9783110575200.de Gruyter - Greeks, Books and Libraries in Renaissance Venice - Jul.2021

Greeks, Books and Libraries in Renaissance Venice
Transmissions
Studies on conditions, processes and dynamics

of textual transmission
Edited by
Rosa Maria Piccione
Volume 1
Greeks, Books
and Libraries in
Renaissance Venice
Edited by
Rosa Maria Piccione
This publication was made possible through funding provided by the Università degli Studi di Torino.
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Editor’s Preface
The present volume, entitled Greeks, Books and Libraries in Renaissance Venice, is
the first one in the new series Transmissions. Studies on conditions, processes and dy
namics of textual transmission. This series proposes to be a place for documentation,
theoretical and methodological reflection, as well as critical discussion regarding the
transmission of texts, in particular of the Greek and Latin tradition. With this prima-
ry goal in mind, close attention is paid to the social and cultural environments and
scenarios in which the journeys of books and texts occur. This will be achieved by
observing morphological shifts and ways of use both in textual products and in their
material witnesses, as well as in the role of the actors in the practices of writing and
reading and of institutions in the production, circulation and conservation processes
of written culture.
All my gratitude goes to the publishing house De Gruyter for the trust placed
in this project. I owe special thanks to the Marciana National Library in Venice for
their permission to provide a visual frame for Transmissions through an image of
the sumptuous ceiling of the Salone Sansovino, the very place of books of the an-
cient Libreria di San Marco. Built between 1537 and 1553 in the context of a project by
Jacopo Sansovino to host Cardinal Bessarion’s huge book collection, the Libreria is
characterized by an iconographic cycle with Neoplatonic inspiration, alluding to the
idea of an ascensional procession of the spirit. The visitor is guided along an allegoric
path of ethical formation and ascension to wisdom, where knowledge is in the service
of the realization of the common good.
The spaces of the ancient Libreria di San Marco and the allegories of the Salone
Sansovino are perfect settings for this first volume of the series Transmissions, as its
focus is on the dynamics of production and use of Greek books and book collections
within the Venetian context between the Renaissance and the Baroque periods, with
special attention being paid to the practices and the actors involved in these proces-
ses.
Some of the contributions presented in this volume discuss material presented
previously during the workshop Biblioteche private e produzione di libri manoscritti
greci a Venezia nel Cinquecento (“Private libraries and production of Greek manuscript
books in sixteenth-century Venice”) held in Turin on 29th–30th June 2017, organized
within the research project Collezionare libri greci nella Venezia del Rinascimento: le
biblioteche private di Gabriele Severo e di Guillaume Pellicier (“Collecting Greek books
in Renaissance Venice: Gabriel Severos’ and Guillaume Pellicier’s private libraries”),
and funded by the University of Turin. The workshop gathered experts from different
fields – philologists, palaeographists and codicologists, book and library historians,
library scientists and librarians, archivists – with the aim of tackling the underly-
ing research questions using different methodological approaches. The meeting took
place at the National University Library (Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria [BNU])
of Turin, in the halls kindly made available by the Fondazione Firpo. I would like
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-202
VI Editor’s Preface
to thank Guglielmo Bartoletti, BNU Director, and Franca Porticelli, Head of the Rare
Books and Special Collections Department, as well as the Fondazione Firpo for their
hospitality and generosity.
Based on the results of this workshop, the present volume aims at providing
an update on ongoing research, offering reflections on methodology and outlining
some paths of investigation worthy of further developments, without claiming to be
exhaustive. The contributions in this volume are organized in three sections, preced-
ed by an introductory essay (R. M. Piccione). The first section focuses on Greeks as
book owners, patrons and actors in the process of book production, with particular
emphasis on the library of Gabriel Severos, first Orthodox bishop in the lands of the
Diaspora (E. Elia and R. M. Piccione). The following essays are devoted to contem-
porary intellectuals and/or leading figures in the world of the Greek book, such as
Nikolaos Choniates (R. Montalto) and Emmanuel Glyzounis (I. Papadaki); a further
contribution of particular relevance to the reconstruction of the cultural context of
this period is devoted to the scholar and theologian Maximos Margounios and his po-
etic production (F. Ciccolella). This first section is opened by an essay portraying the
cultural, linguistic, sociopolitical and confessional reality of the flambojant Venice at
Severos’ time, thereby providing the vibrant sociocultural setting for the following
studies (C. Carpinato).
In the second section of the volume, the scope of the observation is extended to
collections of Greek books originating from the interests of Western scholars, such as
the well-known libraries of the ambassadors Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (T. Martínez
Manzano) and Guillaume Pellicier (R. M. Piccione). Furthermore, this section features
an investigation into several private libraries, in some cases less known but likewise
of remarkable historical and cultural importance, from the neighbouring Padua, the
intellectual capital of the region (C. Giacomelli). Finally, the last essay of this sec-
tion retraces the adventurous journey of a manuscript from Venice to the National
University Library of Turin (E. Elia).
The third section gathers essays on the history of books and book collections
on the basis of documentary and archival sources, which in many instances help to
reconstruct practices of book production and use, such as in the case of the Loan
Registers of the Libreria di San Marco (O. Mazzon). In addition, another contribution
presents interesting cases of reconstructing book collections from evidence deriving
from the Marciana National Library’s database of provenances Archivio dei Possessori
(O. Braides and E. Sciarra). The volume concludes with an essay presenting practi-
cal examples of archival research and documentary sources which yield useful infor-
mation for the reconstruction of private libraries of the Greeks in sixteenth-century
Venice (Ch. Zampakolas).
Finally, I would like to thank several institutions and individuals whose support
have been crucial in the creation of the new series Transmissions and the preparation
of the present volume. At the De Gruyter publishing house, I am indebted to Serena
Pirrotta, Editorial Director of Classical Studies and Marco Michele Acquafredda,
Editor’s Preface VII
Project Editor of Classical Studies for their confidence, patience, and assistance in all
stages of this project. Furthermore, I am grateful to my colleagues and friends Rodney
Ast, Daniele Bianconi, Caterina Carpinato, Paolo Eleuteri, Gerlinde Huber-Rebenich,
Stefano Martinelli Tempesta, Juan Pedro Monferrer, Raphaële Mouren, Matthias
Perkams, Elisabetta Sciarra, and Sofía Torallas Tovar for having agreed to become
members of the Advisory Board of the series.
Above all, I owe heartfelt thanks to the StudiUm Department (Dipartimento di
Studi Umanistici) of the University of Turin for its trust and generous financial sup-
port of my research project Collezionare libri greci nella Venezia del Rinascimento and
of the publication of the first volume of Transmissions. By thanking the authors, who
were willing to share their considerations and first results of their ongoing research, I
now entrust this book candidi Lectoris iudicio.1
1 During the preparation of the present volume, a particular challenge presented itself in the trans-
literation of Modern Greek proper names using Latin characters, as well as in the adoption of the
monotonic or polytonic system. Concerning the transliterations of proper names, an attempt has been
made to make use of the generally accepted forms as much as possible. However, authors were free
to deviate from the standard system, e.g., when transliterating according to phonetic criteria, and in
their choice of the monotonic or polytonic systems.
Contents
Editor’s Preface V
Rosa Maria Piccione

Greek Books in Renaissance Venice: Methodological Approaches and Research
Perspectives 1
1 Greeks and Greek Books in Renaissance Venice
Caterina Carpinato
Venice in the Time of Gavriil Seviros (before 1540–1616): People, Books, Languages
and Images. Dialogue with Greeks (and with Greek) 15
Erika Elia and Rosa Maria Piccione

A Rediscovered Library. Gabriel Severos and His Books 33
Riccardo Montalto
Anonymous Collaborators of Nikolaos Choniates’ atelier in Manuscripts from
Achilles Statius’ Library 83
Irene Papadaki
Manolis Glyzounis, Greek Publisher and Copyist in Venice in the Second Half of the
Sixteenth Century 115
Federica Ciccolella
Maximos Margounios and Anacreontic Poetry: An Introductory Study 147
2 Western Intellectuals, Books, and Book Collections
Teresa Martínez Manzano

Towards the Reconstruction of a Little-Known Renaissance Library: The Greek
Incunabula and Printed Editions of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza 163
Rosa Maria Piccione

The Greek Library of Guillaume Pellicier: The Role of the Scribe Ioannes
Katelos 177
X Contents
Ciro Giacomelli
Greek Manuscripts in Padua: Some New Evidence 197
Erika Elia
A Book Journey. About an Henri II Estienne’s Greek Manuscript in Turin 221
3 Libraries in Archives
Ottavia Mazzon
Knocking on Heaven’s Door. The Loan Registers of the Libreria di San Marco 259
Orsola Braides and Elisabetta Sciarra

Reconstructing a Library: Case Studies from the Archivio dei possessori of the
Marciana National Library in Venice 285
Christos Zampakolas
Archival Research on Private Libraries in Renaissance Venice: Considerations,
Elements, Perspectives 307
Sigla and Abbreviations 327
Bibliography 329
Sitography 376
Index of archival and library sources 377
Index of proper names 387
Index of tables and figures 397

Rosa Maria Piccione
Greek Books in Renaissance Venice:
Methodological Approaches and Research
Perspectives
1 Greeks and Books in Venice
Linked to the Greek world from its very foundation, Venice became the cultural capital
of the Diaspora Greeks very soon after Constantinople fell into Turkish hands. In 1498,
the Greeks in Venice obtained the authorisation to set up their own Scuola or Confra-
ternity, like other religious orders of the city. From being a small minority, the Greek
colony quickly turned into a conspicuously large foreign community that was cultur-
ally lively, economically wealthy, and entirely integrated into the life of La Serenis-
sima.1 Indeed, the Greek Community was connected to Venice by a long history of
political and diplomatic balance dynamics, as well as of military, commercial, lin-
guistic and cultural contacts, which led to a deep integration of the two cultures.2
This complex web of relationships provides the basis for the transfer of Constan-
tinople’s cultural heritage to Venice, which – quasi alterum Byzantium – largely pre-
served its legacy.3 For the Greeks who left their homeland, this made Venice different
from the other cities where they found shelter: Rome, Milan, Florence and Bologna.
What is more, the first Orthodox metropolitan in the countries of the Diaspora was
installed in Venice in 1577: Gabriel Severos, the religious head of the Confraternity
(or Brotherhood) of San Nicolò dei Greci, who fulfilled the role of direct representative
of the ecumenical throne over the Orthodox communities.
1 Over the last few decades, the interest in the history of the Greek community in Venice has been
growing steadily, and an increasing number of publications have developed Veludo’s commendable
work (18932); among others, Geanakoplos (1962b); Ploumidis (1972a); Moschonas (2002); Maltezou et
al. (2009). More recently, Burke E. C. (2016) is a work rich in documentation but flawed by a misguided
historical approach.
2 An extremely useful overview can be found in Carpinato (2014) 165–251 (esp. 169–190), with bibliog-
raphy. See in particular Nicol (1988); Fortini Brown (1996); more recently, Benzoni Gi. (2002); Tiepolo/
Tonetti (2002); Ravegnani (2006); Pedani (2010).
3 So Cardinal Bessarion in the letter accompanying the donation of his library to the Republic of
Venice. See Labowsky (1979) 147–151.
Note: This contribution owes substantially to the friends and colleagues Caterina Carpinato, Paolo
Eleuteri, Erika Elia, Stefano Martinelli Tempesta and Stefano Valente. A very special thanks goes to
Federica Ciccolella and Teresa Martínez Manzano, whose attentive reading led to a notable improve-
ment of the text.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-001
2 Rosa Maria Piccione
As was the case in the previous century, in the sixteenth century the role of
Venice remained as pivotal to the relations with the Greek-speaking world and with
the Greek book.4 During this period, Venice played the role of political, cultural and
commercial bridge between the Byzantine world and Europe at a time when book
culture was undergoing great changes. The city had become the European capital of
Greek printing, thanks above all to the activity of Aldus Manutius,5 who was assisted
by scholars of the calibre of Markos Mousouros, Ioannes Gregoropoulos and Ioannes
Rhosos in the ambitious plan of printing the most important Greek classical texts,
but also to the work of figures such as Zacharias Kallierges and Nikolaos Vlastos.
After Aldus’ death in 1515, while the printing of Greek books had gradually shifted
north of the Alps, Venice remained the location of choice (along with neighbouring
Padua, of course) for those who wanted to undertake Greek studies, thanks to the
great availability of books in the city’s many libraries: for example, in public libraries
like the Libreria di San Marco or the library of Sant’Antonio di Castello (which incor-
porated Cardinal Domenico Grimani’s rich collection in 1523), as well as in monastic
and private libraries. Furthermore, due to the presence of the Greek Community and
to the strong links with the countries of the East, Venice became the main centre for
the printing of vernacular Greek books for Greek readers, whether locally based or
residing in the homeland.6 The city would maintain a monopoly on these until the
eighteenth century: for a long time, Greek books would be routed from Italy to the
countries of the East, following an itinerary reverse to that of the manuscripts sent to
the libraries of Western scholars.
As the demand for the latter remained lively in the second half of the sixteenth
century and beyond, Venice, the capital of the book, maintained a privileged role in
this trade. These cultural and entrepreneurial features of the city ultimately gave
rise to a burgeoning production of Greek manuscript books, also thanks to the pres-
ence of numerous scribes, whose names often recur in the records of the Confrater-
nity and who were at times also active in teaching the language or in other roles. For
instance, we may recall Nathanael and Nikolaos Malaxos, who were both chaplains
of the church of San Giorgio dei Greci. Whether or not official members of the nazion
greca, and whether or not actively participating in the life and affairs of the Confra-
ternity, the Greeks of Venice were encouraged to entertain some kind of association
with it, by virtue of the network of connections that the local community was able to
provide, thus guaranteeing a better integration into the economic and social fabric
of the city.
4 See especially Zorzi M. (1990; 1996; 1998; 2012). Also Geanakoplos (1962a; 1962b); Beck et al. (1977);
Irigoin (1977); Niutta (1989); Layton (1994).
5 See in particular Lowry (20002). For an overview, Infelise (2007); Kikuchi (2018), with bibliography.
6 Staikos (1998); Papadaki (1999); Ploumidis (2002).
Greek Books in Renaissance Venice: Methodological Approaches and Research Perspectives 3
2 Scribes, Patrons, and Book Collections

The activity of manuscript production continued to thrive in Venice during the entire
sixteenth century and later, when printing was an established fact and the texts
available on the market were ever more numerous. Over time, an interest in Greek
books spread throughout the whole of Europe,7 generating a notable quantity of
new patrons: rulers, ambassadors, ecclesiastics and private individuals. Books com-
missioned in Venice would reach many foreign libraries, while merchants or scribe-
merchants travelled abroad from Venice to meet possible buyers. This was the case,
for instance, with Antonios Eparchos8 and Emmanouel Glyzounis:9 the former pro-
vided manuscripts for, among others, the libraries of Augsburg and Fontainebleau,
the latter supplied books for the Jesuit Antonio Agustín, bishop of Lérida. Similarly,
Andreas Darmarios10 was particularly active in Spain, where he sold books produced
in his atelier to Agustín and others. However, he also sold books in Germany, to the
Dukes Wilhelm V of Bavaria and Ludwig of Württemberg.11
In the course of the sixteenth century, the ways in which books were produced
and circulated had changed. At this stage of book production, the actors were pri-
marily Greeks coming from a wide range of regions of the homeland, who joined a
well-established sociocultural environment in the West, which was by then tried and
tested. Even when they fled their homeland because of the Turkish expansion – just
like the first generation of émigrés –, in Venice Greeks were integrated into a dense
network of contacts and established commercial and cultural relations,12 which
spread well beyond the city across national and international territories. Often they
came from cities that had been Venetian strongholds, such as Nauplia or Monemvasia,
or from Crete, Corfu and Cyprus, which already shared a Byzantine-Venetian cultural,
economic and social milieu, or from the Genoese colony of Chios or from Constan-
tinople. Some of them stopped in Venice for a limited time and then ended up in other
places. These Greek immigrants did not depart from their homeland in the capacity
of professional scribes, nor were they comparable to the numerous intellectuals of
the first generation of émigrés fleeing to the West, who were also teachers of Greek
and often editors and publishers, and to whom we owe the spreading of Greek during
7 See, e.g., Boudignon (2010).

8 Mondrain (2000; 2002); Ceresa (1993); Sosower (1993a). More recently, Martínez Manzano (2016a),
with bibliography.
9 Sicherl (1956); Canart (1972–1973); Layton (1994) 303–315. See Papadaki (2004; 2005a and 2005b)
and below, 115–146.
10 Kresten (1967; 1980); see now Elia (2014), with bibliography.
11 Hajdú (1994); Elia (2014) 24.
12 Complex issues related to the processes of assimilation and the expectations of the Greek émigrés
within the Italian cultural milieu cannot be discussed here. See, however, Ferreri (2014) XIV–XXVI for
some interesting observations, especially in relation to the first generations.
the era of Italian Humanism. Endowed with a medium-high cultural knowledge and,
in some cases, a good literary and grammatical training, these people were able to
employ their linguistic competence in Venice’s thriving book production industry and
its increasing demand for Greek books, thus reinventing themselves professionally.
In this fairly complex picture, individual intellectuals stand out in particular, as
they were well-integrated into the cultural context of this time. Such a one was Nikolaos
Sophianos: he was a scribe and a printer, but also active as a grammarian and translator.13
Other actors in this stage of book production included Italian scribes, either professional
scribes or printer-copyists who often worked in collaboration with Greek colleagues. In
this case, too, we are dealing with professional figures quite different from the humanists
of the previous century. Rather frequently, book production can be traced back to the
activities of workshops: among the best known, those of the Italian Bartolomeo Zanetti,14
and of the Greeks Nikolaos Choniates,15 Ioannes Mavromatis16 (later active in Rome), and
the aforementioned Andreas Darmarios and Antonios Eparchos. It was not uncommon
for these workshops to be managed by dynasties of scribes and printers, as was the case
with the Zanetti and Eparchos families, and within these ateliers the work was normally
carried out as a team. Furthermore, this book production was frequently – so to speak –
serial, in a way somewhat comparable to that of contemporary printing.
At present, there are no systematic studies on the production of Greek manuscripts
in this period, nor scholarly works investigating these generations of Greek émigrés
in Venice and the cultural and historical phenomenon they represent. Moreover, only
little research has been devoted to scribes’ ateliers or to individual scribes.17 As a
consequence, our picture of production practices and of the actors involved remains
hazy. Although significant progress has been made in the last few decades, many
grey areas persist. In some cases, information about these figures and these dynamics
comes from historical and documentary sources, and sometimes even from the books
themselves.18 The publication of archival materials of the Greek Confraternity (which
have yet to be investigated as they deserve), as well as of other documentary sources
13 Layton (1994) 460–472. See ibid. 460: “Nikolaos Sophianos was one of the most interesting and
accomplished figures among the Greeks residing in Italy during the first half of the sixteenth century”.
14 Layton (1994) 513–521; Cataldi Palau (2000b).
15 See below Montalto, 83–113.
16 Cataldi Palau (2000a).
17 See, e.g., the studies on Nathanael (Canart 1973; 1977a), or on Ioannes Mavromatis, Bartolomeo
Zanetti, Andreas Darmarios (see above). See also Fonkitch (1979). For an overview of handwritings
and writing styles in the fifteenth and sixteenth century, see Harlfinger (1977); Gamillscheg (1980);
The Greek Script (2000), in addition to the standard repertoire by Vogel/Gardthausen (1909), updated
by Patrinelis (1958–1959); Canart (1963); de Meyier (1964); and, of course, by RGK. A comprehensive
overview of book production in the Greek language after the fall of Constantinople can be found in
Bianconi (2011) 226–234, 237–238.
18 Cataldi Palau (2000a). Other instances of biographical reconstruction are in De Gregorio (1991);
Agati (2001); D’Agostino (2008).
such as wills and notarial deeds, is slowly adding new pieces to the picture of the
lively Greek Community of Venice,19 and in some cases even contextualizing figures
of scribes, editors and publishers, printers and book merchants, who are mainly
known through their activity. In particular, within the jumble of very similar hands –
one of the salient features of this production – it is extremely difficult to single out
and therefore identify the many anonymous collaborators whose competencies and
related responsibilities are indeed often impossible to establish.20 In addition, we
would like to know more about the dynamics within ateliers accompanying the activ-
ity of copying texts; the relations between different scribes, as well as those between
atelier(s) and patrons; the selection of texts to copy; and the role scribes played in
proposing new texts, that is, in determining the commercial offer. In reconstructing
this picture and the surrounding cultural and intellectual context, significant data
emerge from the examination of those private collections that mostly comprise con-
temporary manuscripts, for these were certainly increased by the patron’s requests
to trusted scribes or ateliers. Some of these collections are easier to reconstruct than
others, since they have passed into modern libraries in a more or less homogeneous
form, which helps investigating the collection as an ensemble. In a number of cases,
it is possible to identify the recurrence of the same scribes working together across
artefacts that can be traced to a single collection; moreover these same hands can at
times also be recognized in other contemporary book collections.
3 Research Goals and Methodology

Tied as it was to the intellectual élites’ cultural interests and to the presence of foreign
ambassadors in Venice,21 the extraordinary development of book production that took
place over the central decades of the sixteenth century brought about a considerable
inflow of books towards Europe. At the same time, the private collections of Italian and
foreign intellectuals became ever more numerous on the Veneto territory, where they
interweaved with an already thick web of public and religious orders’ collections.22
Venice and Padua were the two main poles of attraction: the former mostly as the
seat of economic and political power, the latter as – one might say – the intellectual
capital, whose university had a central role in promoting the study of the classics.23
19 See, e.g., Korrè (2012; 2013); Vlassi (2008; 2014).

