareš is described script was probably written not long thereafter.
by Marci as a man well versed in alchemy37. He
Closing remarks
34 Vacek (1923), p. 18; Teige (1883), p. 133. Key information about the Voynich MS is still
35 See Smolka – Zandbergen (2010) for more details. missing: what was its purpose and what does it
See the chapter by J. Smolka “Joannes Marcus Marci
and his Circle.” Archives of the Pontificia Università Gregoriana, vol.
36 Archives of the Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 557, fol. 124, see also Garber (2002) for a discussion.
vol.557, fol. 353. 38 See also Garber (2002).
37 Letter from Marci to Kircher, September 12, 1640, 39 Also pointed out by Mönnich (2008).
313
say? Who wrote it and where? Its presence in archival material that may survive from his official
Rudolfine Prague marks the transition between duties, or discovering any letters written by him
the unknown and the relatively better-known or to him, could shed much light on the mystery.
parts of its history, but we still do not know who It is, obviously, a gigantic work and does not guar-
saw this MS besides Jakub of Tepenec, and what antee positive results but without undertaking it,
they made of it. the explanation of the enigma of that “most myste-
New information about this period has sur- rious manuscript in the world” will not be possible.
faced in recent years, and there is still hope for
more to surface. Certainly, the most important Acknowledgments
persons connected with the earliest history of All illustrations of the Voynich MS and the Mar-
the Voynich MS are Jakub Horčický (Sinapius) ci letter are courtesy of the Beinecke Rare Book
and Jiří Bareš (Georgius Barschius). While the and Manuscript Library of Yale University, New
latter is still quite enigmatic and it would be in- Haven, Connecticut.
teresting to discover more details about his life, Fig. 302 is courtesy of the National Library of
his role seems to be relatively unimportant as he the Czech Republic in Prague and Mr. Ivo Purš.
was just a transitory owner. As we know, how- Mr. Andreas Sulzer of ProOmnia kindly made
ever, he corresponded with Athanasius Kircher, available the illustrations of the Tepenec signa-
so he may have also written letters to others and ture. We are indebted to Manfred Staudinger for
if these survive, they may contain crucial hints information related to the Rudolfine court records
about the earlier story of the manuscript. kept in Prague, to Paula Zyats of Yale University
Horčický, on the other hand, is the key Library for information related to the physical
link to the unknown past. Locating more of state of the Voynich MS and to Philip Neal for
the books he owned and signed, inspecting the translations of material related to John Dee.
314
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Authors
Dr. Václav Bůžek, Professor, Director of the Dr. John A. Norris. Independent Scholar. John A.
Historical Institute at the Faculty of Philosophy, Norris Rare Books. Alzingen, Luxembourg
Southern Bohemian University, České Budějovice, (norrisjonh1@gmail.com).
Czech Republic (buzek@ff.jcu.cz)
Dr. hab. Rafał T. Prinke, Assistant Professor, Eu-
Dr. Pavel Drábek, President Emeritus, Society for geniusz Piasecki University, Poznań, Poland
History of Science and Technology, Masarykova (rafalp@amu.edu.pl)
895, Roztoky 252 63, Czech Republic
Dr. Ivo Purš, Institute of Art History of the
Dr. William Eamon, Regents Professor Emeritus, Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague, Czech Re-
Department of History, New Mexico State Uni- public (purs@udu.cas.cz)
versity, USA (weamon@nmsu.edu)
Dr. Jennifer M. Rampling, Assistant Professor of
Dr. Jaroslava Hausenblasová, Faculty of Arts, Charles History,, Department of History, Princeton Uni-
University, Prague, Czech Republic (jaroslava.hau- versity, Princeton, USA (rampling@princeton.edu)
senblasova@ff.cuni.cz; hausenblasova@atlas.cz)
Dr. Alena Richterová, National Library of the
Dr. Hiro Hirai, Center for the History of Philoso- Czech Republic, Prague (alena.richterova@nkp.cz)
phy and Science, Radboud University, Nether-
lands (hhirai2@gmail.com) Dr. Josef Smolka, Nedvězská 6, 100 00 Prague 10,
Czech Republic (josef.smolka@gmail.com)
Dr. Jakub Hlaváček, Centre for Renaissance
Texts, Palacký University, Olomouc, Czech Re- Dr. Rudolf Werner Soukup, Professor, University
public, (jakub.hlavacek@volny.cz) of Vienna, Austria (rudolf.werner@kabelnet.at)
Dr. Vladimir Karpenko, Professor Emeritus, Dr. René Zandbergen, European Space Opera-
Fa-culty of Science, Charles University, Prague, tions Centre, Darmstadt, Germany
Czech Republic (karpenko@natur.cuni.cz; (rene.zandbergen@esa.int)
karpenko42@gmail.com)
855
Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko (eds.)

Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries
Translations: Joan Boychuk, Ivan Gutierrez, Todd Hammond, Ivana Horacek, Pavla Horáková,
Tereza Kodíčková, Sean Mark Miller, Don Sparling, Kateřina Výborná
Language editing: Sean Mark Miller and Alena Puršová
Index: Dan Török
Graphics revision, typesetting and cover: Jakub Effenberger and Ivo Purš
Issued by:
ARTEFACTUM
Publishing House of the Institute of Art History of the Czech Academy of Sciences, v. v. i.
Print: Tiskárny Havlíčkův Brod, a. s.
2nd edition, 1st English edition
Prague 2016
871
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k. Reichsfinanzarchiv in Wien“, in: Jahrbuch pp. 9–94.
der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöch- Żylińska, Jadwiga (1977), Kawaler Christian Rosen-
sten Kaiserhauses 15, II. část, regest 19421, kreutz [Kavalier Christian Rosenkreutz], in: Do
pp. XX–LXXV. kogo należy świat?, Warszawa, pp. 149–186.
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854
Authors
Dr. Václav Bůžek, Professor, Director of the Dr. John A. Norris. Independent Scholar. John A.
Historical Institute at the Faculty of Philosophy, Norris Rare Books. Alzingen, Luxembourg
Southern Bohemian University, České Budějovice, (norrisjonh1@gmail.com).
Czech Republic (buzek@ff.jcu.cz)
Dr. hab. Rafał T. Prinke, Assistant Professor, Eu-
Dr. Pavel Drábek, President Emeritus, Society for geniusz Piasecki University, Poznań, Poland
History of Science and Technology, Masarykova (rafalp@amu.edu.pl)
895, Roztoky 252 63, Czech Republic
Dr. Ivo Purš, Institute of Art History of the
Dr. William Eamon, Regents Professor Emeritus, Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague, Czech Re-
Department of History, New Mexico State Uni- public (purs@udu.cas.cz)
versity, USA (weamon@nmsu.edu)
Dr. Jennifer M. Rampling, Assistant Professor of
Dr. Jaroslava Hausenblasová, Faculty of Arts, Charles History,, Department of History, Princeton Uni-
University, Prague, Czech Republic (jaroslava.hau- versity, Princeton, USA (rampling@princeton.edu)
senblasova@ff.cuni.cz; hausenblasova@atlas.cz)
Dr. Alena Richterová, National Library of the
Dr. Hiro Hirai, Center for the History of Philoso- Czech Republic, Prague (alena.richterova@nkp.cz)
phy and Science, Radboud University, Nether-
lands (hhirai2@gmail.com) Dr. Josef Smolka, Nedvězská 6, 100 00 Prague 10,
Czech Republic (josef.smolka@gmail.com)
Dr. Jakub Hlaváček, Centre for Renaissance
Texts, Palacký University, Olomouc, Czech Re- Dr. Rudolf Werner Soukup, Professor, University
public, (jakub.hlavacek@volny.cz) of Vienna, Austria (rudolf.werner@kabelnet.at)
Dr. Vladimir Karpenko, Professor Emeritus, Dr. René Zandbergen, European Space Opera-
Fa-culty of Science, Charles University, Prague, tions Centre, Darmstadt, Germany
Czech Republic (karpenko@natur.cuni.cz; (rene.zandbergen@esa.int)
karpenko42@gmail.com)
855
Ivo Purš and Vladimír Karpenko (eds.)

Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries
Translations: Joan Boychuk, Ivan Gutierrez, Todd Hammond, Ivana Horacek, Pavla Horáková,
Tereza Kodíčková, Sean Mark Miller, Don Sparling, Kateřina Výborná
Language editing: Sean Mark Miller and Alena Puršová
Index: Dan Török
Graphics revision, typesetting and cover: Jakub Effenberger and Ivo Purš
Issued by:
ARTEFACTUM
Publishing House of the Institute of Art History of the Czech Academy of Sciences, v. v. i.
Print: Tiskárny Havlíčkův Brod, a. s.
2nd edition, 1st English edition
Prague 2016
871

Rene Zandbergen & Rafał T. Prinke, The Voynich MS in Rudolfine Prague

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What was the focus of study for alchemists in Central Europe in the 16th-17th centuries?

What was the focus of study for alchemists in Central Europe in the 16th-17th centuries?

What ruler patronized alchemy and the natural sciences in Prague?

What ruler patronized alchemy and the natural sciences in Prague?

Alchemy and Rudolf II

Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe

Preface Alchemical Translation in Rudolfine Prague:

Martin Ruland the Elder, Martin Ruland

Alchemy in the Everyday Life of First Illustrations / 793

Mining and Metallogenesis in Bohemia during

Preface Alchemical Translation in Rudolfine Prague:

Martin Ruland the Elder, Martin Ruland

Alchemy in the Everyday Life of First Illustrations / 793

Mining and Metallogenesis in Bohemia during

Introduction tury or even later.3 Some annotations on the in-

Biological / balneological section

(later Emperor Ferdinand II) made him his court

Unfortunately, no other evidence that the

The manuscript’s road to Prague manuscripts and co-author of a book on Dee’s

the book contained “nothing but hieroglyphics”

3. Dee had 630 ducats in October 1586 and Rudolf II

25 12 December 1587; see Halliwell (1842).

Sources Bodenstein, Adam von (1575), Onomasticon, Basel.

Bibliography Arola, Raimon (ed.) (2003), Images Cabalistiques et

international de l’Université de Reims-Cham- Beginning of Scientific Revolution, Acta historiae

Kommentierung und Wiederabdruck. Boe- discovered inventory of Rudolfine collections

Alchemy and Rudolf II

Sources Bodenstein, Adam von (1575), Onomasticon, Basel.

Bibliography Arola, Raimon (ed.) (2003), Images Cabalistiques et

international de l’Université de Reims-Cham- Beginning of Scientific Revolution, Acta historiae

Kommentierung und Wiederabdruck. Boe- discovered inventory of Rudolfine collections

Alchemy and Rudolf II

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