20 See Canart (1977b) for some methodological considerations. See also Martínez Manzano (2007)
and below Montalto, 83–113.
21 On the ambassadors’ role during this lively phase of book production, Irigoin (1977).
22 A useful survey in Eleuteri (2006).
23 See below Giacomelli, 197–219.
Over the last few decades, a number of important studies have been devoted to
some of these book collections, for example those of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli, Matteo
Dandolo and the ambassadors Diego Hurtado de Mendoza and Guillaume Pellicier.24
Such research has brought about significant contributions to our knowledge of book
history, textual tradition and, in general, cultural history. More generally, in recent
years there has been an increasing interest in the forms of library organisation, along
with a new consideration of book collections as intellectual spaces integrated into
specific cultural contexts and into networks of social practices and relations: in other
words, as repositories not only of books but also of projects and intellectual and mate-
rial strategies.25 Ever more influential are the interdisciplinary approaches provided
by material culture, concerning the relationship between artefacts and social practice
and, most recently, by object epistemologies, understood as “the attempt to describe
and analyze knowledge about things, the conceptualizations of things inherent in
this knowledge, and the relationship between this knowledge about things and epis-
temic or scientifical practices”.26
This approach to Greek books in late Renaissance Venice, therefore, does not
focus as much on individual books or individual scribes (except in meaningful cases)
as it does on collections of books, understood as spaces for the organisation of knowl-
edge, and on the context of sociocultural relationships that functioned as their back-
drop. These are both collections of Greek books owned by Western intellectuals who
bought printed books and commissioned manuscripts, and libraries belonging to
Greek intellectuals, who were thus not only actors in the process of book production,
but also owners and patrons. In comparison to the so-called rediscovery of Greek in
the West, this was a new era in which the former deferential reverence for the ancient
world had given way to greater awareness and a keener critical approach. It was,
moreover, a time of unprecedented and swift technological and cultural changes,
with printing increasingly dominating society and the manuscript and print medium
influencing one another; of constant spatial, political and religious redefinitions in
the whole of Europe; and of continuously redesigned boundaries separating fields of
knowledge. For the Greeks who lived in direct contact with the West, this changing
reality coincided above all with the Reformation and the manifold consequences it
had on the book world.27 It also amounted to an ever-tighter network of contacts with
24 On Gian Vincenzo Pinelli’s library, see Raugei (2018); Nuovo (2007a); Grendler M. (1980). See also
Barzazi (2017) 16–26. On Matteo Dandolo, Martínez Manzano (2014). On Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,
Martínez Manzano (2015; 2018) and below, 163–176; Bravo García (1981; 1982; 1983–1984). On Guil-
laume Pellicier, Cataldi Palau (1985; 1986a; 1986b). See also below, Piccione, 177–195.
25 Bödeker/Saada (2007); Barzazi (2017); Molino (2017); Raines (2006; 2008); Nuovo (2003a; 2008);
Ceriotti (2008); Gulizia (2017).
26 Hilgert (2018) 9; Hilgert et al. (2018). For future research prospects in the field of material culture
and object epistemologies, see Hilgert (2010); Ott et al. (2015).
27 See Zorzi M. (1996) 920.
Protestant intellectuals from northern and central Europe, and to the consequent rise
of doctrinal controversies within the community.28
Reconstructing this complex and challenging sociocultural context of book col-
lections is the primary goal of this investigation into the production of Greek books
in Venice between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. A new perspective may
be provided by the study of book collections rather than that of individual books,
as collections of books are not merely seen as static repositories of individual books
but as intellectual spaces, integrated within a framework of social practices and rela-
tions. As was outlined above, such a reconstruction of contexts, actors and produc-
tion practices may be in some cases facilitated by the history of the individual collec-
tions which have reached present-day libraries29 without having been dispersed, as
was often the case with Greek manuscript collections. A comprehensive approach to
the book collection – taking into account at the same time books and texts, methods
of production and practices of co-working, roles of the various actors and webs of
relationships – provides the opportunity and the tools to understand the dynamics
underlying the library as an intellectual project. Moreover, documentary evidence
allows us to inquire into aspects that escape the mere observation of books. Private
and public archives, as well as diaries and letters, record information allowing us
to reconstruct contexts and relations, recognize books transfers, and in some cases
even trace the history of individual artefacts. This field of investigation, so far scarcely
explored, is actually a surprisingly generous source of information.
4 A Case in Point: Libraries of Greek Intellectuals

in Venice and the Books of Gabriel Severos
With this ever-increasing interest in the organization and sociocultural contexts of
libraries, the libraries of the Greeks in the late Renaissance and Baroque periods are
still a field of research that deserves much closer attention.30 Compared to collections
belonging to Western intellectuals, these libraries offer a unique perspective, as they
allow for exploring not only the itineraries of books, texts and practices between East
and West, but also in particular the selection and uses of individual elements of their
own cultural tradition as well as of the surrounding ones.
In the culturally lively and international context of late Renaissance Venice, the
Greeks were actually not only actors in the process of book production or prominent
28 See Fedalto (2014). Also Lavenia (2014); Setti (2015). For an overview, see below Carpinato, 15–32.
29 Some example of collections reconstructed starting from modern libraries can be found in Braides/
Sciarra, below 285–305.
30 See in general Papakosta (2008).
figures in the book world as translators, editors in printing houses or promoters of

initiatives aimed at a Greek-speaking readership. Just as their Western contemporaries,
they were also passionate book owners and patrons. Some of them owned large collec-
tions: for example, Maximos Margounios (c. 1549–1602), bishop of Cythera, the most
distinguished and learned Greek ecclesiastic of this time, and Gabriel Severos (ante
1540–1616), Philadelphia’s metropolitan and head of the Greek Confraternity. Another
interesting figure we can mention in this context is the theologian Metrophanes Kri-
topoulos (1589–1639), a person closely associated with Kyrillos Loukaris and in 1636
elected patriarch of Alexandria. He assembled a huge book collection during his
journeys to various countries to meet with European Protestants: England, Germany,
Austria and also Venice, where he resided only a few years (1628–1630). Others pos-
sessed more modest libraries, like Ioannes Nathanael, scribe and chaplain of the
church of San Giorgio dei Greci.
The collections of Greek books belonging to Greek owners were constituted
according to principles that were very different from those that moved Western intel-
lectuals. Differences concern the choice of texts and, especially, the morphology and
the quality of the books themselves. In general, a more noticeable aspect of these
book collections is the minor presence of classical authors, particularly as regards the
poets, contrasting with their conspicuousness in Byzantine texts. In addition, we can
recognize a remarkable and comprehensible interest in the Church Fathers, in theolog-
ical treatises and philosophical texts, especially Aristotle and his commentators, but
also in Plato’s commentators and the Neoplatonists. In these collections, high-quality
books were not integrated as frequently. Occasionally, more than one exemplar of the
same text can be found, which were produced – as it seems – for different goals.31 All
of this reveals different cultural premises, approaches, purposes and uses.
Some of these libraries have been studied mainly as components of the larger
collections into which they were eventually incorporated. This is the case, for
instance, with the 19 manuscripts that belonged to Nathanael, purchased in Venice
on 1 March 1559 by the bibliophile, patron and sponsor Ulrich Fugger (1526–1584),
whose books later merged into the Bibliotheca Palatina in Heidelberg.32 Recently,
initial studies have been devoted to some of these libraries of the Greeks in Venice.
This is the case with the collection of the family Barelli (Βαρέλης, Varelis, Valeris),
originally from Corfu and member of the Confraternity,33 and with that of Maximos
Margounios,34 or with the slightly later ones of Thomas Flanginis, lawyer and mer-
chant from Corfu and benefactor of the Confraternity,35 and of Dionysios Pampos
31 On that, see below Elia, 53–54.

32 Christ (1919) 24; Lehmann (1956) 138–139. I warmly thank Erika Elia for providing me with these data.
33 See Martínez Manzano (2019). On Vasileios Valeris, Layton (1994) 494–499.
34 Zampakolas (2011–2012), with a rich bibliography. Also Layton (1994) 391 and 394 n. 25.
35 Maltezou (2008a). An investigation aimed at reconstructing Flangini’s library is currently being
carried out by Christos Zampakolas.
(Dioniso Babo in the Venetian documents),36 hieromonk of the church of Sant’An-

tonio di Castello, in whose school the famous Frankiskos Portos, as well as Mar-
gounios himself, had taught. Whatever the extent and relevance of such collections,
a reflection on the libraries’ textual and material contents appears necessary to
clarify which texts and which book forms are to be traced back to the collections
of the Greeks in Venice and what peculiar dynamics of book production and book
ownership can be observed in this context.
An entirely unique case study, due to the role of its possessor and its belonging
to a very distinct cultural milieu, is the library of Gabriel Severos, head of the Confra-
ternity of San Nicolò dei Greci and first Orthodox bishop in the lands of the Diaspora.
Severos’ library was quite well known among contemporaries for its richness and is
also documented by many iconographic and documentary sources. A recent inves-
tigation by the author, conducted at the Archive of the Hellenic Institute of Byzan-
tine and Post-Byzantine Studies in Venice and the State Archives of Venice and of
Turin, has made it possible to gather important information for its reconstruction.37
In fact, the possibility to reconstruct this notable book collection is a stroke of luck,
as it offers us now the rare opportunity to be admitted to one of the most considerable
libraries of Greek intellectuals in Venice.38
Severos was one of the most prominent personalities in the Greco-Venetian polit-
ical and cultural scene between the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century.39
After moving to Italy from Crete, Severos attended courses at the University of Padua,
like many Greeks of this period. In 1577, he was named Bishop with the title of Metro-
politan of Philadelphia in Lydia, but his seat was actually in Venice. In 1593, Severos
promoted the creation of a scuola di lettere greche e latine della nazione, in opposi-
tion to the Greek College of Sant’Atanasio in Rome, where Greeks were educated in
conformity with the Catholic Creed. A man of learning, a theologian and a strenuous
defender of Orthodoxy in opposition to the Latin Church, Severos was in contact with
first-rank figures in the religious and cultural life of his time.
After Severos’ death, the Confraternity put his books on sale to clear a substan-
tial debt he had left, thus dispersing the library. The documentary sources attest to
numerous sales campaigns, almost all of which are unknown to scholarship. The
most significant piece of information concerns the number of Greek books acquired
in 1619 by the Ambassador of Savoy for the Ducal Library: the registers of the Confra-
ternity mention 308 manuscripts, later included in the National University Library
(Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria [BNU]) in Turin. Before the losses caused by fire
36 Zampakolas (2009–2010).
37 Piccione (2017a; 2017b).
38 It will be useful to introduce here the very first results of this ongoing research on Severos’ library.
Because of its relevance, Severos’ library will be presented more in detail elsewhere. See below, Elia/
Piccione, 33–82.
39 Apostolopulos (2004).
in 1904, Severos’ library constituted over three quarters of the 405 Greek manuscripts
owned by the BNU.40 Consequently, the Greek manuscripts still held by the BNU are –
shall we say – a virtually homogeneous collection. The recent history of Severos’
library allows us to investigate the collection as a whole and to start a reflection on
the library’s intellectual project.
Severos’ collection has entirely different features from the libraries of Western
intellectuals. As regards the texts, alongside the large number of liturgical and church
books, whose presence is certainly not surprising, there are many secular works:
although the classics are not significantly represented, the presence of Byzantine
authors is, on the other hand, remarkable. Particularly noteworthy is the number of
philosophical texts, in particular of Aristotle and his commentators; these are often
heavily underlined and commented upon. What is likewise remarkable is the number
of books – often of a poor quality – bearing texts for practical uses, such as medical
handbooks. A number of manuscripts containing grammatical texts, including text-
books for the teaching of Greek in the West, is a somewhat unexpected presence in the
library of a learned man who was a native Greek speaker. Another significant element
is the books’ morphology: indeed, right in the middle of the printing era, Severos con-
tinued to have his closest collaborators, Neophytos Hierodiakonos and Nikolaos Myli-
otes, members of the Confraternity, make manuscripts for him. Additionally, some-
times even the metropolitan himself participated in the copying activity and copied
entire books. Within his collection we also find texts penned by poorly trained hands
with minimal graphic skills. Similar hands also wrote some letters and documents
that are now preserved in the metropolitan’s archive.
The operation of inventory and reorganisation of the books that can be traced
back to Severos’ library is at its very beginning. As far as we can say at this stage of
research, the collection seems to include mostly sixteenth-century books, in which
we can often recognize the handwriting of scribes active in Venice’s ateliers and of
figures that, as mentioned above, may be connected to the Confraternity’s environ-
ment. There are, however, significant exceptions, such as the well-known MS Taur.
B.I.2 (10th cent. ex.), a superbly illuminated codex from Constantinople, containing
Theodoret’s Commentaries on the Twelve Minor Prophets and called Dodechaprofito in
documentary sources regarding the manuscript.41 Thanks to such a significant pres-
ence of artefacts produced between the sixteenth and seventeenth century, a system-
atic investigation of Severos’ library allows for gathering further information on the
manuscript production of that period, whose actors are known to us from research
carried out in other collections. In addition, this investigation provides us with a priv-
ileged vantage point from which to observe dynamics and practices of book produc-
tion and use within the Confraternity and its sphere. At the current stage of research,
40 Eleuteri (1990).
41 See below Zampakolas, 307–325.
it does not seem warranted to suppose the existence, within Severos’ circle, of a
scriptorium-activity comparable to that undertaken in the monastic communities of
the Greek territories under Turkish rule.42 While the collected data allow us to recon-
struct a milieu that, in some specific features, recalls those of the closed monastic
communities, a crucial difference is that the one around Severos was a community
perfectly integrated within the cultural and confessional climate of its time.
Considering Severos’ library brings about a shift in perspective. Notwithstanding
the persisting centrality of the questions concerning the choice of texts that merged
into the collection and the dynamics of book production, it is now key to inquire into
the library’s uses and accessibility. Such an inquiry entails a reflection on the possi-
ble kinds of use of the collection and on the relationship between the library and its
readers within the broader context of the Confraternity and its activities. The presence
of textbooks for the teaching of Greek in the West seems to be an important piece of
evidence, suggesting a wider use of the library. In the case of Severos’ collection, it
seems that the functions of ‘private library’, on the one hand, and that of ‘library at
the service of an institution’, on the other, overlap to some degree.
Documentary sources and letters also yield useful information that help recon-
structing the dynamics of book production and use within the context of the Greeks
in Venice in the late Renaissance and Baroque period. From a 1596 letter addressed
to Nathanael Emboros, for instance, we learn that Margounios was searching for a
collaborator to help him in his copying activity.43 Similarly, Severos’ diaries44 record
numerous books transfers – purchases, sales, borrowings – and in some cases even
precise data on the costs of manuscripts and printed books. On 20 July 1614, for
example, Severos handed over to Father (παπᾶ κῦρ) Nikolaos Vlastos some books,
among which was a volume of Paul’s epistles (τὰς Ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ Παύλου, φράγγικα
καὶ ρωμαίϊκα), for twelve ducats.45 The volume would appear to be a bilingual edition –
in the lingua franca (Latin or a vernacular language) and Greek – of the writings attrib-
uted to Paul the Apostle, or possibly the apocryphal correspondence between Seneca
and Paul, which circulated widely in the Middle Ages and Renaissance. However, not
much more can be said about it, before further investigations are carried out. Even
more significantly, the diaries tell of the close contact Severos had with figures like
Nikolaos Choniates, from whose atelier quite a few of the manuscripts in his library
came. In September 1582, Severos records the expense of one scudo to send a boat to
Monemvasia, because of the books of Choniates (διὰ τὰ βιβλία τοῦ Χωνιάτου).46 In
the same diaries, he records a number of book sales to the scribe-merchant Andreas
42 See Agati (2010); Agati/Choulis (2020); Cacouros (2008; 2009).

43 This datum is recorded in Ciccolella, below, 157.
44 Manoussakas (1972); Panagiotopoulou K. (1976).
45 Panagiotopoulou K. (1976) 14 no. 32.
46 Manoussakas (1972) 42 no. 100, 55. See also Serventi (2008) 249–251.
Darmarios, in one case (20 February 1584) even reporting the list of the five manu-
scripts he had sold.47
The fortunate acquisition of the datum concerning the purchase of Severos’ Greek
manuscript collection, along with the information contained in the documentary
sources, grants us privileged access to an environment whose contours are still neb-
ulous. We encounter well-known figures such as Maximos Margounios, Emmanouel
Glyzounis, Andreas Darmarios, Nikolaos Choniates, whose profiles and positions in
the overall context of the time are slowly becoming more defined.
5 Research Perspectives
Emerging from the book and documentary data gathered so far, the picture of Greeks,
books and libraries in Renaissance Venice is a manifold composition, made up of
numerous details: requests, purchases and exchanges of books, copying practices,
exemplars borrowed from other libraries;48 Greeks who are far more than simple
text transmitters or instruments in text transmission; relations among men of learn-
ing and of men of learning with the political and ecclesiastical authority and with
Europe, and much more.
A structured reflection on these data may enable us not only simply to recount a
part of book history and histories of books, but, even better, to reconstruct sociocul-
tural practices and classify the actors relevant in this context. Even more significantly,
in particular with regard to book collections belonging to learned Greeks, the data
gleaned from texts, books and libraries enable us to inquire into the dynamics of the
transcultural processes experienced by the Diaspora. With a view to an environment
marked by a lively socio-political, religious and intellectual exchange between Greeks
and Non-Greeks, it is of great interest to understand how cultural practices and their
material manifestations were influenced by this constant and long-standing cultural
exchange: Which parts of the cultural tradition were kept, altered, or adapted, and
which, if any, were discarded altogether? How were scholarship, education, and train-
ing transformed? What might answers to these questions tell us about likely scenarios
of cultural appropriation, amalgamation, or segregation with regard to learned Dias-
pora communities in general? In short, following these promising avenues of research
will enable us progressively to add tesserae to a still incomplete mosaic, allowing for
the possibility of comprehensively mapping Greeks, Books and Libraries in Renais
sance Venice, thereby highlighting the intricate cultural dynamics of intellectual dias-
poras past and present.
47 Manoussakas (1972) 39 no. 83.

48 See below Mazzon, 259–283.
1 Greeks and Greek Books in Renaissance Venice
Caterina Carpinato
Venice in the Time of Gavriil Seviros (before
1540–1616): People, Books, Languages and
Images. Dialogue with Greeks (and with Greek)
I would love to be able to make a tapestry or a conceptual map, or better still create
a multimedia site, to open a window on the Venice of Seviros’ time, visiting virtually
the places where he lived as an Orthodox intellectual brought here from Crete in the
entourage of Giacomo Foscarini late in 1577, when he was 36 or 37 years old, and where
he remained for nearly all the rest of his life. Just a few months before his arrival, the
first votive pontoon bridge had been thrown over the Giudecca canal to the Redentore
(church of the Redeemer), whose construction – as a thanks-offering for the end of
the plague epidemic – had been entrusted to Andrea di Pietro della Gondola, known
as Palladio (1508–1580). The plague had scythed through the Venetian population,
killing indiscriminately the young and the old, the haves and the have-nots. Among
the victims (perhaps 50,000 – a third of the city) was the great Titian, the Republic’s
best-loved painter. And shortly after he arrived, Seviros witnessed a devastating fire
at the Ducal Palace, in the night of 20th December 1577, which destroyed a large part
of the state archives, along with masterworks celebrating the glories of Venice by Gio-
vanni Bellini, Mantegna, Titian himself, and the ascendant Tintoretto, now the offi
cial painter at the Scuola of San Rocco, the patron saint of plague victims.
The Venice that Seviros chose as his home had also recently hosted his contempo-
rary, the Cretan Dominikos Theotokopoulos (1541–1614), who left for Spain – where he
would find fame as El Greco – just as the former arrived: if they failed to intersect, it is
more than likely that the artist’s name was still on the lips of the Greek community.1
Their paths may in any case have crossed on Seviros’ earlier visit to La Serenissima,
between 1572 and 1573. Although I have been able to find no record of a meeting, it is
easy to imagine that they would have heard of each other through Antonios Vassilakis
(l’Aliense, 1556–1629), pupil of Veronese and friend of Tintoretto, who was a diligent
member of the Greek Confraternity from 1600 or so; or again from the Cretan painter
Michail Damaskinòs (1530/1535–1592/1593),2 his near contemporary, who was active
in Venice between 1577 and 1582. When Seviros moved to the Lagoon on a perma-
nent basis, another illustrious Cretan had only recently died: Frankiskos Leontaritis
(1518–1572), the Maestro di Cappella at St Mark’s Basilica (nearly all trace of whom
1 During his time in Venice, Theotokopoulos was introduced into the wealthiest and most cultivated
circles in the city, thanks largely to his connection with the old Cretan aristocratic Calliergi family,
who were well established in Venetian society. On the Calliergi in Venice, see Panagiotakis (1968); on
El Greco and the Calliergi, see most recently Terribile (2018).
2 Constantoudaki-Kitromilidou (1999) and (2002).
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-002
16 Caterina Carpinato
had been lost until the rediscovery of his works at the end of the last century by Niko-
laos M. Panagiotakis).3 Back then, however, Leontaritis’ musical talents would surely
have been remembered in the city, especially among the Greeks, particularly those of
Cretan extraction.
When Seviros docked in Venice, the reigning doge was the recently-elected,
though ageing, Sebastiano Venier (1496–1578), admiral of the Venetian contingent
at Lepanto in 1571. The new arrival may well have listened to a speech delivered by
the Cypriot man-of-letters Iason Denores (c. 1530–1590)4 – whom we will meet again
later – in support of the refugees who had been forced to leave Cyprus after its fall to
the Turks (Oratione di Iason Denores al Serenissimo Principe di Venezia Sebastiano
Veniero, Padua 1578).5 Dating from this period is Tintoretto’s full-length portrait of
Venier in full armour at the time of his famous victory, with scenes from the great
sea-battle in the background, now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.
As mentioned above, Seviros had visited the Lagoon earlier in the decade, when
he served as chaplain, from 1573, at San Giorgio dei Greci, while studying at Padua
together with the Cretans Meletios Pigàs (1549–1601) – subsequently orthodox patriarch
at Alexandria and uncle of the Protestant patriarch Kyrillos Loukaris (1572–1638)6 – and
Maximos Margounios (1549–1602), both strong opponents of Union with the Roman
Catholic Church.7 Also among his circle of friends at that time were Daniìl Furlàn, a
student of medicine and the Greek language (born in Crete at an unknown date and
died there in 1596) and the Vicenza botanist Onorio Belli (mid-16th–c. 1604), who, while
studying in Crete and hunting herbs and medicinal extracts, had penned a manuscript
in which he recorded, inter alia, a number of ancient monuments that are now irrev-
ocably lost.8 All these, along with the brightest and the best of the youth of the day,
frequented the house and the huge library of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535–1601),9 where
none other than Galileo Galilei lodged from 1592 until the death of his host.
During that first stay in Venice and Padua, Seviros also came into contact with the
friends of Martin Crusius (1526–1607),10 the Tübingen theologian and classicist, with
whom he established a long-lasting epistolary relationship. Years later, when Seviros
3 Panagiotakis (1990a).
4 Panagiotakis (1985); Nicolaou-Konnari (2009). For an overview on Cyprus during the Renaissance
see Arbel et al. (2012).
5 Reprint in Panagiotakis † (1998) 299–312.
6 Nosilia/Prandoni (2015). See also some interesting pages in Burke P. (2016) 97–113.
7 In the 18th century Giovanni Lami (1754) published Seviros’ correspondence with Pigàs, Margouni-
os and other Greeks through which we can trace the network of interpersonal relationships and the
religious and cultural context in which they evolved.
8 Beschi (2000).
9 On Pinelli’s library see Raugei (2018).
10 On Protestant relations with Greek culture: Eideneier (1994a; 1994b; 1994c); Moennig (1997); Ben
Tov (2009) and (2013). On Crusius and his manuscripts: Widmann (1957); Wilhelmi (1980); Harlfinger/
Barm (1989) 411–413 nos. 200–201; Wilhelmi (2002); Toufexis (2005).
Venice in the Time of Gavriil Seviros (before 1540–1616) 17
was a leading player in the cultural life of his adopted city, Crusius wrote to him
asking if he could procure texts in vernacular Greek on his behalf, and explain some
passages he had been unable to decipher. Seviros, by then busily engaged in more
weighty matters, replied with the affection of an old friend, if not quite as promptly as
the German might have wished.11
But now, in late 1577, Seviros had been obliged to return to Venice because Giacomo
Foscarini (1523–1604),12 who had played an important triple role in Candia (General
Superintendent, Mayor and Inquisitor), wanted him back in the city. Wise in the ways
of the world, Foscarini feared (not without reason) that the Orthodox prelate, with
his keen intelligence and command of dogma, would be capable of establishing too
strong a power-base in Venice-dominated Crete – too dangerous in an era of religious
wars, Counter-Reformation and ever more pronounced interference from the Jesuits
and the Roman Church in Venice itself, and by extension in Crete. Seviros’ efforts to
create a Greek Orthodox episcopate (independent of the Union) in the most important
of Venice’s overseas possessions was too risky for the balance which Venice was trying
to maintain on the island, which in the wake of the fall of Cyprus to the Turks (1571)
appeared increasingly vulnerable to Ottoman invasion.13 It was also essential to curb
any excessive religious independence on the part of the Republic’s eastern subjects,
not least on account of delicate relations between Venice and the Vatican.
When in the following year (1578) Niccolò da Ponte (1491–1585) – whose mother
was Greek – succeeded Sebastiano Venier, among his first measures was a ducal
degree exempting Greeks from the jurisdiction of the Latin bishops: a further Vene-
tian coup de main against the ambitions of the Church of Rome, reinforcing the
Republic’s determination to maintain its autonomy of religious jurisdiction.14 Given
the changed political situation, and perhaps counting on a greater openness to dia-
logue with the Greeks on the new doge’s part, Seviros sought permission to return to
Crete; his request was rejected by the Council of Ten, but the Republic awarded him
11 Crusius (1584) 523–525, 530–531, 534–535. Letter from Seviros to Crusius, 15 May 1585: Accipe
Chartulam Barbarograecorum vocabulorum interpretationes continentem [...]. See the passage in Tur
cograeciae, VII, 494–495: De Barbarograecie auctoribus (inquit) propter saevissimam Venetiis pestem
gratificari nondum potui. Dabo tamen operam per amicos ut per D. Gabrielem aliquid acquirant: qui
est ex Diaconis Georgii Graecorum ibi templi praecipuis: vir latinograece (ut loquuntur) satis peritus,
cum ibi versarer, meus. Praeter hunc non puto aliquem alium alicuius momenti Graecum esse. Qui nec
ipse quidem magnifit inter Italos: Graecae religionis parum amantes, et linguae graecae imperitissimos.
Unus est in Academia Patavina, Emanuel Margunius Cretensis iuvenis doctissimus. Ex Epistol. Octob. 8.
Nihildum barbarograecum (inquit) licet opera data sit conquisitum est. Nec mirum. Nullus enim Graeca
rum literarum, in Italia tota cultus est: ac ne Latinarum quidem. Solae florent artes et scientiae lucrosae.
Itaque in bibliopoliis Graecorum auctorum summa est ab Aldo mortuo penuria.
12 See Zago (1997).
13 On the disputes between Latin and Orthodox Churches in Crete in the mid-16th century, see Pana-
giotakis † (2009) 13.
14 Setti (2015).
a substantial sum of money in compensation. He would later be allowed to visit the

island for limited periods on two occasions (in 1581–1582 and 1586–1587). Although he
kept the title of Metropolitan of Philadelphia, he was in effect La Serenissima’s other –
Greek Orthodox – patriarch, the spiritual shepherd of the Republic’s Greek-speaking
subjects in its still important possessions in the Adriatic and the Aegean. It would be
no easy task for Seviros and his schismatic contemporaries, some even with Refor-
mation leanings, to maintain smooth relations with the Roman Church. Among the
best known of these we need mention only the Cretan Frankiskos Portos (1511–1581),
who had taught Greek at Modena, Ferrara, and, from 1554 to 1560, in Venice, before
moving on to Chiavenna and thence to Geneva.15 Some Greeks had certainly felt the
appeal of the new spiritual movements: one thinks of Andronikos Noukios, copyist,
editor and traveller, born in Corfu towards the end of the 15th century and probably
dying in the 1550s – also the translator of Aesop’s fables into modern Greek16 – who
revealed his appetite for religious reform by translating The Free Will (La tragedia del
libero arbitrio, 1546)17 a play by the Bassano Protestant Francesco Negri,18 again into
contemporary learned Greek, and coming out against any union with the Church of
Rome and the conciliatory religious stance adopted by some members of the Greek
community. We might also remember the Corfiot Ioannikios Kartanos, who in 1536
published a Greek vernacular version of the Fioretto di tutta la Bibbia historiato
(under the title Παλαιά τε και Νέα Διαθήκη),19 and was accused of heresy by Pacho-
mios Rousanos, Arsenios Apostolis and Dionisios Zanettinos. The Greek community
of Seviros’ time was riven with theological dissension, stoked not only by the precar-
ious cohabitation with the so-called Latins, but by the new religious and spiritual
climate ushered in by the 95 Theses (1517) and exacerbated by the Council of Trent.
Luther, Melanchthon, Martin Crusius and the Protestant theologians were busy trans-
lating the sacred texts of Christianity directly from the Greek, and had established
connections with Greek-speaking intellectuals. From the mid-16th century, Greek and
Greeks enjoyed a new renaissance in the Reformation countries, which was in many
ways different from the humanist classical retrievals of the previous century in Italy.
Graecia transvolavit Alpes, as Melanchthon succinctly observed, and this was thanks
to the movement not only of books but also of Greek-speaking individuals who found
a warm, even profitable, welcome in the new Protestant centres. Hence Moeller’s
adage “Ohne Humanismus keine Reformation”.20
Seviros, with his diplomatic gifts and his experience in managing interconfes-
sional relations, did his best to protect the Orthodox rite in an atmosphere of increas-
15 Manoussakas/Panagiotakis (1981); Reverdin/Panagiotakis (1995); Kaklamanis (1985).

16 Carpinato (2003) 395–398.
17 Panagiotopoulou M. (1991).
18 Barbieri (1997).
19 Kakoulidi Panou (2000).
20 Moeller (1972) 36.
ing hostility to other creeds.21 He did not altogether succeed, for all his efforts, and
even had to endure a spell (1588–1589) in chains in the fearsome damp prisons of the
Ducal Palace, accused of spying for the Ottomans.22
He was, however, able to defend the position of the schismatic Greeks against
the assaults of such as the traditionalist Jesuit Antonio Possevino (1533–1611),23 who
thought the Greek Orthodox beliefs heretical; and he maintained friendly relations
with Cardinal Roberto Bellarmino (1542–1621). His conciliatory diplomatic stance was
not always welcomed by his own side: acrimonious theological disputes with his erst-
while friends Maximos Margounios and Meletios Pigàs are well documented. Seviros,
a natural mediator, was ready to broker an agreement between the Roman and Eastern
Churches over the reform of the calendar proposed by Pope Gregory XIII in the bull
Inter Gravissimas (1584) – never accepted and vigorously contested by the Orthodox
Church.24 He was inclined too to go along with the new system for calculating the
year, based on the theories of Copernicus, but would not allow Roman interference in
the matter of divorce, which was, as we know, permissible in the Eastern Church. The
not uncommon mixed marriages between Latins and Greeks, were often unhappy and
shortlived, and could result in complex and challenging civil proceedings.25
Like in an imaginary interview or a Borges-style dialogue between the past and
the present, I will try to describe briefly the Venice in which Seviros settled in 1577,
framing a few questions on behalf of those who, while delving into the codices of
their chosen library, feel the need to look more deeply into the context in the midst of
which lived the original owner of a significant part of the Greek manuscript collection
now held by the National Library at Turin. An intellectual exercise, by way of intro-
duction, under eight heads.
What was the Venice of Seviros’ time like? What books were circulating? What
was being written, what printed, and what still being copied by hand? What kind of
music did Gavriil Seviros’ contemporaries listen to? Who were the leading figures out
and about on the streets and canals, and who did they stop and talk to? What lan-
guage, or languages, would they have spoken, or written and published in – Venice
being the most cosmopolitan capital in the world of the time? What images and ico-
nography captured the glories, the power, the economic and political prestige of the
Republic? What were the relations between the various Greeks of the day, and what
efforts were being made to recover or revive the culture of Ancient Greece?
The answers to some of these questions can be found in Venice Described (Venetia,
città nobilissima et singolare, descritta in XII libri) by Francesco Sansovino (1521–1586),
a sort of encyclopaedia of the city containing detailed accounts of its churches, palaces,
21 Podskalsky (1988).
22 Maltezou (2004).
23 See also Piccione (2017a).
24 Fedalto (2004).
25 Setti (2014) and (2015).
works of art, as well as of personalities, customs and events up to 1581 (and on to

1663 in Giustiniano Martinioni’s continuation).26 This is an extraordinary – and very
well-known – contemporary guide, with an important section dedicated to libraries
and bookshops (Bk. VIII, On Public Buildings) – a mine of valuable information, now,
thanks to digital technology. Manoussos Manoussakas,27 and more recently Stathis
Birtachas28 and Dimitris G. Apostolopulos,29 have tried to provide some answers on
the Greek presence in Venice in Seviros’ day, publishing a series of learned papers and
opening up further lines of enquiry. More specific information, not least on the life of
the Archbishop of Philadelphia himself, can be dug out of Seviros’ correspondence
with Greek intellectuals of the day. Perusing the letters sent to him by others, we find,
to give one example, that Giovanni Sozomeno30 took pride in teaching Greek to Non-
Greeks but hoped at the same time that the Greeks themselves would make the effort
to (re)learn the Greek of the ancients. Giovanni Lami, back in 1744, transcribed and
published these letters, now also accessible on our screens through the good offices
of Google Books.31 The opportunity of getting inside these sixteenth-century lives is
there within our reach, then, though naturally requiring a measure of linguistic exper-
tise and historical sensibility to make the most of it.32
A broad overview of the cultural and religious life of Venice at the time when
Seviros was assembling his library is a prerequisite for positioning the collection of
Greek manuscripts in the Turin University Library in a proper historical context. To
study and understand Seviros’ library33 it is not only essential to examine the indi-
vidual physical peculiarities of each manuscript, the identifiable characteristics
of individual hands, the works they contain, but it is also necessary to co-ordinate
interdisciplinary research so as to allow us to reconstruct the ambience within which
Seviros operated, framing the cultural, political and religious life of the age in order
to explain the rationale behind certain choices and certain presences, to suggest the
reasons for certain absences, and finally to assess the importance of the collection,
which has been preserved more or less intact, albeit far from the Lagoon. The history
of the Greek community in Venice, and particularly during Seviros’ time, is well-
documented and has been much studied, mainly by Greek-language scholars, who
have plundered the Venetian archives to reconstruct individual human stories, public
and private events, locating forgotten documents among the crowded shelves of files
26 Sansovino/Martinioni (1663).
27 Manoussakas (1973).
28 Birtachas (2002) 105–110.
29 Apostolopulos (2004).
30 Giovanni Sozomeno, a Veneto-Greek, was appointed supervisor of the printing presses from 13
April 1614. See Brown (1891) 223; Rudt De Collenberg (1990).
31 <https://books.google.it/books/about/Gabrielis_Severi_et_aliorum_graecorum_re.htm-
l?id=3kurFiy4w8EC&redir_esc=y> (seen 15.2.2020).
32 Fykas (2008).
33 Piccione (2017b).
conscientiously compiled by La Serenissima over several hundred years of governing

its Hellenic territories, and still today held in Venice, not without reason described as
the safedeposit box of the history and memories of early modern Greece.
The Venetian sojourn of Gavriil Seviros spanned nearly four decades, during
which the public life of the city was distinguished by the contemporaneous activities
of a number of political players of the first rank, among them the already-mentioned
Sebastiano Venier, co-victor of Lepanto and subsequently doge, and his successor in
that role, the energetic Niccolò da Ponte, who enjoyed close ties with the now thor-
oughly assimilated Greek community (his mother was Greek from Constantinople).
Seviros’ pastoral and intellectual career continued through further five dogados: da
Ponte was succeeded by Pasquale Cicogna (1585–1595), again the son of a Greek mother,
and with close ties to the island of Crete, where he had lived for many years from 1567
and served in a series of administrative roles; then Marino Grimani (1595–1605), related
to the aristocratic Cretan Calliergi family. Grimani was followed (from 1606 to 1612)
by the austere Leonardo Donà, who with his friend and ally Paolo Sarpi (1552–1623),
steered the Republic through the tense stand-off with Pope Paul V, expelling the Jesuits
from Venice (until 1655). Seviros outlived by a year his near contemporary Marcantonio
Memmo (1612–1615), to die during the dogeship of Giovanni Bembo (1615–1618).
This was a period when in the interests of religious and political propaganda the
city was commissioning the workshops of such masters as Tintoretto, l’Aliense and
Veronese to decorate its churches and palaces. While the construction of new public
and private buildings was entrusted to architects and engineers like the Lugano-born
Antonio Contin (1566–1600), who assisted his grandfather Antonio da Ponte on the
Rialto Bridge and himself threw the Bridge of Sighs over the Canonica Canal, linking
the Ducal Palace to the New Prisons. Also born and trained in these years was the
future major architect of Baroque Venice,34 Baldassarre Longhena (1596/1597–1682),
the archistar responsible for the Madonna della Salute church and the Scuola dei
Carmini, but also for the private residence of a distinguished pupil of Maximos Mar-
gounios, Thomas Flanginis (1578–1648). It was thanks to a generous bequest from the
latter that the Collegio Flangini was built near the church of San Giorgio dei Greci
(itself completed in 1573), again to a design by Longhena, on a site where in 1593
Seviros had been able to open a convent school for educating young Greek girls.
Another construction from Seviros’ time is the campanile in the Campo dei Greci
(between 1587 and 1603), a belltower that now presides at a distinct angle over the
area housing the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies and the
seat of the Orthodox Metropolitan of Italy and Malta, the contemporary successors of
institutions already taking shape in Seviros’ day.
34 For the atmosphere of the city during this age see Branca/Ossola (1991); Cozzi (1995) and Tiepolo/
Tonetti (2002). Not very useful the recent volume of Burke E. C. (2016); see also Piccione (2018). See
also recent studies in Fedalto/D’Antiga (2018).
When Seviros quit his earthly life, he was not actually in Venice but in Dalmatia –
he died during a pastoral visit to Lesina (Hvar), while he was on his way to Zakynthos.
His remains were brought back to the Lagoon, an appropriate funeral oration was
pronounced, praising his human and religious virtues, and a tomb erected inside San
Giorgio dei Greci – one of Longhena’s earliest recorded works as it happens. At this
stage the young sculptor-architect was still respectful of Palladio’s correct and classi-
cal forms, the restrained architectural lines of the 16th century, but he and his school
would soon be promoting a new mode of seeing, exuberant, showy, convoluted, facing
life and death head-on (their decoration mixed putti, fruit and flowers with skulls and
grotesques). Not content with an academically scrupulous repetition of the tradition,
Longhena would become the leading interpreter of Venetian Baroque. During Seviros’
later Venetian years, in art, as in literature, the classics and the ancient Greek world
lost a large part of the relevance and prestige they had laboriously regained in the
previous century. The ancient world as an allegory of the present still had a certain
vigour, but the time had come when it could clearly no longer claim any objective
application, or unquestioning obeisance. Between the late 16th century and the first
years of the 17th century, the political and religious climate had changed, and earlier
enthusiasms for the heritage of the ancients no longer seemed helpful to the pro-
grammes necessary for the times.
But to return to the time of Seviros’ arrival in Venice: this occurred in the immediate
aftermath of two major perils, for the time being held in check but still threatening –
the Ottoman advances and the Black Death. The former increasingly circumscribed
Venice’s role in the eastern Mediterranean while the fear of further plague outbreaks
had by no means vanished. The plague of 1575–1577, recently overcome, was still
being exorcised with songs and dances, and with a new ritual of annually opening
a pontoon bridge across the Giudecca Canal to give thanks for the city’s delivery at
the new Redentore Church. This ceremony is performed even today, on the Saturday
preceding the third Sunday of July. Meanwhile, although the fall of Cyprus in 1571 had
been to some extent (temporarily) cushioned by the great naval victory at Lepanto,
the loss of an important Mediterranean base stoked fears of further attacks on Vene-
tian territories in other parts of the Aegean, just as the joy at halting the plague did not
extinguish fears of its possible return, or anxiety over other diseases for which cures
had yet to be found, notwithstanding the expertise of the much-in-demand graduates
from the celebrated medical school at Padua. Many other physicians of the day also
achieved renown, of course, not least on account of renewed contact with the writ-
ings of Hippocrates and Galen. Further specialists sought out medicinal herbs from
the East and from the Aegean islands, particularly Crete, many having acquired their
botanical expertise from the study of Dioscorides.
It was also the period immediately following the Counter-Reformation Council of
Trent, when the Jesuits, during the papacy of Gregory XIII (1572–1585), and even more
during that of Clement VIII (1592–1605), began to intervene forcefully in Venetian
affairs, causing friction not only with the Venetian political and religious authorities,
but with exponents of other faiths who had hitherto been allowed to worship more or
less freely in the city. Religious controversy was not limited to Catholics and Protes-
tants, or to new heresies preoccupying the Church of Rome, but also involved the
Eastern or Orthodox Church, the so-called Greek Nation. A Greek College of St Atha-
nasius had been active in Rome since 1576 with the scope of educating young Greeks
in the principles of the Roman Catholic Church.35 A certain number of Greek-speaking
men and women from the Venetian territories were already Catholics or of Catholic
tendency, while the remainder were Orthodox schismatics, like Seviros, and recog-
nised the authority of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. It should also
be remembered that the Orthodox Patriarch played an important role as a political
intermediary in the Ottoman capital, as well as being the spiritual father of the Chris-
tian community. The Orthodox Greeks living in Venice (who often felt a certain affinity
with Lutherans and Calvinists) were viewed with a degree of suspicion by the author-
ities, and Seviros himself, as we have seen, was accused of complicity with the Turks,
spending some uncomfortable months in the Piombi, the damp and insanitary prisons
(in accordance with the punitive usages of the time) alongside the Ducal Palace.
Seviros’ Venetian decades coincided with a busy period for the printing houses,
who found themselves producing texts for a rather different public than that of the pre-
vious generation. If the publishers were fewer than in the glory days of the earlier 16th
century, the Venetian cultural industry was manifestly thriving. New works were emerg-
ing, that would spur further cultural innovation, among them the Ecatommiti (editio
princeps 1565) of Giovan Battista Giraldi Cinzio (1504–1573); treatises on language and
the theatre; the works of Luigi Groto (1541–1585); collections of Petrarch’s poems; reli-
gious verse plays; the pastoral poetry which would make a significant contribution
to the renaissance of European drama and to a different approach to verse-making.
Nor were such Veneto-Cretan dramatists as Georgios Chortatsis (c. 1550–c. 1610) and
Vitsentsos Kornaros (1553–1613/1614), to whom we owe some of the greatest works of
Cretan literature, or their contemporaries, immune to the trends of the time. Interest
in the Greek classics was no longer as keen as it had been in the first half of the 16th
century, or at least it was no longer a matter of uncritical devotion, but had become a
sort of dialogue/comparison on equal terms – an attempt to evaluate and deploy the
heritage of the ancients for modern educational and/or recreational ends. One might
mention, for example, the Jesuit Paolo Beni (b. Crete c. 1552, d. Padua 1625) who, in
his Comparatione di Homero, Virgilio e Torquato (1607) set Ariosto and Tasso against
Homer and Virgil, or an extravagant and encyclopaedic writer like Tommaso Garzoni
(1549–1589), who assessed his contemporary world through a utilitarian reading of the
classics under such titles as Il theatro dei vari e diversi cervelli mondani, in La piazza
universale di tutte le professioni del mondo (1583).36 Again, consider the Vicenza Acca-
35 Fyrigos (1983).
36 Garzoni (1583).
demia Olimpica’s venture in putting on Sophocles’s Oedipus Rex in 1585 in a vernacu-

lar version (hendecasyllables and septenarii) by Orsatto Giustiniani (1538–1608, who
was from a noble family connected with Euboea) – with Luigi Groto in the lead role.
This was not just a tribute to the genius of the ancients but a response to the members’
desire to modernise and continue to find enjoyment in the past.37
The possession of a library was certainly still an indication of high social status,
and yet there also existed from the second half of the 16th century an increasing con
sumer publishing sector, which responded to a great variety of needs and enabled a wid-
ening reading public to obtain books on any number of subjects. Books circulated on
the venereal diseases that afflicted many citizens, with tips on how to protect oneself
from the morbo gallico (syphilis) – such as a chapter in the second volume of De morbo
gallico quae omnia extant apud omnes medicos cujuscunque nationis (first published
in Venice by Ziletti in 1566), which was written by Benedetto Rinio (1485–1565) and
dedicated to Antonios Coccos, Archbishop of Corfu (from 1565 until 1577), an island
from which the Venetians imported aromatic and medicinal herbs, colour pigments
and raisins. Popular booklets of culinary recipes were also printed, and not only those
of the then famous Domenico Romoli nicknamed Panonto (La singolar dottrina, editio
princeps 1560) but also of the Bologna doctor Baldassare Pisanelli (Trattato della
natura de’ cibi e del bere, nel quale non solo tutte le virtu & i vitij di quelli minutamente
si palesano, ma anco i rimedij per correggere i loro difetti copiosamente s’insegnano,
tanto nell’apparecchiarli per l’uso quanto nell’ordinare il modo di riceverli. Distinto in un
vago e bellissimo partimento, tutto ripieno della dottrina de’ più celebrati medici & filo
sofi con molte belle historie naturali, In Venetia: appresso Giovanni Alberti, 1586). Not
to mention printed anthologies of humorous and fantastic tales in popular settings,
aimed at a less sophisticated public, and chivalric epics, sometimes in macaronic
verse, like those celebrating the exploits of a soldier of fortune, one Manoli Blessi,38
the swashbuckling hero invented by Antonio da Molin (or Molino)39 on the model of
the Stradioti – Greek or Albanian mercenaries in the service of La Serenissima,40 who
also earn a mention in Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata (I, L [393–400]):
37 Mazzoni (2013).
38 As a renowned poet, as well as actor and musician, many of the verses written by Molino were
set to music by other composers such as Gabrieli, Merulo, Padovano, Porta, de Rore, de Wert and
Willaert. He was himself multi-talented and could sing, act, dance and play a number of instruments.
Apparently a multilingual performer, Molino recited poetry in a variety of dialects and is thought to
be one of the first, if not the first, to do so. Gabrieli’s collection of Greghesche et iustiniane contained
fifteen poems by Molino, are now online: <https://www.allmusic.com/artist/antonio-molino-aka-
manoli-blessi-mn0001648246> (seen 15.2.2020). Manoli Blessi was a hero like El Ingenioso Hidalgo
Don Quijote de la Mancha.
39 Crimi G. (2011); on da Molin in a Greek context, see Vincent (1973) 113–117; Panagiotakis (1989;
1990b); Panagiotakis (1992) 345–361.
40 Birtachas (2012; 2018).
Venian dietro duecento in Grecia nati, | che son quasi di ferro in tutto scarchi: | pendon spade
ritorte a l’un de’ lati | suonano al tergo lor faretre ed archi; | asciutti hanno i cavalli, al corso usati
| a la fatica invitti, al cibo parchi; | ne l’assalir son pronti e nel ritirarsi | e combatton fuggendo
erranti e sparsi.
The existence of tomes on physical exercise and gymnastics such as that written by
Girolamo Mercuriale (1530–1606)41 entitled De arte Gymnastica apud antiquos cele
berrima nostris temporibus ignorata (Venice, Giunta, 1569) might suggest that Seviros’
times had something in common with our own. Mercuriale was part of the intellectual
circle of the humanist Gian Vincenzo Pinelli and a student of Galen and Hippocrates.
He was also the author of work on the plague (De pestilentia, 1577), despite his practical
efforts to combat the 1575 outbreak in Venice having proved something of a disaster.
The extravagant production of printed texts, translations, pamphlets on this and
that, maps and portolans, illustrated travel accounts in the vernacular, more or less
scientific herbaria, manuals for warding off the evil eye or the devil himself – such as
the Compendio dell’arte essorcistica (1576) by the exorcist friar minor Girolamo Menghi
(1529–1609)42 – books of anatomy, like Il uero modo et ordine, per dissegnar tutte le parti et
membra del corpo humano (Venice, Sadeler, 1608) illustrated by Odoardo Fialetti, testify
to how the printing revolution had actually transformed society, creating a new breed of
popular intellectuals alert to the possibilities of a burgeoning middlebrow market.
But this was also a period when Pope Clement VIII was pressuring the Republic
to adopt his new edition of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum (the Indice Clementino,
1596) and have printers and booksellers swear an oath of obedience to the ecclesiasti-
cal authorities. Giacomo Foscarini, the instigator of Seviros’ translation to the Lagoon,
campaigned, together with the future doge Leonardo Donà (1536–1612), to dissuade
his holiness from proceeding. The said Antonio da Molin, nicknamed il Burchiella,
dedicated his poem I fatti e le prodezze di Manoli Blessi (published in Venice in 1561)
to Giacomo Contarini, the very rich and cultivated friend of Galileo, who was born in
Nicosia in 1536 and died in Venice in 1595.43
Alongside the new consumers of books and ready knowledge, there continued
of course to exist such figures as Seviros’ friend from his younger days, the above-
mentioned Gian Vincenzo Pinelli, whose huge library comprised on his death some
9,000 printed books and hundreds of manuscripts. Pinelli’s collection incidentally
contained a catalogue of Greek manuscripts that Francesco Patrizi (1529–1597)44 had
brought to Italy from Cyprus, where he had been in the service of Giorgio Contarini
and secretary to the Archbishop of Nicosia, Filippo Mocenigo (1524–1586).45
41 Capparoni (1928).
42 Dall’Olio (2009).
43 Zorzi M. (1987) 184–187; Hochmann (1987).
44 Castelli (2002).
45 Skoufari (2012).
In this proliferation of printed publications and new editorial ventures, but also
in the continuing hand-copying of manuscripts, the Greek community played no
small part, both as editors and as translators and promoters of cultural initiatives
aimed at the Greek-speaking public. An enduring Greek bestseller was a volume enti-
tled Βιβλίον πρόχειρον τοις πάσιν, περιέχον την τετρακτικήν αριθμητικήν ή μάλλον
ειπείν την λογαριαστικήν, first printed in Venice in 1568, and intended for the math-
ematical education of generations of Hellenophones, the Greek-speaking commu-
nity in Venice and around. One wonders if this publication met with the approval of
the mathematician Francesco Barozzi (1537–1604),46 born and raised in Crete, who
was much concerned with mathematics and the young, as is clear from his transla-
tion of the Nobilissimo et antiquissimo giuoco pythagoreo nominato Rythmomachia,
cioè battaglia de consonanti e de numeri, ritrovato per utilità & solazzo degli studiosi,
et al presente […] in lingua volgare in modo di paraphrasi composto, published in
Venice by Gratioso Perchacino (c. 1510/1530–c. 1610) in 1572. Under the porticos of St
Mark’s Square, in the Mercerie, at San Polo, Santa Maria Formosa, San Fantin, in the
calli round the Rialto, at the Bragora near the Campo dei Greci, itinerant booksellers
hawked sacred and profane pamphlets, consisting of a few pages on cheap paper,
serving an ever wider and more varied public.47 These might include fyllades, politi-
cal verse booklets in demotic Greek, or pocket dictionaries like the Corona Preciosa,
originally published in the first half of the 16th century by the Nicolini da Sabbio,
but frequently reprinted and marketed by other publishers who set up shop in those
years. At the same time, Greeks like Manolis Glyzounios (1540–1596) were actively
engaged in producing printed works for Greek-speakers.48
But when Seviros published his doctrinal essay on the tenets of the Eastern
Church, he entrusted the work to the doge’s official printer, Antonio Pinelli, at Santa
Maria Formosa, close enough to the Campo dei Greci. Pinelli, one of the city’s leading
printers, had taken over the businesses of a number of other Venetian printers and
in 1603 had reprinted Nikolaos Loukanis’ Greek vernacular translation of the Iliad
(editio princeps 1526). His workshop employed at least twelve Greek proofreaders,
among whom were a number of prominent figures in the community of the calibre
of Maximos Margounios to name but one. Pinelli also printed the works of Andrea
Morosini (1558–1618), official historian to La Serenissima. The bilateral relationship
46 Barozzi is a well-known figure; his notable library of Greek manuscripts has been kept since 1629
in the Bodleian Library. Less well-known, alas, is the work of Nikolaos M. Panagiotakis, documenting
Barozzi’s significant intellectual activity in the Crete of his time, no doubt because only available to
scholars able to access the Greek language bibliography. See the excellent contribution Panagiotakis
(1974). On Barozzi see also Tsiknakis (2003). Barozzi penned an accurate description of Crete in 1577–
1578: this work was published for the first time by Kaklamanis (2004).
47 Grendler P. (1977); Barbieri/Zardin (2002); Nuovo (2003b); Carnelos (2013); Infelise (2015).
48 Papadaki (2004). Greek book production in Venice (1509–1549) was my PhD subject: see Carpinato
(1994). On Greek books printed in Venice, see mostly Layton (1994) and many contributions in Greek
language as Staikos (2002; 2017; 2018).
and open dialogue that Seviros had established with the Republic’s political and cul-
tural institutions is confirmed by a publishing project such as this one, for all that it
was probably undertaken on his own initiative rather than commissioned.
Before concluding this necessarily patchy survey, I want to touch on a few suc-
cessful works produced by Seviros’ Greek contemporaries, who absorbed Italian texts
and recast them in colloquial Greek. These included Essempio de’ giouani, nel qual
si contiene il lamento d’un giouane ricco, fallito, che per il mal gouerno è caduto in
estrema pouertà, opera vtilissima, ad ogni persona, & specialmente a giouani, origi-
nally published in Venice at an unknown date and subsequently recast in Greek49 and
Giovan Battista Giraldi Cinzio’s Orbecche, which fed into Georgios Chortatsis’ Erofili.
But most notable from Seviros’ time in Venice is the Historia di due nobilissimi amanti,
an Italian translation of a 15th-century chivalric romance, Paris et Vienne (itself trans-
lated from the Occitan), which served as a model for Vitsentsos Kornaros when he
sat down in Crete to write his Erotòkritos on the cusp of the 16th and 17th centuries.50
The late 16th-century explosion in production of pastoral works was also evident in
the Greek language sphere (as the Greek texts Panoria,51 Voskopoula52 and Stathis53
demonstrate) not least in the translations of Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido.54
Just a note concerning this last work: from its first circulation in oral and man-
uscript form, prior to the editio princeps published at the end of 1589 (Venice, G. B.
Bonfadino – actually postdated 1590), it was clear that it represented a new sensi-
bility and a new way of looking at the world. In fact, the noble Cypriot exile Iason
Denores, Professor of Rhetoric at Padua, in his Discorso intorno a que’ principi, cause
et accrescimenti, che la comedia, la tragedia et il poema heroico ricevono dalla phi
losophia morale et civile […] (Padua, P. Meietti, 1586, colophon 1587), triggered a
lengthy quarrel by lambasting the pretensions of the pastoral genre and the tragi-
comic dramatic fable. But if a cultured – and somewhat snobbish – Greek intellectual
like Denores felt nothing but disdain for Guarini’s new departure, which transported
the world of poetry into an illusory realm, detaching it from the engagement neces-
sary to high art (according to a view of the moral and civil commitment expected of
the Renaissance man-of-letters that many still subscribed to), other Greeks were of
a different opinion. We know of at least two translations of Guarini’s poem into the
Greek vernacular,55 as well as a short poem written in Italian by the Cretan Andrea
49 Existing in a single invaluable manuscript in the Marciana Library. See Xanthoudidis (1927);
Panagiotakis (1993).
50 Luciani (2020).
51 Kriaràs/Pidonia (2007).
52 See the recent edition by Vincent (2016).
53 Critical edition by Martini L. (1976).
54 Papadaki (2017).
55 Passou (2012).
Cornaro, the brother of the author of the Erotòkritos (1547–1616),56 which survives in
manuscript at the Correr Museum in Venice: Per il Pastor fido recitato in Candia per
opera del Capitano Livio Paolazzo da Udine (1611).
For Denores (in his Poetica, published in Venice in 1588) paradigms of literary
perfection were the bloodcurdling tragedies of the Udinese Vincenzo Giusti (1532–
1596), such as Irene and Fortunio, respectful of the Aristotelian norms and set against
the background of the fall of Cyprus. For a nostalgic exile like himself, the highest
human and political drama, the irreversible end of an era, could only be worthily
conveyed by Aristotelian tragedy. The pastoral – or piscatorial – novelties, with their
private dramas of young lovers thwarted by external forces, were dangerous because
they eased tension and distracted from the mirage of political redemption, settling for
an ephemeral individual and domestic felicity.
In this multi-ethnic and multi-cultural context, what language would our protag-
onists have communicated in? These were years in which cultivated men and women
met in academies or conversational salons (ridotti), not only in Venice itself but in
the Venetian territories like Crete. I don’t believe Seviros himself frequented such
gatherings, but he would have picked up something of the intellectual atmosphere
that reigned in those venues where the talk ranged over literature, politics, religion,
trade, painting, and more. A standard written Italian was gradually emerging, thanks
to the success of Bembo’s Prose, and notwithstanding the contrary positions adopted
by such Veneto intellectuals as Trissino, while texts in vernacular Greek were also
printed for a substantial graecophone readership. Over the course of the 16th century
a number of multilingual dictionaries were produced in Venice, often in pocket form,
and some with dialogues in sermo cotidianus, apparently reproducing scenes from
everyday life. The Venetian theatre of the time also boasted a series of plurilingual
plays by Andrea Calmo (1510/1511–1571), da Molin, Angelo Beolco, known as Ruzzante
(1496?–1542), Artemio (Gigio) Giancarli (Rovigo, 16th cent.) and others, replete with
greghesco,57 the argot of soldier-adventurers, merchants, Greek-speaking students
and women.58 None the less, the lingua franca of written and oral communication was
the Italian vernacular: foreigners would learn the local lingo, while those belonging
to the dominant culture generally made little effort to acquire the language(s) of the
Other, unless for personal or family reasons. In Scene 2 of Giovan Battista Guarini’s
Idropica (1584), Grillo confesses openly to Zenobio: “Greek wines I know well enough,
56 See Luciani (2009).

57 For this hybrid language, see Coutelle (1971), Lazzerini (1977) and Paccagnella (1984), as indicated
by Burke P. (2016) 97–113. See also Peri/Kolonia (2008) 50–51. Still useful are Cortelazzo’s contribu-
tions, see list in Peri/Kolonia (2008) 127–128. Unfortunately we have no more recent research on this
interesting literary (and spoken?) language, but see Lauxtermann (2013).
58 For the condition of women under Venetian colonial rule see McKee (1998), and more recently
Burke E. C. (2012).
but the language I can’t swallow”. I doubt too whether Maffio Venier (1500–1586),59
the satirical Veneto dialect poet – unashamed voluptuary (appointed, perhaps as
a punishment, Archbishop of Corfu), author of both such celebrated sonnets as A
Madonna che ammazza il porco, L’amore senza compenso, Per il dottorato d’un nano,
etc., and of a Descrizione dell’impero turchesco, sworn enemy of the courtesan poetess
Veronica Franco (1546–1591), was much of Greek scholar, although he may well have
known the odd colloquialism.
But the whole picture – religious, political, social, even linguistic – changed
radically after the Council of Trent, which constituted a turning point with a distinct
before and after, for Greek and the Greeks in Italy as for others, as modes of thinking
and expression began to experiment with new forms.
Some conclusions
Spies, prostitutes, religious fanatics, cops and robbers, foreign mercenaries, Cypriot
refugees, street-vendors, forgers and fakers, slaves, Jews: it was in the midst of this
seething, noisy humanity, continuously rushing from here to there, striking deals,
debating and arguing, in the campi and calli of the city, that Seviros lived out his Vene-
tian years.60 It was a multilingual, multicoloured world which also included a crowd
of servants from households that were less and less semi-public open houses where
business was conducted and lives lived in tandem, becoming instead the sumptuous
show homes of the new rich, or of the entrepreneurs and craftsmen involved in all
kinds of high-profile professional activities, like the Swiss-born Antonio Contin who
in Seviros’ time built the most famous (and today maybe the most photographed)
bridges in Venice. A composite society, where social mobility was largely determined
by the economic mobility of an exceptional city, with possessions spread far from
the hub, on the Italian mainland and overseas. A teeming metropolis, where German
goldsmiths, Brescian engravers, Slavic mercenaries, Greek painters, were all compet-
ing for enough to live on, in a Venice that had to negotiate a cohabitation with the
Other, the foreigner, the heterodox, while at the same time wanting and needing to
preserve its singularity and autonomy, defending itself from Spaniards and Austrians
on land, and from the Ottomans in the waters of the Adriatic and the Aegean, and
now – particularly in the aftermath of the Council of Trent – struggling to assert its
independence against the ambitions of the Roman Church and its Jesuit shock troops.
59 Venier’ s literary production was collected and edited by Carminati et al. (1993).
60 The contemporary and modern bibliography on the society of the time is plentiful. A few titles and
pointers: on spies, Preto (1994); on prostitutes, Catalogo di tutte le principali e più honorate cortigiane
di Venetia, possibly first published in 1558–1560, according to Milani’s dating, in Milani (1994) 117–118.
See also general overviews in Pedani (2010) and Formica M. (2012).
Centuries of commercial experience and diplomatic manoeuvring helped La Serenis-

sima make the endeavour less daunting and equipped the Republic to adopt the bold
stance that would lead to the 1606 interdict.
In that same 1606, Seviros, by now on the crest of a wave, had just completed his
project with the ducal printer Pinelli, and was now enjoying a period of relative tran-
quillity, not least within his own community. His rival and theological interlocutor
Margounios, with whom he had become reconciled, at least formally, was no more.
Also flourishing around him were the teachers and pupils of the recently established
school for young Greeks, a venture intended to set the Greek-speaking youth on a
rather different educative path from that proposed by the Roman College of St Atha-
nasius. Flourishing too were the host of young copyists whose profession had yet to
be superseded by the burgeoning print industry.
Just as today printed books continue to exist side by side with online publication,
copyists (of both old and new texts) were still finding work, although they had to
adapt to changed circumstances and different kinds of commission. The Tübingen-
based Martin Crusius, for example, desirous (as we saw earlier) of obtaining texts
in demotic Greek from Venice, managed to obtain a manuscript copy of a book by
the Cretan Marinos Falieros (1397–1474), Θρήνος εις τα Πάθη και την Σταύρωσιν του
Κυρίου και Θεού και Σωτήρος ημών Ιησού Χριστού, actually print-published in 1544,
but today only known from the theologian’s single hand-copied exemplar.61
I hope, coming to the end of this attempt at a general overview of the Venetian
cultural world in Seviros’ time, that I have succeeded in conveying something of
the flavour of the epoch. In our own multimedia age of images, of globalisation and
migration, we perhaps have an extra reason to feel a certain affinity with the instabil-
ity and the anxieties of the late 16th century and the first decade and a half of the 17th,
and to try to understand why there was a general turning away from the structured
rationality of the classical world-view of the early Cinquecento, to give rein to the
unpredictable energies of the here and now.
Were we able to thoroughly comprehend the historical, political, religious, cul-
tural and linguistic context in which Seviros lived, we might also be able to decode
Paolo Veronese’s Marriage at Cana (1564), a huge canvas measuring 22.2 by 32.6 feet
and containing over 130 human figures, plus dogs, cats and birds, now on display
in the Louvre – in the same room as the Mona Lisa – before the eyes of thousands
of tourists who see it every day without looking at it. Even when they do look, even
pause and admire the picture, they almost never get the point of it, less still recognise
the faces portrayed in it.
Veronese gave a religious title and subject to his vast picture which transfers to
a contemporary setting the well-known miraculous wedding at Cana episode from
61 Editio princeps 1544 (lost), critical edition Bakker/van Gemert (2002), see also Carpinato (2006).
Useful for the relationship between orality, manuscript and printing is Palmieri’s (2018) survey.
the life of Jesus. But no-one in the tableau seems to be taking much interest in the
main event. Nobody’s gaze is directed at Christ, a solemn presence at the centre of
the table, isolated and alone, while the lavish banquet swirls around him, the whole
scene framed by Palladian classical loggias, in the style of the time, against a blustery
sky – those familiar with Venetian clouds will know that they assume these shapes
when a freshening wind drives them in front of it, remoulding them along the way.
The men and women, the pages, dwarves and blacks, the group of birds high in the
sky, are all caught in movement, midway between one gesture and the next. The only
still figure is Jesus himself, the silent driver of the narrative, seated beneath a balus-
trade on top of which, immediately above him in fact, a butcher is hacking at a piece
of bloodied meat with a large knife. No-one today can identify the figures crowding
the stage, unless specialists on the period, and even they only a clutch of the best-
known. Nobody sees, right in the foreground, the leading painters of the day moon-
lighting as musicians: Titian to the right on the viola da gamba, Jacopo da Bassano on
the flute, Tintoretto on the viola da braccio and Veronese himself on the left in white,
also with a viola da braccio. Who recognises the group of leading 16th century noble-
men bottom left, or Pietro Aretino as master of ceremonies, with a goblet of wine in his
hand? Veronese’s contemporaries would undoubtedly have spotted celebrities from
the Venetian intelligentsia and local or international public life, figures either still
living or recently dead, all splendidly got up and enjoying the miraculous banquet:
Andrea Palladio, François I of France, the Habsburg Charles V, Suleiman the Magnif-
icent, Vittoria Colonna, Eleanor of Austria, Mary of England, Cardinal Reginald Pole,
Elisabetta Gonzaga, Daniele and Marcantonio Barbaro and so on, all transported to
the wedding at Cana, where Jesus’s conjuring water into wine at the request of his
mother saved the host from the embarrassment of the drink running out. Taking the
miracle out of space and time, Veronese presents it as a rollcall of his era. If there were
Greeks among them, or Venetian-Greek nobles from the Aegean islands, as is more
than likely, we have no way of knowing. When the work was unveiled in 1564, though,
its first public would have known most of those invited to the extraordinary supper,
and would have understood what they were up to and why, and also why they were
grouped as they were. The picture, in fact, fluttered the dovecotes of those intimidated
by the post-Tridentine hardening of positions, who felt it bordered on blasphemy, to
the extent that Veronese was hauled before the Inquisition in 1573. The painter knew
how to defend himself, though, with verve and irony, claiming to be mad as a fish.
Thanks to his fame and talent, and no doubt to friends in high places, no condemna-
tion ensued, nor, fortunately, did the painting itself come to any harm, and survived
to be carried off to Paris by Napoleon in 1797. But the thousands of tourists who pass
by it in the Louvre today are for the most part too busy snapping selfies in front of
the Mona Lisa, to take much notice of the Marriage at Cana, with its freight of 16th-
century Venetian history and culture, magnificently encapsulated by Paolo Veronese.
Since 2007, the canvas has hung again in the Benedictine refectory of the Giorgio
Cini Foundation on the island of San Giorgio Maggiore in the form of an extraordinary
life-size reproduction, achieved by digital imaging, which to some extent compen-

sates for the absence of the original – albeit in a slightly disturbing way, in so far as
it raises difficult questions about the real and the counterfeit, and on reproduction
generally, in the age of digital humanities.
I have placed Veronese’s painting at the end of this introduction as an allegory of
the age of Seviros: it shows us a flamboyant Venice where powerful men and women
live and operate still trusting in the future, alongside a variegated humanity of butch-
ers and slaves, dwarves and painter-musicians. Just seven years later would come the
Fall of Cyprus, and, shortly after, many of those pictured at the banquet would lose
their lives in the great plague of 1575–1576.
Veronese displays a happy and flourishing Venice, which was still a living memory
in Seviros’ day. Some of those depicted in the Marriage at Cana would even have been
presences about the city, though older, scarred by the reverses of private and public
fortune, and now burdened by a new moralising and inquisitorial atmosphere. We
would need to get inside with the revellers to really see and feel what Seviros saw and
felt at the close of the 16th century in Venice.
Were it possible to add a soundtrack to these pages, I would choose a few snip-
pets of Frankiskos Leontaritis (and Vangelis) from Youtube video-clips of Lefteris
Charonitis’ film El Greco, which came out in 2016.62 Otherwise Monteverdi’s Orfeo,
or better still, one of Andrea Gabrieli’s Greghesche,63 or again something by Gioseffo
Zarlino (1517–1590), and should Seviros and his time seem too alien and far-off, we
could perhaps render them a little more accessible by remembering that he died in the
same year as Shakespeare and Cervantes, authors well enough known to those who
are not specialists in the late 16th-early 17th century.
But it is time to leave Seviros and his manuscript collection to the experts, leave
him sitting at his table, as he is in the portrait conserved at the Hellenic Institute in
Venice,64 pastoral crook in hand and his books behind him with the titles clearly
visible – classics and works of theology – and the Gospel before him in a silver bind-
ing.65 From there he watches helplessly – and no-one more surprised than he – the
strange vicissitudes of his library, all the way down the centuries to the pages of this
book.
62 See, e.g., <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=70WlAwNc-0g> and <https://www.filmy.gr/movies-

database/el-greco-prosopographies/> (seen 15.2.2020).
63 A first book of greghesche was published in 1564, by Antonio da Molin, while a few years later
(1571) Andrea Gabrieli (1533–1585), again to Molino’s texts, published his Greghesche e Iustiniane. In
the Venice of that era, one only had to open the window to hear the music and breathe the odours of
what we would now call ethnic cultures, and savour the enrichment they brought to the city’s fabric,
creating an unconscious atmosphere capable of nurturing musical figures of a quite different stamp to
elsewhere in contemporary Europe, see De Zorzi (2016).
64 On Seviros’ portraits, Manoussakas (1970). See below, Elia/Piccione, Fig. 31.
65 Politis (1997).
Erika Elia and Rosa Maria Piccione
A Rediscovered Library. Gabriel Severos
and His Books
1 A Bibliophile Metropolitan
Head of the Confraternity of San Nicolò dei Greci in Venice and first Orthodox met-
ropolitan in the countries of the Diaspora, Gabriel Severos (ante 1540–1616) was one
of the most distinguished personalities in the Greco-Venetian political and cultural
scene of his time.1 From 1577, when he became Metropolitan of Philadelphia, until his
death, Severos was the reference figure in Venice for what in the historical sources
is called nazion greca: Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian people from different
places in the Balkan region. Severos was an intellectual with philosophical inter-
ests, a theologian and a strenuous defender of the Orthodox Church, who was in cor-
respondence with eminent men of letters from several Protestant areas in Europe.2
Among other things, he is known also as the author of a treatise on the sacraments,
Συνταγμάτιον περὶ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ ἱερῶν μυστερίων, printed in 1600 in Venice by Gio-
vanni Antonio Pinelli.3
Severos’ bibliophilia was well-known to his contemporaries. Quite interestingly,
in both iconographic testimonies in which he appears, the metropolitan is repre-
sented near his books (Fig. 31),4 and his collection is mentioned with admiration by
1 On Severos, see in particular BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 142–151 n. 235; Apostolopulos (2004). More recently
Piccione (2017b), with bibliography. See also above, Piccione, 7–12, and Carpinato, 15–32.
2 Severos’ correspondence requires a specific study. It is partially included in the Turcograecia by
Martin Crusius (vol. 8, Epistolae familiares, Basileae 1584), and, especially, in Giovanni Lami’s Delici
ae eruditorum (vol. 15, Florentiae 1744). On the controversy with the Latins over the defence of Ortho-
doxy, see Morini (2004) esp. 39–43.
3 Layton (1994) 171–172, 430. On Pinelli, see Papadaki (2018).
4 Manoussakas (1970).
Note: We here present the first results of the project of reconstruction and cultural-historical contextu-
alization of Gabriel Severos’ library. For formal purposes of acknowledgment of each author’s respon-
sibility, we here record that Rosa Maria Piccione authored paragraphs 1–4, while Erika Elia authored
paragraph 5. Paragraph 6 is co-authored. The results outlined in this contribution originate from com-
mon reflection and constant interchange between the two authors. Our gratitude goes to the Hellenic
Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies, which allowed the authors to gather and publish
unedited materials from Severos’ personal archive. Special thanks to the National University Library of
Turin, and to the Marciana National Library of Venice for their support and cooperation. We are indebted
to Daniele Bianconi and Paolo Eleuteri for their fruitful engagement and willingness for discussion.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-003
34 Erika Elia and Rosa Maria Piccione
several sources of the time.5 A notable amount of information about Severos and his
books can be deduced from his diaries, partially already published,6 and now from
the possibility of accessing the documents in Severos’ personal archive, deposited in
the Old Archive of the Greek Confraternity in Venice.7 Among these sources, several
kinds of book-transfer are mentioned – purchases, sales, loans, exchanges, acquisi-
tion requests, and so on – and they all involve very influential personalities of the
Greek book world, such as Nikolaos Choniates and Andreas Darmarios, with whom
Severos maintained personal relationships.8 Though partial, this scenario depicts
the image of an intellectual who had a strong bond with books, not as a devotee,
but rather in a practical and functional way, with a drive to possess books in order
to use them and not merely to accumulate and keep them. This image is confirmed
by the investigations into the manuscripts from his library. The attention that the
metropolitan paid to the book – both as material object and text – was the same that
had characterized Byzantine scholars. At different levels, Severos undertook – cura
et studio9 – material and textual restorations, inserted papers to supplement the
content of the manuscripts, structured indexes, and numbered the pages, in order to
facilitate the use of books.
The reconstruction and contextualization of Severos’ extraordinary library is still
in its very earliest stages. Conventionally, several book clusters have been ascribed
to Severos’ collection. About 30 manuscripts are stored in the Ambrosiana Library
which, according to their purchase notes, were sold by Severos in Venice in 1603.10
As far as it is possible to determine, no evidence of this transfer can be traced either
in Severos’ diaries or in his personal archive; nor do the registers of the Confrater-
nity mention the purchase. In addition, a few books currently stored in the Marciana
Library may be connected to Severos, although perhaps not all of them were part of
his collection;11 some manuscripts kept in the Vatican Library have also been con-
5 See, for instance, Canart (1970a) 561 and n. 43; Maltezou (2004a) 125–127.
6 Manoussakas (1972); Panagiotopoulou K. (1976).
7 The Old Archive of the Confraternity is kept at the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
Studies in Venice. A presentation of Severos’ personal archive in Vlassi (2004); Maltezou (2008b)
135–138.
8 See, e.g., Manoussakas (1972) 16 no. 4ε, 42 no. 100, 55. See also Elia (2014) 124–125.
9 A useful and interesting survey in Bianconi (2018), with bibliography.
10 According to Martini/Bassi (1906), the following manuscripts were sold by Severos: A 64 sup.;
A 148 sup.; A 152 sup.; A 173 sup.; A 184 sup.; B 113 sup.; B 126 sup.; D 77 sup.; E 98 sup.; F 37 sup.;
F 104 sup.; F 128 sup.; G 55 sup.; H 11 sup.; I 59 sup.; L 43 sup.; M 54 sup.; P 143 sup.; Q 93 sup.; Q
95 sup.; S 28 sup.; A 124 inf.; C 166 inf.; D 85 inf.; H 17 inf.; H 23 inf.; H 26 inf.; I 15 inf.; I 16 inf. Two
more documents must be added to these, for a total of 31 manuscripts: D 86 inf., purchased in 1602,
and N 346 sup., purchased in 1606. See also Serventi (2008).
11 Misc. C 19281 and MSS Marc. gr. II 93 (= 562), Marc. gr. II 113 (= 565), Marc. gr. IV 30 (= 1406). See
Piccione (2017a) and below, 46–51.
nected to the metropolitan on paleographical grounds;12 a few more have been sig-
naled in the collections of other libraries.13 Finally, 6 printed texts of philosophical
content with possession notes and annotations written by Severos have been found in
Cairo at the metochion of Saint Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai.14
The most remarkable and recent result of research on Severos’ books concerns
the purchase of 308 manuscripts in 1619, which the Ambassador of Savoy in Venice
transacted for the Ducal Library.15 The acquisition cost 740 ducats. Due to the massive
debt inherited from Severos, the Confraternity had in fact organized several sales
campaigns of his goods, and, first of all, of his books, as the metropolitan himself
had indicated in his last will. The manuscripts that were purchased by the House of
Savoy are currently stored in the National University Library (Biblioteca Nazionale
Universitaria [BNU]) of Turin, and they constitute a large number of extremely impor-
tant sources, though they present clear problems as evidence. When the 1904 fire par-
tially destroyed the Turin library, Severos’ 308 manuscripts constituted the core of its
collection of Greek manuscripts, which consisted of 405 units; yet the damage done
by the fire and the partial destruction of the library – including the documents of
the 1619 purchase – make their identification extremely difficult. As a consequence,
elements relevant to the identification of Severos’ manuscripts first need to be estab-
lished by study of the 303 books that survived the fire, and should then be employed
as attribution criteria to solve other cases of problematic identification.
The purpose of this contribution is to present the first few results that have
emerged from the investigation of Severos’ personal archive and books, and to sketch
out guidelines for future research. The aims of the current phase will be to systema-
tize the available data, acquire new critical tools, and construct new methodological
points of reference. The research conducted to date concurs in delineating Severos’
profile as both a theologian and an intellectual, strongly involved in the cultural and
political discourse of his age. These and other aspects pave the way to further investi-
gations, especially now that documentary and book sources may significantly expand
our existing picture of Severos and his world. At this point, however, the main goal
is to examine Severos and his relation to his books, not only for the sake of a future
reconstruction of his library but also – more broadly – for a better understanding of
the intellectual space he inhabited, integrated within a framework of social practices
and relations.
12 Vat. gr. 1695; Vat. gr. 1704; Vat. gr. 1756; Vat. gr. 1759. See Fonkitch (1979) 165; Canart (1979) 75–76.
13 Verona, Bibl. Capitularis CXXXIII (olim 122); London, Harl. 5668; Moscow, Sinod. gr. 222 (Vlad.
166); Oxford, Laud gr. 71 (olim 703), D’Orville 188, D’Orville 260.
14 Tselikas (2004). For the identified editions, see Piccione (2017b) 206 n. 59.
15 On the inheritance left by Severos, see Piccione (2017b).
2 Gabriel Severos’ Handwriting
Gabriel Severos’ handwriting is not included in repertoires, nor has it been examined
in detail elsewhere.16 In order to construct a thorough framework for study, some of
its features must be outlined: due to its wide variability, Severos’ hand has proved to
be very elusive. Furthermore, the copying of some manuscripts has been attributed to
him although they present graphic forms that are not always congruent with the rest
of the data currently available. The evidence of the data will form the starting point of
this contribution, in order to gain an instrument that may allow us to better identify
the metropolitan’s handwriting, and to distinguish it from that of his collaborators.
2.1 Instruments of Investigation
In order to identify Severos’ hand, the most reliable sources are his diaries and some
documents from his personal archive. In addition to this material, another document
should be taken into consideration, namely a letter that Severos wrote on the 31st of
August 1582 to Cardinal Sirleto, now in Vat. gr. 2124 (fol. 62r), which bears his signa-
ture. This document will be discussed later.
The most reliable evidence is certainly that which emerges from the 7 diaries, pre-
served at the Hellenic Institute.17 The diaries cover the years 1581–1616 and provide a
remarkable amount of information about the metropolitan’s life. They track incomes
and expenses, cost calculations, book transfers, and even include personal remarks.
They include parts written in the Latin alphabet, which are very useful for compari-
sons; these include annotations of various kinds, lists of people, and drafts of letters
in Italian (Fig. 1). The handwriting of the diaries is very nervous and extremely varia-
ble, rapid and rich in contractions, and generally angular and minute, but, above all,
it displays a very evident contrast in letter-size. Letters generally have a small body,
while long strokes tend to overlap the line-spacings both above and below (Figs. 2, 13;
Fig. 32). More disciplined variants of his hand are rare (Fig. 10).
Letters get bigger in the brief annotations that are visible on the upper cover of
some diaries; these are more frequent in the documents from Severos’ archive, par-
ticularly on incoming letters or receipts. Two clear examples are the annotation Conto
de libraro – Ὁ λογαριασμὸς τοῦ σταμπαδόρου Τ., appended to the receipt of a list of
liturgical books that Severos had commissioned (Fig. 3),18 or the short calculation
16 But see below, 43–44.

17 See above, 34 and n. 6. A digital version of the diaries is available online (ΑΕΙΒ, Χειρόγραφα, αρ.
14α-ζ): <http://eib.xanthi.ilsp.gr/gr/manuscripts.asp?vmode=vselect&vid=6#selectedAnchor> (seen
10.6.2020).
18 See below, 44.
Fig. 1: ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14ζ, fol. 69v Fig. 2: ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14α, fol. 25r
(detail) © ΕΙΒ. (detail) © ΕΙΒ.
Fig. 3: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη Fig. 4: ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14στ, front cover
Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ. 3 (detail) © ΕΙΒ.
(Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 34, 18 August 1602,
fol. 1v (detail) © ΕΙΒ.
(Κόντος. Διὰ τὰ χιλ(ία) δουκάτα [...]), written on the front cover of the diary for the
years 1608–1609 (Fig. 4).
A fundamental element that has been gained from the documents in Severos’
personal archive is examples of his signature in Greek and in Italian, written at the
end of two different notarial deeds (Fig. 5: Γαβριὴλ ὁ Φιλαδελφεί(ας); Fig. 6: Jo Gabriel
Arcivescovo di Filadelfia afermo ut supra).
Fig. 5: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη

Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ. 3
(Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 9, 13 Februar 1584, fol. 1r
(detail) © EIB.
Fig. 6: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ. 3
(Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 61, 18 July 1609, fol. 1r (detail) © EIB.
Fig. 7: Taur. B.I.9, fol. 1r (detail) ©

MiBACT, BNUTo.
Comparing the diaries with other documents is a decisive phase in the process
of identifying Severos’ handwriting. The multiplicity of graphic expressions that
characterizes them provides a reliable verification tool, in particular in those cases
where the handwriting seems to deviate from more recognizable instances. Only on
this basis does a sound evaluation of the most frequent forms of Severos’ hand in the
books become possible, especially considering the lack of colophons in the books.
In a rapid and informal script, generally exuberant and variable in size, angularity,
and slant, the metropolitan wrote notes of possession, which often follow the notes
of previous owners (Fig. 7: Νῦν δὲ Γαβριήλου μητροπολίτ(ου) Φιλαδελφεί(ας) τοῦ ἐκ
Μονεμβασί(ας) τοῦ Σεβήρ(ου); Fig. 8: Νῦν δ’ ἔστιν ἐμοῦ Γαβριήλου Φιλαδελφεί(ας),
τοῦ ἐκ Μονεμβασί(ας) τοῦ Σεβήρου (1581 ἐν Κ[α]νδη[α] ?); see also below, Fig. 22),
and brief annotations, exegetic schemes, and more thorough commentaries (Fig. 9:
the commentary is introduced by Severos’ name; see also below, Figs. 26–28). We can
also recognize Severos’ hand in titles and/or indications of the author’s name – with
slightly bigger letters (Fig. 36).
Further, Severos’ various forms of indexing should be noted, a tool to which he
resorted quite frequently in order to enable easier access to the content (Figs. 33a and 38).
Even in the indexes, his handwriting is not consistent. In some cases, Severos’ hand
should be identified on the first leaf recto, followed by the hand of one collaborator,
which continues the work.
Fig. 8: Taur. C.II.16, fol. 11v (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 9: Taur. B.VI.3, fol. 62r (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
2.2 Attributions
Severos’ hand has been identified in certain manuscripts. The first identification was
signaled by Elpidio Mioni in the manuscript catalogue of the Marciana Library, with
regard to the pinax that opens MS Marc. gr. II 93 (= 562).19 It should be pointed out
19 Mioni (1967) 279. The lower margin of fol. Vr indeed exhibits the following annotation: Hujusmodi
index est Gabrielis Severi archiepiscopi [[Monembasiae]] Philadelphiensis in Ecclesia S. Georgii Grae
corum Venetiis; cujus manus satis mihi nota (Fig. 33a). This note is attributable to the hand of Iacopo
Morelli, librarian of the Marciana Library from 1797 until his death in 1819. I owe this indication to
Elisabetta Sciarra, whom I thank.
that two different hands can in fact be seen in the index: Severos wrote only fol. Vr,
whereas another hand wrote fols. Vv–VIv. Severos’ hand was later signaled by Boris
Fonkitch in some composite manuscripts, in which other hands have been identified
as those of Maximos Margounios and Meletios Pigas.20 In particular, Fonkitch attrib-
uted to the metropolitan fols. 122r–123r in Marc. gr. II 93, along with several margina-
lia,21 and fols. 56r–67r of Marc. gr. IV 30 (= 1406), a codicological unit composed of
two quaternions that contains the De affectibus by Ps.-Andronicus of Rhodes.
Fig. 11: Marc. gr. IV 30, fol. 56r (detail) © MiBACT, BNM.
Fig. 10: ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14στ, fol. 1r Fig. 12: Marc. gr. IV 30, fol. 65v (detail) © MiBACT,
(detail) © ΕΙΒ. BNM.
20 Fonkitch (1979) 165–166 and Fig. ΙΗ′. See below, 47–50.

21 Fonkitch (1979) 165. See also Canart (1979) 75–76, esp. n. 169.
Fig. 14: Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 122r (detail)

© MiBACT, BNM.
Fig. 13: ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14α, fol. 2r Fig. 15: Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 125v
(detail) © ΕΙΒ. (detail) © MiBACT, BNM.
Both books display manifestazioni grafiche that are very different from one another,
but, in both cases, the peculiarities that characterize Severos’ hand are recognizable.
Marc. gr. IV 30 exhibits a script that is more formal and polished, and slightly rounder,
and which also occurs in isolated cases in Severos’ diaries (Figs. 10–12; Fig. 34). Nonethe-
less, though the entire codicological unit is generally laid out with care, from the first leaf
verso a general inconsistency in the writing is evident: it tends to become more nervous
and slanting towards the right, then, in the following leaves, it straightens again, alter-
nating steady phases with other, rougher ones. The written space also varies along with
the oscillation in the handwriting. Although he attempted to discipline the most cursive
and unruly elements, Severos may have been a copyist but certainly not a calligrapher.
In Marc. II 93, too, the handwriting in question is certainly that of Severos, as
a comparison with his diaries once again confirms (Figs. 13–15; Fig. 33a–b). In this
expression it is informal and more squeezed, though not excessively angular (looser
on fol. 125v, which Fonkitch did not signal), and the contrast in the letter-size becomes
more evident. This same informal variant can be identified in MS 9 of the Hellenic
Institute, a document that has rightly been considered autograph. This manuscript
includes two rough drafts of an unpublished apologetic text that defends the Greeks
and Orthodoxy, which Severos wrote in response to a pamphlet by Jesuit Antonio Pos-
sevino (Antonius Possevinus) that was published in 1606 under the nom de plume of
Teodoro Eugenio di Famagosta.22
2.3 Peculiar Characteristics
Severos’ hand is characterized by a wide variety of forms. His handwriting is generally

angular and nervous, and exhibits a clear contrast in the letter-size; these features are
amplified in the more informal expressions. In the formal ones, Severos’ hand may
be close to those belonging to the milieu of Nikolaos Choniates, whom Severos terms
δάσκαλος, “master”, in his diaries.23 This particular variant of Severos’ handwriting
can now be recognized also in the copying of book-sections in his library – and some-
times, it would seem, even of entire books.
As far as the overall impression of the page is concerned, strongly vertical letters
coexist alongside others that are characterized by a smaller body, with different lig-
atures even in the case of similar combinations of letters (for instance, through the
lengthening of lines both from below and from above), which are absolutely equiva-
lent.24 Another peculiarity is the frequent contrast between thick and thinner lines,
which creates a chiaroscuro effect on the page. In general, diagonal or horizontal
strokes are thicker (e.g., pi, majuscule delta, lambda, chi), but so also are some ver-
tical strokes (high gamma, sometimes iota), or curved forms (the nucleus of delta,
tau realized in a single stroke, the ligature sigmahypsilon). The chiaroscuro effect is
further reinforced by thickenings in the letters’ initial parts (e.g., pi, lambda, eta), by
noticeable curls and loops (psi, chi), or in letters whose loops are partially filled with
ink (omicron, beta). The management of the page is a distinctive element as well: only
rarely is the text positioned on the line and kept orderly within the written space.
Among the most significant clues that allow us to recognize Severos’ handwriting
in its different manifestations, the most decisive one is certainly lambda, which is
often outsize and runs well under the line. Other distinctive elements can be identi-
fied: high gamma with a curl, occasionally just a vertical stroke that simply enlarges
into a tip; bilobular beta, with pressed loops, often filled with ink; psi with little loops
on the top of both diagonal strokes. Along with these forms, other elements that stand
out are minuscule theta, opening at the lower left, or else majuscule-shaped, long,
narrow, and sometimes pointy; finally, large sigma, with a curl in the lower part.
Other peculiar features are some ligatures of epsilon, consisting in the upper curve,
22 Kakoulidi (1971) 256–258 and Fig. ΚΑ′. See below, 46–47.

23 Manoussakas (1972) 42 no. 100, 55.
24 A significant example of the variability in Severos’ handwriting emerges in the various solutions
that he adopted – within the space of four lines of text – in writing the name Ἑρμόδωρος / Ἑρμοδώρου
in the pinax that opens Marc. gr. II 93 (Fig. 33a).
placed in various ways on the following letter; ligatures of phi joining from below; and
the form of epi- / ep-. Moreover, Severos regularly employs iota mutum.
In some cases, the shape of Arabic numerals is also significant. Noteworthy exam-
ples are: two-stroke number 5, with the form of a stigma; number 8 with an open upper-
loop and an extended stroke; number 2 slanting to the left and placed on the line (Fig. 16).
No. 5 No. 8 No. 2
Fig. 16: Arabic numerals (from the diaries and the pinax of Marc. gr. II 93).
2.4 The Letter to Cardinal Sirleto (Vat. gr. 2124)
The current investigation has allowed us to widen the range of our study of Severos’
hand, thanks to a quantity of book and documentary sources that were until now
unknown or neglected. The identification of the different variants of his handwrit-
ing has become more precise and has allowed us to focus on his working methods,
shaping a phenomenology of the script and the working practices.
Within this newly acquired framework, an additional witness will be considered,
namely a letter to Cardinal Sirleto sent by Severos on August 31, 1582, which bears
his signature. The document was signaled by Christos Patrinelis; it is included in
Vat. gr. 2124 (fol. 62r; Fig. 35), and considered autograph.25 Paul Canart defined this
variant as “l’écriture soignée de Sévère” and identified it in several Vatican codices.26
By comparing the letter to Sirleto and the Vatican codices, some Ambrosian manu-
scripts have also been attributed to the metropolitan.27
Although it presents several formal similarities, this particular graphic expression
of the hand is very different from the others. The handwriting displays a restrained
contrast in the letter-size; it is firm, vertical, and certainly rounder than that known to
be Severos’. The nature of the document justifies such formality in the script, but this
variant allows no possibility of matching it to the handwriting in the diaries, and it
seems rather difficult to find a way to position it logically within the variants that are
certainly to be attributed to Severos. It seems particularly difficult to relate the script
of the letter to the formal handwriting of Marc. gr. IV 30.
Finally, a significant element may be the signature at the end of the letter – namely
the most decisive aspect for the attribution: it shows the same standard of formality as
25 Patrinelis (1967–1968) 79–81 and Fig. Ι′.

26 Canart (1979) 62 n. 109 and Fig. 22 (Vat. gr. 1756, fol. 120).
27 Serventi (2008) 242 and Fig. VIII (Ambr. D 86 inf., fol. 81r).
the rest of the text, whereas some form of variation would seem plausible in a signa-
ture. Unfortunately, comparison of this signature with another one, acquired from dif-
ferent sources, cannot be considered conclusive evidence (Fig. 5). In consequence, at
the present stage of research it is not possible to determine whether the handwriting
of the letter constitutes an additional formal variant of the metropolitan’s handwrit-
ing, and we should not entirely exclude the possibility that the letter may have been
written by one of Severos’ closest collaborators. This aspect remains unresolved and
requires further investigations of the Vatican and Ambrosian manuscripts in which
this hand has been recognized.
3 Documentary Sources
A close study of Gabriel Severos’ personal archive allows us to access his world: epis-
tolaries both personal and institutional, rough drafts and working papers, account-
ing dossiers, receipts, credit and debit notes, and legal and notarial documents are
included. This examination lets us observe the complex network of relationships that
characterized the life of the metropolitan and the Confraternity. At the same time, it
allows us to reconstruct historical events, and observe the social roles, activities, and
dynamics in which Severos was involved. The great quantity and importance of these
documents enable us to achieve an ever better understanding of both Severos himself
and his historical and cultural milieu. As in the case of his diaries, the metropolitan’s
archive provides a large amount of information that can be related to books: book
requests, which he received or sent to other people, but also receipts for the purchase
of books, or for services by the ligador, the bookbinder. One of these receipts includes
a long list of liturgical books – synaxaria, pentecostaria, Gospel books, euchologia,
and so on – accompanied by prices, which Severos himself ordered from the libraro
and was yet to pay for (Fig. 3). In light of their importance, these documents require
further investigation.
One of the most valuable data that should be mentioned concerns the books in
Severos’ library, which can be inferred from a document compiled by the Confraternity
after his death. To deal with the debts that the metropolitan left, the Confraternity had
listed all Severos’ property, and, so far as it is currently possible to evaluate, all the
goods in the catalogue were valued in order to be sold. Along with relics, paintings,
vestments, and objects of various kind (massarie de casa), two entries regard books,
both manuscript and printed: the former were estimated at 730 ducats (the number
seems to be a correction to 730, which is repeated to the left), the latter at 400 (Fig. 17).
The estimate for the manuscript books approximates the amount that was received
in exchange for the 308 manuscripts acquired by the Savoy. In fact, the Confrater-
nity took in 740 ducats of the 760 that had been agreed for the sale: 10 ducats were
spent to pay the intermediary, Giuseppe (Gioseffo) Malombra, and 10 more were –
so to speak – written off because the condition of the books was not optimal.28 What we
can infer, then, is that, through the 1619 purchase, almost the entire manuscript collec-
tion of Severos’ library was taken to Turin. The printed books, too, must have consti-
tuted an equally notable section of the library. Although the value of the printed books
was lower than that of the manuscripts, the estimate of 400 ducats is still remarkable.29
Fig. 17: ΑΕΙΒ, Ε´. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα,

διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 171 (Ιδιωτικό Αρχείο Γαβριήλ Σεβήρου), φακ. 2, no.
26 (detail) © ΕΙΒ.
In addition to this hitherto overlooked information, studying Gabriel Severos’ personal

archive enables us to identify his working methods, and to discover new elements
that may guide us in studying his books. Quite often manuscripts do not exhibit une-
quivocal data such as notes of possession, titles, indexes, marginalia, or comments
written by the metropolitan. Sometimes even ink color is a significant clue: it seems
that Severos preferred a reddish-brown or sepia ink, which he used in his diaries, doc-
uments he wrote himself, and annotations on letters and documents. In his studies
the use of the same ink color has been noted. By studying Severos’ approaches to
the documents in his archive, a new element has also emerged that is relevant to the
attribution of manuscripts to his library. Several documents exhibit underlining and
28 Piccione (2017b) 201.

29 Piccione (2017b) 204–205 and n. 55.
marginal signs in the shape of an L, all marked in red ink (Figs. 18–19). Similar signs
have been found in manuscripts of the Turin collection, and they were written in red
or red-orange pencil, with large, soft strokes (Fig. 20).
Fig. 18: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3.

Μητρόπολη Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη
1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ. 3
(Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 51,
2 June 1606, fol. 1r (detail) © ΕΙΒ.
Fig. 19: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη Fig. 20: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη
Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος),
φάκ. 3 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 51, φάκ. 1 (Ιδιωτικό Αρχείο Γαβριήλ Σεβήρου –
2 June 1606, fol. 2v (detail) © ΕΙΒ. Αλληλογραφία, 1595–1616), no. 18 (detail)
© ΕΙΒ.
4 The First Few Investigative Tests: Severos’ Books

in the Marciana National Library of Venice
Three manuscripts and one printed book held in the Marciana Library can certainly be
connected to Severos.30 The printed book (Misc. C 19281) is an exemplar of a polemic
pamphlet written by the Jesuit Antonio Possevino, published under a pseudonym:
Risposta di Teodoro Eugenio di Famagosta, All’Auiso mandato fuori dal Signore Antonio
30 See Piccione (2017a).

Quirino, Senatore Veneto, Circa le ragioni che hanno mosso la Santità di Paolo V. Ponte
fice à publicare l’Interdetto sopra tutto il Dominio Vinitiano. In Bologna, Nella Stampa
Archiepiscopale, 1606. The metropolitan had planned to reply to this pamphlet, but
his text remained unpublished; two rough drafts of the reply are preserved at the Hel-
lenic Institute (MS 9).31 On p. 52 (fol. G2v), Severos’ hand can be recognized in the
marginal note κατὰ Γραικῶν.32 The placing of the annotation corresponds to a section
in which Possevino writes about the Greeks in Venice:
Sarà dunque nella città di Venetia il numero di 14.mila scismatici Greci, i quali & co(n)tra i Gene-
rali Co(n)cilii, & co(n)tra l’istessa parola di Dio niegano, & insegnano a niegar la processione
dello p. 52| Spirito Santo dal Padre, & dal Figliuolo, il Primato, & la potestà della Sede Apostolica,
co(n) altri dogmi co(n)vinti di falso nel generale Co(n)cilio Fiorentino p. 53|
In the city of Venice there are schismatic Greeks to the number of c. 14,000, who, against both
the general Councils and the very Word of God, deny and teach to deny the procession of the Holy
Spirit from the Father and the Son, and the primacy and power of the Holy See, along with other
dogmas proven to be false at the general Council of Florence.
Furthermore, several underlinings in red ink are evident, and they highlight particu-
larly significant passages. One of them may be related to Severos’ biography, as it
refers to “quegli Ecclesiastici, che erano dal Foro laico fatti prigioni sotto pretesto di
casi atroci” (p. 9). As a matter of fact, in 1588 Severos was incarcerated on suspicion
of conspiracy against Venice.33
Severos’ handwriting – typically in reddish-brown ink – is clearly recognizable on
the cover as well.34 On the upper cover, the remains of the indication ]ΜΑΓΟΣΤΑ can
be identified, under the label of the Marciana Library; further down there are traces of
other letters, though these are illegible. In addition, we can distinguish two figures in
the middle that symbolically depict the Filioque controversy: a triangle represents the
procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father alone, namely the so-called monopatrist
position supported by Severos, whereas a vertical line represents the procession from
the Father through the Son. On the lower cover, the indication Φαμαγοστάνος can be
read by rotating the book 180°; in the middle, other illegible letters can be guessed
under an ink smear. On the spine, the word ]ΑΓΟΣΤΑ (before traces of ΦΑΜ-) can be
read, presumably written by Severos himself. Above, perhaps [...] TE[...] | DOR[...] | MA
| GO | STA, perpendicularly in black ink.
The three manuscripts each constitute a very different kind of book.35 One of
them, Marc. gr. II 93, which arrived in the Marciana Library from the collection of
31 See above, 41–42.

32 See Ploumidis (1972a) 221 n. 10.
33 Maltezou (2004a).
34 Piccione (2017a) Figs. 1–3.
35 Here the general features of these manuscripts are presented. A detailed discussion will be pro-
vided elsewhere.
the Nani family, is a very peculiar case, which allows us to reconstruct the metropol-
itan’s approach to books.36 The manuscript contains a collection of letters written by
authors of the 15th and 16th century. Different hands can be distinguished, although
some of them have not yet been identified: fols. 1r–32v anonymous copyist; fols.
33r–58r, 58v–62v Meletios Pigas; fols. 58r, 62v–92v a collaborator of Maximos Mar-
gounios; 97r–99r anonymous copyist; fols. 101r–119v Zacharias Skordylis; fols. 122r–
123r Gabriel Severos; fols. 126r–133v the same anonymous copyist who wrote fols. 1–43
of Marc. gr. IV 30; fols. 142r–158v anonymous copyist. Throughout the entire manu-
script, several marginalia were written by Severos (fols. 9v, 58v, 96r, 101rv, 105r) and
Margounios, both in Greek and Latin (e.g., fol. 36r), along with corrections written by
Margounios’ collaborator.
Severos intervened in different ways in the volume. First of all, a consulta-
tion index appears on a binion inserted later at the beginning of the book (fols.
Vr–VIv). This pinax records each of the letters in the collection in consecutive order,
with reference to the corresponding φύλλον. The first recto was written by Severos
(fol. Vr), but the subsequent leaves were written by a different hand, more formal
and of smaller size (fols. Vv–VIv). Furthermore, it should be noted that on the recto
of the first leaf of another inserted binion (fol. 96r; left blank) Severos wrote the
title of a letter from Theodorus Gaza to the brothers Andronikos and Demetrios
(fols. 97r–99r).
The most significant intervention occurs within the book. The metropolitan sup-
plemented the collection by including two letters from Michael Apostolis to Bessa-
rion (epp. 13 and 34), now on fols. 122r–123r.37 The reconstruction of this intervention
is only possible by comparing the three foliations of the manuscript, marked in the
top right margin of the recto (Fig. 33b), because the current structure of the volume
is not the same as the structure that Severos had planned. In particular, it is useful
to compare the most ancient foliation, written in reddish-brown ink, with the most
recent one, written in pencil. Another foliation, in black ink, was placed between the
two others: albeit with some variation, this numbering shows a correspondence with
the folio numbers in the initial pinax.
The metropolitan had inserted a binion (now on fols. 122–125 = fols. 102–105
of the first numeration) in the middle of the codicological unit written by Skordy-
lis, between fols. 114 and 115 (= fols. 105–106). Right after a letter from Bessarion
to Michael Apostolis, Severos chose to include two more letters, from Apostolis to
Bessarion, which he certainly read in another exemplar. After them, the rest of
the binion (fols. 122–125 = fols. 102–105) was left blank until the middle of the last
verso (fol. 125v = fol. 105v). Then, in the lower part of the page, Severos copied the
opening of an anonymous letter addressed to Georgios Trapezountios: in the section
36 Mioni (1967) 279–283. See also above, 39–42.

37 Stefec (2013) 31, 34–35.
written by Skordylis, this letter came right after the one from Bessarion to Michael
Apostolis. Severos aimed to reconstitute a complete text of the letter, which had
been interrupted by his insertion of the binion. In order to restore the text correctly,
Severos deleted the part of the letter on fol. 114v, by crossing it out, and copied this
part onto the last verso of the inserted binion (fol. 125v = fol. 105v), in front of the
rest of the letter, written by Skordylis on the following recto (fol. 115 = fol. 106). The
binion inserted by Severos has subsequently been moved to after the whole section
that was copied by Skordylis (fols. 120–121 are blank); due to this new structure,
the presence of the first part of the letter to Trapezountios, copied by Severos on
fol. 125v, has not been understood (Table 1).38 Marc. gr. II 93 was certainly intended
for personal use, as is suggested by its informal script both in the index and in the
copy of the letters.
Table 1: Marc. gr. II 93, reconstruction of Severos’ intervention.
Current foliation First foliation Reconstruction of Severos’

intervention
114 (=101) 101

115 (=106) 102
116 (=107) 103
117 (=108) 104
118 (=109) 105
119 (=110) 106
120 (=111) 107
121 (=112) 108
122 (=102) 109
123 (=103) 110
124 (=104) 111
125 (=105) 112
In Marc. gr. IV 30,39 which arrived in Marciana Library from the collection of
Giacomo Contarini, Severos copied one codicological unit in a quite formal script.
The morphological character of the manuscript is careful, and several hands can be
distinguished: in fols. 1r–43r, the same anonymous copyist of Marc. gr. II 93, fols.
38 Mioni (1967) 282: In f. 125v nescio quis iterum scripsit initium epistolae Georgii Trapezuntii ut in
f. 115v.
39 Mioni (1972) 222–223. See also above, 40–41.
126r–133v can be recognized; fols. 44r, 45r–46r anonymous copyist;40 fols. 48r–55v
Ioannes Nathanael; fols. 56r–67r Gabriel Severos; fols. 71r–77v Maximos Margounios
(with a dedication to Giacomo Contarini).
The codicological unit copied by Severos consists of two quaternions of different
sizes (fols. 56–69bis), with 15 lines per page in the first, 14 in the second. Here Severos
copied De affectibus by Ps.-Andronicus of Rhodes. Both in the title and the text, the
initial letter is missing, probably because it was intended to be written in red ink at
a later time (l. 1 [Ἀ]νδρονίκου περιπατητικοῦ, πε(ρὶ) παθ(ῶν); l. 2 [Π]άθος ἐστὶν [...];
Fig. 34). Sometimes the metropolitan carefully indicates in the margins the names of
the πάθη that are mentioned in the text (e.g., fol. 56v φόβος, ἡδονή), and in fol. 61v
he signals the repetition of the terms πολιτική, οἰκονομική, and ἠθική with a set of
dots above the text. Finally, minor corrections were done in scribendo. The codico-
logical unit is carefully structured, but – as has been mentioned before – Severos’
hand alternates between steady phases and rougher ones, becoming more nervous
and compressed in the second quire. It would appear that this codicological unit was
not intended for a book produced for personal use and that therefore it most proba-
bly should not be traced back to Severos’ library, though this assumption will need
appropriate verification. However, Marc. gr. IV 30 must be regarded as an important
witness, since it attests that the metropolitan engaged in the practice of copying, at
least to some extent.
Although no traces of Severos’ hand are visible in it, Marc. gr. II 113 (= 565)41 –
again from the library of Nani family (nr. 167) – should certainly be included in his
book collection. This small-size manuscript on parchment is a fine exemplar of the
so-called Aristocratic Psalter, well known for its excellent illumination. On paleo-
graphical grounds, the artefact is ascribed to the 11th century. The manuscript was
written by a single hand, except for an initial parchment binion (fols. 1–4) and a paper
bifolium in the final part (fols. 349rv; 350 blank). The final bifolium includes Psalm
76. At the end of the psalm a colophon reads:
ἐτελειώθη ὁ παρὼν ψαλμὸς παρ᾿ ἐμοῦ νεοφύτου ἱεροδιακόνου τοῦ πανιερωτάτου καὶ
θεολογικωτάτου κυροῦ γαβριήλου τοῦ φιλαδελφείας, τοῦ ἐκ μονεμβασίας, τοῦ σεβήρου, καὶ
ἡμετέρου δεσπότου καὶ αὐθέντου παναιδεσιμωτάτου· ἐν ἔτει ἀπὸ χριστοῦ γεννήσεως ͵αχιʹ
ὀκτωβρίου κδʹ, ἰνδικτ. ηʹ.
This psalm was accomplished by me, Neophytos, hierodiakonos of the most holy and outstanding-
in-theology lord Gabriel Severos of Philadelphia, from Monemvasia, our master and the most vener-
able supreme authority. In the year 1610 after the birth of Christ, on 24 October, indiction 8.
The colophon was written by one of Severos’ closest collaborators, Neophytos Hiero-
diakonos, who copied the psalm on behalf of the metropolitan. At the present stage
of research, this colophon – dated October 24, 1610 – is the earliest testimony to Neo-
40 In Mioni ([1987] 47) fols. 45–46 are attributed to Camillo Zanetti.

41 Mioni (1967) 335–336. Cutler (1984) 88–89; Nelson (1991) 54, 83.
phytos and his work for Severos. All other information about him comes from Severos’
diaries and colophons of the Turin manuscripts, and are later than 1611. In conse-
quence, this manuscript is a fundamental witness in the reconstruction of Neophytos’
activity, which is still nearly unknown and will have to be investigated in relation to
data deriving from other documentary and book sources.
5 The First Few Investigative Tests: Severos’ Books

in the National University Library of Turin
As mentioned above, in 1619 the Duke of Savoy purchased 308 manuscripts that
belonged to Gabriel Severos. The documents concerning the purchase of Severos’
books do not provide any details about the purchased items; as a consequence, in
order to determine precisely which manuscripts arrived in Turin at that time, it is
necessary to examine the codices themselves, searching for Severos’ possession notes
(Fig. 22), annotations in his own hand, or other elements that might link the artefacts
to him. The loss of about 100 manuscripts in the 1904 fire and the severe damage that
the surviving manuscripts suffered make the task even more difficult. For that reason,
despite the significant advances in the research into Severos’ library that have been
achieved in the last few years,42 it is not yet possible to state definitely which Turin
codices formed part of it. However, day by day new codices once belonging to Severos
are being identified in the Turin collection, and the number of manuscripts that have
been attributed to the metropolitan so far (more than half of the total number of Greek
manuscripts in his collection) enables us to form a general view of his library.
A study43 carried out in the context of the project Greek Books in Turin Librar
ies assumed that 144 out of the 303 Greek manuscripts now stored in the BNU origi-
nally came from Severos’ collection.44 Recent research allows us to add 18 new man-
42 Reference is made to the outcomes of the project Greek Books in Turin Libraries: Sources and Doc
uments for a New Inquiry of the Classical Background of the Piedmontese Elites (XV–XIX century), di-
rected by E. V. Maltese and sponsored by Regione Piemonte, in particular to the unpublished doctoral
thesis of Elena Gallo (2013) and, in more recent years, to Piccione (2017b). For a first survey of the
Turin manuscripts not deriving from Severos’ collection see in this volume Elia, 222–225.
43 Gallo E. (2013).
44 Before the research by Gallo, only 36 manuscripts were attributed to Severos’ collection: 33 are in
Pasini G. et al. (1749) inventory: B.I.9, B.II.14, B.II.19, B.III.18, B.III.24, B.V.35 (now lost), B.V.39, B.VI.2,
B.VI.3, B.VI.6, B.VI.9, B.VI.23, B.VI.25, B.VI.45, B.VII.11, B.VII.29 (now lost), C.I.7, C.I.8, C.II.2, C.II.4,
C.II.5, C.II.15, C.II.16, C.III.14, C.III.15, C.IV.12 (now lost), C.IV.17, C.V.16, C.V.18, C.V.22, C.VI.11, C.VI.27,
C.VII.4. Another is cited in Zuretti (1898), Taur. B.V.31 (now lost). Two more are reported in Gulmini
(1989): Taur. B.III.31 and C.I.11. Turin manuscripts that were once owned by Severos are mentioned
also in Stergellis (1969): they are all present in the foregoing list.
uscripts45 to this number, and several more will probably be identified shortly. The
present contribution aims to offer the results of the first investigative tests on the
metropolitan’s collection in Turin. Data derive from a new comprehensive survey of
all Greek manuscripts in the National Library of Turin made within the framework of
a new catalogue of the collection by Paolo Eleuteri and Erika Elia, currently under
preparation.46 Although the topic needs further investigation, it is useful to set down
the information acquired so far, as a basis for future research.
At the present stage of research it is possible to say that Severos’ collection
consists mainly of manuscripts that date to the 16th and early 17th centuries: few
codices earlier than the 12th century can be ascribed with certainty to Severos. As
regards the content, more than half the manuscripts that can be attributed to Severos
with certainty are religious books, such as commentaries to Scripture, texts by the
Church Fathers, hagiographical texts, etc.47 Significantly, all manuscripts currently
owned by the BNU containing Acts of the Councils and texts of canon law had been
in Severos’ possession. The metropolitan seems to have been particularly interested
in such topics: he read the texts, underlined passages of interest and made notes in
the margins of the manuscripts.48 Among the profane books, particularly numerous
are books of philosophical, and historical content, the latter concerning in particular
the Byzantine period.
The attribution of codices to Severos’ collection can help to clarify some aspects of
the tradition and reception of the works they preserve, as a few examples may show.
The codex T (Taur. B.II.1)49 of the Chronicle of Morea50 was owned by Severos: anno-
tations in his hand are present in the margins of the manuscript.51 This fact enables
us to ascertain a step in the journey of this particular book. Taur. B.II.1 is reckoned
to have been produced in Cyprus,52 but until now the stages in its transfer to Turin
were unknown.53 Now we are able to determine that, at some point, codex T arrived
in Venice, where it was in the hands of Severos, who annotated some passages; with
45 The codices Taur. B.I.2 (attribution in Piccione [2017b]; see moreover below Zampakolas, 316–317),
B.I.5, B.II.6, B.II.7, B.III.20, B.V.9, B.V.37, B.VII.31, C.I.6 (this manuscript had already been attributed
to Severos by Eleuteri [1998a]), C.II.19, C.III.2, C.III.6, C.III.9 (now lost), C.IV.20, C.V.15, C.V.19, C.VI.9,
C.VI.28.
46 See Eleuteri/Elia (2019a).
47 It should be pointed out that it cannot be excluded that also books that now do not show evidence
of Severos’ ownership could have been part of his collection.
48 Signs of intensive reading by the metropolitan can be found, for instance, in the codices Taur. B.I.1,
B.I.15, B.II.9, B.II.26. About Severos’ habits while reading, see below 64–68.
49 Cosentini (1922) 15 no. 102; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 162 no. 66 (c.III.9). For a more complete descrip-
tion of the codex, see Stanitsas (1976) 229–239.
50 On the tradition of the Chronicle see Shawcross (2009) with previous bibliography.
51 Annotations by Severos were recognized already by Gallo E. (2013).
52 This is the position of Stanitsas (1976).
53 Stanitsas (1976) 234.
the acquisition of Severos’ book by the Savoys the codex finally reached Turin in 1619.
The identification of Taur. B.II.1 as one of Severos’ books has further implications.
The Chronicle of Morea survives in four different languages: Greek, French, Italian
and Aragonese.54 The Italian version, contained in a single exemplar, MS Marc. it.
VII 712 (= 8754) (fols. 25r-47v) of the 18th century,55 derives from a text very similar to
that of the Turin codex; it could also derive directly from it.56 If that were the case, the
attribution of the codex to the Venetian milieu of Severos and the Greek Confraternity
may shed new light on the creation of the Italian version of the text, also providing a
terminus ante quem for it, in 1619, since it can be excluded that the translation could
have been written in Turin.57
Another example is the codex Taur. B.VI.20,58 one of the principal witnesses of
the Chronicle of George Sphrantzes.59 The presence of a note in Severos’ hand at fol. 1v
([Μον]εμβασία written in the margin corresponding to a passage of the text that cites
that city), and the fact that he wrote the title of the work at fol. 1r,60 attest that the
codex was owned by him. The manuscript had been believed by the editor of the
text to be datable to the late 17th century,61 but the attribution to Severos’ collection
attests that the manuscript cannot have been written later than the very end of the
16th century or the first decade of the 17th.
A first survey of the contents of Severos’ books shows that the collection included
multiple copies of the same text: for instance, there are two copies of Alexander of
Aphrodisias’ commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics (MSS Taur. C.IV.2 and B.III.10)
and three copies of Proclus’ Commentary on Plato’s Cratylus (MSS Taur. B.IV.18, B.VI.35,
C.IV.13). This aspect, and the manuscripts concerned, need more research; however,
an early-stage examination of the last example has yielded some useful elements. All
three manuscripts containing Proclus’ Commentary on Cratylus exhibit annotations
by Severos, who evidently used all of them. While Taur. B.VI.35 is the work of a profes-
sional scribe, Andreas Darmarios,62 the other two manuscripts appear to be a different
kind of product. Taur. C.IV.13 is written by a 16th-century hand, apparently not very
skilled; there are annotations by Severos,63 who appears to have corrected the text.64
54 On the versions of the Chronicle, see Jacoby (1968), Shawcross (2009) 31–52 and previous bibli-
ography.
55 Shawcross (2009) 36 with bibliography.
56 Shawcross (2009) 36–37. See also Adamantiou (1901) 575, 580–582; Jacoby (1968) 159.
57 Another publication will be devoted to a more extensive study of this manuscript.
58 Cosentini (1922) 30 no. 240; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 366 no. 246 (b.VI.26).
59 For the tradition of the text see Maisano (1990) 52*–83*; on Taur. B.VI.20, in particular, 54*–55*.
60 Attribution to Severos’ hand already in Gallo E. (2013).
61 Maisano (1990) 52* “databile al XVII secolo inoltrato”.
62 On this manuscript see Elia (2014) 107–109 and Fig. 26.
63 Annotations by Severos were recognized already by Gallo E. (2013).
64 The manuscript was severely damaged: the margins were almost completely devoured by the fire,
along with the portion of the text near them.
Taur. B.IV.18, moreover, shows that Severos was directly involved in the copying of
the text:65 the metropolitan started writing the text at fol. 1r, then another hand, a less
skilled one, took over the task (Fig. 36); thereafter, again, Severos started copying the
text at fol. 25r, corresponding to the beginning of a new quire, and then the collabora-
tor took over the copying. This case is interesting and deserves an in-depth analysis.
For now, we can observe that, although they contain the same text, at least two of
the copies constitute different types of book. On the one hand, Severos must have
acquired Taur. B.VI.35.66 On the other hand, he directly prompted the copying of the
text in Taur. B.IV.18, by guiding the work of a less skilled collaborator (perhaps a sort
of disciple?).67 The case of Taur. C.IV.13 was probably along the same lines. As to the
reason why Severos wanted or needed more copies of the same text, we can at present
only guess. He may have wanted to have more copies of the texts he used most, for
example in order to take them on his voyages: we know from his last will that when he
died in Dalmatia he had with him some baskets full of books.68 Or could it be that they
were some sort of working copies? Could we see here also the traces of a sort of writing
atelier? In order to answer these questions, it is necessary to study more closely the
texts69 and structure of the manuscripts.
5.1 Provenances
The current opportunity to examine a fair number of Severos’ books enables us to

gain new information also about the constitution of his manuscript collection. Some
books were acquired by Severos from collections or owners from the Venetian milieu.
Taur. B.I.1 – a manuscript dating to the 3rd quarter of the 14th century, contain-
ing the Historia Ecclesiastica (CPG 6034) and the Acts of the Council of Ephesos –
includes a possession note by Severos: (fol. 1r) ἐκ τῶν Γαβριὴλ τοῦ μ(ητ)ροπολ[ίτου]
Φιλαδελ[φείας] τοῦ [Σεβήρου]. A note on the second guard-leaf of MS Par. gr. 413, a
copy of the Turin codex made in 1561,70 allows us to discover its former owner: Tran
scriptum ex vetusto exemplari Bibliothecae Grimanae | Venetiis Anno 1561.71 Thus,
in 1561, Taur. B.I.1 was part of Cardinal Domenico Grimani’s collection, which was
65 Attribution to Severos already in Gallo E. (2013).

66 See Elia (2014) 123–125.
67 See below, 69–70.
68 See the passage of Severos’ will mentioning them, in Piccione (2017b) 197–198.
69 On this aspect, see Pasquali (1906) 133–134, who noted a remarkable closeness between MSS
Taur. B.IV.18 (T) and C.IV.13 (S).
70 On the manuscript and its relationship with Taur. B.I.1, see Hansen (2002) XIX and XXII–XXIII.
The manuscript can be consulted online at <https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b10723980z/f6.im-
age> (seen 10.6.2020).
71 See the annotation at the link at n. 70, which is also transcribed by Hansen (2002) XIX.
housed, at the time, in the library of Sant’Antonio di Castello in Venice.72 The Turin
manuscript can be indeed identified as no. 82 in list A (Vat. lat. 3960, fols. 1*–13*)73
of Cardinal Grimani’s books. Between the years around 1573 (when Severos arrived
in Venice) and 1616 (when he died), the manuscript passed to the metropolitan. In
that period, many books from Grimani’s collection left the library and entered other
collections,74 such as, for instance, those of Johann Jakob Fugger or Jean Hurault de
Boistaillé.75 We can now assume that, at least in the case of Taur. B.I.1, a manuscript in
the same way reached the collection of an erudite Greek, Gabriel Severos, who is very
likely to have acquired the manuscript in Venice. Moreover, before entering Grimani’s
collection, Taur. B.I.1 was owned by the famous humanist Giovanni Pico della Miran-
dola,76 whose library was acquired by the Cardinal in 1498.77 Some traces of Pico’s
ownership can perhaps be detected in Taur. B.I.1 in the form of marginal annotations,
mainly to the Historia Ecclesiastica (fols. 1–56 passim). They are written mainly in
Latin (some are in Greek); a comparison between the notes on the Turin manuscript
(e.g., fol. 5v) and the annotations that Pico wrote on the margins of codex Laur. Plut.
28.20 (fols. 38v, 59v, 149v)78 shows that they could have been written by the Italian
humanist.79
Another manuscript comes from a well-known Venetian collection, that of Cardi-
nal Bessarion: Taur. B.IV.7. The codex B.IV.7 (John Damascene)80 was severely damaged
by the 1904 fire: the leaves lost a significant part of their margins, such that parts of
the text are missing, and, due to the water, the ink faded in the first part of the manu-
script (fols. 1–18 in particular). At. fol. 1r, in the lower margin, the final part of Severos’
possession note can be read, although it has been partially erased by the water:
[… Φιλα]δελφ[ε]ίας τ[οῦ …] Σεβήρου.81 Above this is Cardinal Bessarion’s ex libris: […]
72 The Grimani collection arrived in Venice in 1523, see Mercati G. (1938) VII; Zorzi M. (2004) VII.
73 This identification was already suggested by Hansen (2002) XXII (communication by L. G. West-
erink). The document A is published by Diller et al. (2004) 107–165. About the document A, ibid. 104.
74 Mercati G. (1938) VIII–IX assumes that, in the second half of the 16th century, the monks of
Sant’Antonio di Castello started to sell books from the library.
75 Mercati G. (1938) IX. For a list of Grimani’s manuscripts identified in various European collections
see Diller et. al. (2004) 106; Jackson (2008).
76 See Diller et. al. (2004) 122 (as noted already, Taur. B.I.1 is no. 82, see n. 73). Diller, Saffrey, and
Westerink identified the manuscripts owned by Pico in the catalogues of Grimani’s collection based
on the inventories of Pico’s collection edited by Cesis and Kibre, see Diller et. al. (2004) 105.
77 See Mercati G. (1938) VII and Diller et al. (2004)
78 The manuscript can be consulted online at <http://mss.bmlonline.it/Catalogo.aspx?Shelf-
mark=Plut.28.20> (seen 10.6.2020). The identification of Pico’s notes is owed to Gentile (1994) 97.
79 The identification needs to be further examined. A first comparison between annotations in Pico’s
hand in MS Laur. Plut. 28.20, fols. 38v, 59v, 149v (attribution by Gentile [1994] 97) and the ones present
in MS Taur. B.I.1, fol. 5v, show characteristic features in common, such as i with a hook in the lower
part, t with an undulating horizontal stroke, the ligature fi from the lower horizontal stroke of f.
80 Cosentini (1922) 22 no. 170; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 307–308 no. 215 (b.III.26).
81 Severos’ possession note was already identified by Gallo E. (2013).
φιλοσοφα [sic] καὶ θεολογία τοῦ Δαμασκήν(ου) εἰσὶν Βησσα[ρίωνος] [καρ]δινάλε(ως)

τοῦ τῶν Τούσκλων.82 This manuscript has been identified,83 inter alia, in the first
inventory of Bessarion’s collection, from 1468 (inventory A, MS Marc. lat. XIV 14
[= 4235], fols. 15r–53v, as no. 179 of the list of Greek manuscripts),84 and in that from
1543 (inventory D, MS Marc. lat. XIV 17 [= 4236], fols. 2r–24v, at no. 367).85 Thus, in
1543 the manuscript was certainly still in the Libreria di San Marco; Severos must
have acquired it not before the 8th decade of the 16th century.86 The codex reached
Turin in 1619, with Severos’ collection. There is another codex in Turin that belonged
to Bessarion:87 Taur. C.IV.20 (Iamblichus et al.).88 Although the codex does not exhibit
the cardinal’s possession note, it can be attributed to him based on its texts and on
the inventories of Bessarion’s collection. As regards the texts, some of them89 were
copied from manuscripts owned by the cardinal: Iamblichus’ De Mysteriis from the
cod. Marc. gr. Z 244 (= 620)90 and Hierocles’ Commentary on the Carmen aureum from
the cod. Marc. gr. Z 192 (= 613).91 Moreover, the codex can be identified in the inven-
tory of the Marciana Library of 1545 (Marc. lat. XIV 16 [= 4053]).92 It is not present
in the first inventory of Bessarion’s manuscripts, Marc. lat. XIV 14, so it must have
reached the Libreria di San Marco after the 1468 donation;93 it probably remained in
Bessarion’s hands and entered the library after his death in 1472.94 It was held there
until at least 1554.95 How and when the codex left the Marciana Library96 and reached
82 On the attribution to Bessarion’s collection, see Castellani (1896–1897) 322; Gasparrini Leporace/
Mioni (1968) 66–67 no. 67; Labowsky (1979) 489 (with reference to the inventories of the collection).
83 Labowsky (1979) 489.
84 The inventory was published by Labowsky (1979) 157–189 (157–178 inventory of the Greek manu-
scripts). On MS Marc. lat. XIV 14 and the inventory A, Labowsky (1979) 23–34.
85 The inventory was published by Labowsky (1979) 291–325. On MS Marc. lat. XIV 17 and the inven-
tory D, Labowsky (1979) 73–82. Taur. B.IV.7 has also been identified on the alphabetical catalogue
contained in the inventory E of 1545–1546, at no. 259 or 260, see Labowsky (1979) 489; the inventory
is published at 327–397.
86 Severos was elected chaplain of San Giorgio dei Greci in Venice in 1573. Previously he was studying
in Padua.
87 Sicherl (1957) 99–104; Sicherl (1980) 548; Mioni (1976).
88 Cosentini (1922) 40 no. 337; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 237–238 no. 146 (c.V.38). A description of the man-
uscript is contained in Sicherl (1957) 99–104 (the manuscript is indicated as Taur. gr. 146).
89 Iamblichus’ On Nicomachus’ Arithmetical Introduction was not copied from Bessarion’s codex
Marc. gr. Z 243 (= 619), as Sicherl (1980) 548 had hypothesized, see Vinel (2014) 61.
90 Sicherl (1957) 99–104; see also Sicherl (1980) 548, Saffrey/Segonds (2013) LXXV–LXXVI.
91 Köhler (1965) 55; see also Sicherl (1980) 548.
92 For the identification, see Sicherl (1957) 101–102.
93 Sicherl (1957) 102–103; Sicherl (1980) 549.
94 Saffrey/Segonds (2013) LXXVI.
95 It was borrowed twice, in 1547 and 1554, see Omont (1887) 664, 684. See also Sicherl (1957) 103;
Sicherl (1980) 549; Saffrey/Segonds (2013) LXXVI.
96 According to Sicherl, it could have been Emmanouel Glyzounis who took the manuscript from the
Marciana Library, see Sicherl (1956) 51 n. 90; Sicherl (1980) 549.
Turin97 is unclear. The presence of an underlining in red pencil on fol. 216v, one of
the main characteristics of Severos’ books,98 and the fact that the only other man-
uscript of the National Library originating from Bessarion’s collection (Taur. B.IV.7)
certainly reached Turin with the metropolitan’s manuscripts, allow us to assume that
also Taur. C.IV.20 was owned by Severos.
Also from a Venetian milieu is the manuscript Taur. B.IV.40.99 This codex, which
contains the grammar by Ioannes Zygomalas (or Sagomalas),100 was owned by the
Venetian nobleman Federico Badoer,101 who had received it from his master Ioannes
Forestus Brixianus,102 who, in turn, had received the grammar from the author Ioannes
Zygomalas.103 Later it passed into Severos’ ownership,104 as is proved by annotations
in his hand. At fols. Ir, IIIv, IVv, Vv, VIv, VIIv there are remains105 of a brief alphabet-
ical index of part of the book’s content (Figs. 21a–b): at fols. IIIv and Vv we can still
clearly read a reference to (former) fols. 2 and 4 (to find the “parts of speech”, μέρη
τοῦ λόγου φ. 2, and of “comparatives”, συγκρειτικά [sic] φ. 4, respectively), which
allow us to hypothesize that the manuscript’s leaves had been numbered;106 and at
fol. VIIv we see the letters Ψ and Ω, without any further annotation. The index was
perhaps incomplete; perhaps the other letters were written in the upper part of the
leaves, now lost. At fols. 14v and 15v we read parts of marginal notes in the metropol-
itan’s hand: evidently he read the text carefully. The grammar is structured like many
other works which, at that time, were used to teach Greek to non-Greek students.107
The presence of Severos’ hand in the codex is interesting because it attests a use of the
grammar in a different context than that for which it had possibly been prepared, the
private teaching of Greek to Western noblemen.108 A tool conceived for the learning
of Greek by Western people was used in the milieu of the Greek Confraternity and
annotated by an erudite Greek.
97 See e.g. Sicherl (1957) 104; Saffrey/Segonds (2013) LXXVI.

98 See 46 and 65.
99 Cosentini (1922) 24 no. 195; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 304 no. 321 (c.II.24). A thorough study of the
manuscript is contained in Nuti (2014) 305–338.
100 On Ioannes Zygomalas see Nuti (2014) 307–308 and Legrand (1889). On his grammar, Nuti (2014)
310–335 and Nuti (2017), 358–366.
101 On Federico Badoer see Stella (1963), Nuti (2014) 308–309, and Nuti (2017) 359–360.
102 This person is otherwise unknown, see Nuti (2017) 359 n. 49.
103 See Nuti (2014) 305–307 with transcription and translation of parts of the two dedicatory letters
contained in the manuscript, the one by Ioannes Forestus Brixianus to Federico Badoer and the one
by Ioannes Zygomalas to Ioannes Forestus.
104 The codex has already been attributed to Severos by Gallo E. (2013) and Nuti (2014) 333.
105 The leaves were severely damaged by the 1904 fire, nearly all the margins are lost, see e.g. Nuti
(2014) Figs. 21–23.
106 More details on indexing in Severos’ manuscripts below.
107 Nuti (2014) 304–307.
108 So Nuti (2014) 305 and Nuti (2017) 358.
Fig. 21a: Taur. B.IV.40, fol. IIIv (detail) Fig. 21b: Taur. B.IV.40, fol. Vv (detail) © MiBACT,
© MiBACT, BNUTo. BNUTo.
In all likelihood, also Taur. B.I.9109 comes from Venice, in particular from the milieu
of San Giorgio dei Greci. The manuscript of 1214, containing the catenae of Niketas
on the Gospels of St Matthew and St John, belonged previously to the Archbishop
of Monemvasia, Arsenios (Aristoboulos) Apostolis (1465–1535), who in 1534 was
appointed preacher in the church of San Giorgio dei Greci.110 At fol. 1r there are the
two possession notes: Τὸ παρὸν βιβλίον κτῆμα ἐστιν Ἀρσενίου τοῦ Μονεμβασίας. Nῦν
δὲ Γαβριήλου μητροπολίτ(ου) Φιλαδελφεί(ας) τοῦ ἐκ Μονεμβασί(ας) τοῦ Σεβήρ(ου).
For these reasons, it can be assumed that the metropolitan acquired the codex in
Venice at the Confraternity.
One of the manuscripts owned by Severos derives from the Jesuit College of
Padua. Codex Taur. C.I.8111 includes two possession notes at fol. 1r, in the lower
margin (Fig. 22): that of the Paduan College, Coll: Patav. Soc. Jesu,112 which was par-
tially crossed out with a line through the first two words, and that of Severos, Ἐκ
τῶν Γαβριὴλ μ(ητ)ροπολίτ(ου) Φιλαδελφείας, τοῦ ἐκ Μονεμβασί(ας) τ(οῦ) Σεβήρου.
It should be pointed out that in the collection of the National Library of Turin there
is another Greek manuscript with the same possession note of the Jesuit College,
Taur. C.I.4113 (fol. 1). The manuscript does not present any features that would allow
us to attribute it to Severos. Although attribution is not possible at present, it is still
plausible, considering two aspects: on the one hand, the coincidence of the College
of Padua’s previous ownership and, on the other hand, that Severos is not likely to
have annotated all his books. In particular, we can assume that this was the case for
books containing texts that did not pertain to his closest interests, as seems to be the
109 Gulmini (1989) 36 no. 21 and Fig. 80; Cosentini (1922) 14 no. 87; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 69 no. 4
(b.IV.4). See also Aland et al. (19942) 66 n. 333.
110 On Arsenios Apostolis’ life see Pratesi (1961). See also Geanakoplos (1962a) 167–200 and the bib-
liography cited there.
111 Gulmini (1989) 46 no. 35 and Fig. 115; Cosentini (1922) 35 no. 286; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 171–172
no. 77 (c.III.20).
112 See the image of an analogous possession note on the title page of a 1541 printed edition pre-
served in the University Library of Padua; the image of the possession note can be consulted in the Ar
chivio dei possessori of the Marciana National Library, at <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-
possessori/1530-collegio-dei-gesuiti> (seen 10.6.2020).
113 Cosentini (1922) 35 no. 282; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 170 no. 73 (c.III.16).
case, for instance, of the mathematical texts contained in Taur. C.I.4 (Diophantus of
Alexandria et al.). We are not yet able to determine how Severos obtained Taur. C.I.8.
He studied in Padua, but he could also have obtained the manuscript afterwards in
Venice. On this point, another element to be considered is the fact that Severos did
not have good relations with the Jesuit order.114
Fig. 22: Taur. C.I.8, fol. 1r (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
As mentioned above, current research in the BNU also enables us to add new man-
uscripts to Severos’ library. One of them is Taur. B.I.5, a 13th-century codex contain-
ing Niketas of Herakleia, Catena on the Psalms (Fig. 25c).115 Two parchment leaves,
bound in the codex as guards (fols. 314–315),116 are part of the MS H of St Paul’s
Epistles from the 6th century, originating from the Lavra monastery on Mount
Athos117 (Fig. 23).
Only 41 leaves of this ancient manuscript have survived, and are scattered in
7 collections, some having been used to bind other manuscripts,118 as in the case of
Taur. B.I.5. Not only it is now possible to assign this codex to the metropolitan’s collec-
tion and to establish how it arrived in Turin, but we are also able to re-associate to it
two leaves it had lost. Annotations in red pencil in Severos’ hand attest his ownership.
114 In his polemical work Ἔκθεσις, for instance, Severos opposes in particular the Jesuit preacher
and diplomat Antonio Possevino and the Jesuit theologian Roberto Bellarmino. The first part of this
work was published in 1627, see Pigas (1627). On Severos’ relations with the Jesuits see moreover Cap-
pelletti (1873) 239–247.
115 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 70–71 no. 7 (b.IV.7); Cosentini (1922) 13 no. 83; Gulmini (1989) 35–36 no. 20
and Fig. 79.
116 The leaves were in this position, at the end of the codex, already in the 18th century, as is attested
by the inventory of Pasini G. et al. (1749) 71.
117 On codex H, see Aland et al. (19942) 20 (the leaves from MS Taur. B.I.5 are no. 015 and indicated
as A.1) and the updated bibliography online in the New Testament Virtual Manuscript Room of the
University of Münster, Institute for New Testament Textual Research, at <http://ntvmr.uni-muenster.
de/liste/> (seen 10.6.2020).
118 Gregory (1909) 472. See also Duplacy (1977) 177–178 n. 2.
Fig. 23: Taur. B.I.5, fol. 314r (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
The Turin codex comes from Lavra; the Pasini inventory of 1749 reveals that an
annotation attesting the provenance from Lavra was present statim ab initio,119 at
the beginning of the manuscript. Today, however, no such note is extant. We read a
possession note120 of the Lavra monastery on fol. 314r, on the first of the two parch-
ment leaves from manuscript H (Fig. 23): βιβλί(ων) τῶν κατηχουμέν(ων) τῆς ἁγί(ας)
Λαῦβρας εἰς το κελλίων τοῦ κάθ[α]. The book was preserved in the so-called katechou
mena, the upper section of the narthex of the katholikon,121 and reference is made to a
kellion. Below, in another hand, there is a later note that mentions the same informa-
tion, adding that the manuscript was “in the 8th position”, signed by Symeon proto-
synkellos of Andros on the 22nd July 1586: βιβλί(ων) τῶν κατηχουμέν(ων) τῆς ἁγί(ας)
Λαῦρας εἰς το κελλίω τοῦ κάθα τῆς η΄ θέ(σεως) | ὁ προτοσύγκελλος Ἄνδρου Συμεὼν
ἱερομόναχος 1586 ἰουλ(ίου) 22. It cannot be supposed that the leaves were originally
placed at the beginning of the manuscript (as would comply with Pasini’s indication
that a possession note of Lavra was to be found in the first leaves of the codex). Indeed
the same Pasini inventory states that Ad finem in compactione codicis duo folia rejecta
sunt antiquissimi characteris, et literis majusculis, septimi forte saeculi, in quibus frag
menta leguntur ascetici cuiusdam tractatus: the parchment leaves were bound at the
end of the codex, that is to say, in the same position as now, so Pasini must have
been referring to another possession note at the beginning of the manuscript. The
original first leaves of MS Taur. B.I.5, therefore, are not bound in it anymore. A survey
of the Turin collection has allowed us to find them in another codex: Taur. B.I.23.122
119 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 70.

120 All notes are transcribed in their original orthography, with the only addition being of majuscule
letters for personal names.
121 On the katechoumena and their use as library spaces in Lavra, see Litsas (2000) 224–225; Bakirt-
zis (2006–2007) 40. More about the note below.
122 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 170 no. 74 (c.III.17); Cosentini (1922) 15 no. 101.
Fols. I–II of this manuscript are in eastern paper and exhibit annotations referring to
the Lavra monastery of St Athanasios and the preservation of the manuscript on the
katechoumena in the 8th position. At fol. Ir there is a note in the same hand: Βιβλή(ων)
τῆς ἁγί(ας) Λαῦρας· τοῦ ἁγίου ὅρους· ἐν το κελλίω τοῦ κάθα | καὶ ὁ ἀποξενόσας αυτὸ
ἐκ τῆς βασιληκωτ(ά)τ(ης) Λαῦρας ἀρὰς ἐχέτο | τῶν ἁγίων πάντ(ων). Fols. Iv–IIr (Fig.
24a–b) instead are entirely occupied by two annotations in large monocondyles,
which attest that the manuscript belonged to the monastery of St Athanasius of the
Great Lavra and the location of the manuscript in the katechoumena gallery in the
8th position: (fol. Iv) Βιβλίον τ(ῆς) η΄ θέσε(ως) τῆς ἐν τῇ Λά[β]ρᾳ. (Fol. IIr) Βιβλίον τῶν
κατηχουμ(ένων) τ(ῆς) ἁγίας Λάβρας τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀθανασίου.
Fig. 24a: Taur. B.I.23, fol. Iv © MiBACT, BNUTo. Fig. 24b: Taur. B.I.23, fol. IIr © MiBACT, BNUTo.
That these leaves are misplaced in Taur. B.I.23 is evident. This manuscript is a
16th-century product, and the text was written on watermarked Italian paper by the
scribe Camillo Zanetti,123 who was active in Italy, whereas fols. I–II are, as mentioned
above, of eastern paper. Furthermore, the inventory of Pasini (1749) does not mention
these leaves, nor the presence of a possession note of the Great Lavra in its descrip-
tion of Taur. B.I.23. The leaves must have been moved after 1749, in all likelihood after
the 1904 fire: on that occasion, both Taur. B.I.5 and B.I.23 were given a new binding.
123 As results from autoptic inspection of the manuscript.

Definitive proof that fols. I–II of Taur. B.I.23 originally belonged to Taur. B.I.5 is given
by the fact that on fol. Iv, heavily damaged by water, impressions of ink are visible
alongside the gutter (evidently originating from a leaf that was placed face to face
with it), which find a perfect match in the text of fol. 1r of Taur. B.I.5 (Figs. 25a-b-c).
This proves beyond doubt that fols. I–II of Taur. B.I.23 were originally bound as the
first two leaves of Taur. B.I.5 (in the order II–I). We do not know how or where Severos
obtained this Lavra manuscript, but we are still able now to add a stage in its history,
in the Greek Confraternity of Venice.
The manuscript Taur. B.I.5, in its original state, had two guard-leaves at the begin-
ning (Taur. B.I.23, fols. I–II) and two at the end (Taur. B.I.5, fols. 314–315, parchment
leaves from codex H). On these guards, as we have seen, there are various librarian’s
notes, referring to the location of the codex in the monastery of St Athanasius of the
Great Lavra, which both provide information and also raise some questions. Such
librarian’s notes are frequently present in manuscripts from Lavra: they are our only
source of information about the ancient organization of the library.124 In the case of
Taur. B.I.5 we have the mention of the position of the manuscript in the katechou
mena:125 this location is mentioned in other manuscripts from the monastery.126 The
notes also give the position of the book in the library shelves, a codification system
attested by manuscripts from Lavra since the 13th and 14th centuries:127 the manu-
script was placed in the 8th position (βιβλίον τῆς η΄ θέσεως).128 Furthermore, three
of the notes clearly mention another place relating to the monastery. The notes at
fol. 314r (B.I.5) mention the position of the manuscript εἰς το κελλίω τοῦ κάθα, and
the same information is given in the note at fol. Ir (B.I.23). Kellia (cells) were charac-
teristic monastic settlements of Early Christian Egypt. They were later present also
in the Great Lavra, as small monastic settlements (inhabited by a restricted number
of monks, around two) outside the monastery.129 It seems that the manuscript was
hosted in a kellion, indicated as τοῦ κάθα. We could not find a match for this name or
expression; since they were very small institutions, this is not surprising. Moreover, it
is unclear how to reconcile the indication of the manuscript being located in the kate
choumena, and specifically in the 8th position, and the mention of a kellion. Do we
have to suppose that kellia too had katechoumena? Or should we think that perhaps
the manuscript came from the kellion and afterwards found a place among the books
of the katechoumena? Or, to the contrary, that the manuscript, formerly in the kate
124 Wilson (1980) 289–290; Litsas (2000) 223.

125 The katechoumena are cited in the notes at fols. 314r (B.I.5) and IIr (B.I.23).
126 See Litsas (2000) 224–225. See also Parpulov (2014) 76 and n. 6. See also Wilson (1980) 290–291,
who, however, instead of identifying the katechoumena as a part of the monastery’s architecture,
seems to identify in Lavra two distinct libraries, one of which was the “catechumens’ library”.
127 About this kind of indication see Litsas (2000) 226.
128 This information is present in the notes of fols. 314r (B.I.5) and Iv (B.I.23).
129 See Grossman (2005) and Talbot/Kazhdan (2005).
Fig. 25a: Taur. B.I.23, fol. Iv

(detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 25c: Taur. B.I.5, fol. 1r © MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 25b: Taur. B.I.23, fol. Iv (detail)

© MiBACT, BNUTo.
choumena, was hosted in a kellion when the notes were written? Finally, the note on
fol. 312r (B.I.5) mentions also the name of Symeon protosynkellos of Andros with the
date 22nd July 1586. The date provides a certain terminus post quem for the acquisition
of the manuscript by Severos. However, it is not clear what this note means, what role
Symeon played with regard to the book, or whether there could be a relation between
Symeon and the acquisition of the manuscript by Severos. Considering the dates of
his life, Severos cannot have acquired the manuscript much later than 1586. Another
annotation, written by a later hand on one of the parchment guards, could help
reconstruct the path followed by Taur. B.I.5 from Athos to Venice. The note alludes to
this folio having been in Crete: ε τοῦτο χαρτὴ επίγε οις την Κρίτη και οις Σλα[…]ησήα.
Between 1586 and 1587 Severos was in Crete, for the second time,130 after a previous
stay on the island in 1581–1582.131 The question must be investigated further.
As was mentioned previously, more than half of Severos’ manuscript collection
in Turin consists of books dating to the 16th and early 17th centuries. These books
bear witness to the metropolitan’s reading them, i.e. using them rather than merely
collecting them. It does not seem that the metropolitan had a particular inclination
to collect beautiful illuminated manuscripts, although he owned some, such as MS
Marc. gr. II 113.132 Moreover, it has recently been discovered133 that also the famous
MS Taur. B.I.2, one of the four extant volumes of the so-called Bible of Niketas,134 a
beautifully illuminated manuscript of the second half of the 10th century, reproduc-
ing an exemplar from the 6th century, was owned by Severos. Christos Zampakolas
has discovered documentary evidence that proves the presence in Venice of this man-
uscript in Severos’ milieu; a brief annotation in his hand at fol. 2v confirms that the
manuscript was in the metropolitan’s hands.
5.2 Practices: indexing
The opportunity to investigate Severos’ books preserved in Turin enables us to observe

the kind of practices that the metropolitan employed as regards his books. From pre-
liminary observation, some practices emerge clearly. Severos provided manuscripts,
including older ones, with indexes and a foliation. While reading the books, moreover,
he wrote annotations on the margins, underlining passages of interest. It is notewor-
thy that he used ink, brown or black, and also pencil, grey or, in the majority of cases,
red (Fig. 26); red pencil signs are so evident that in the early stages of the research this
element helped us to recognize Severos’ ownership. A description of some examples
from the Turin manuscripts now follows.
In Taur. B.II.10,135 a parchment manuscript containing John Moschus’ Pratum
Spirituale, which can be placed at the end of 11th century, Severos added a quire of
paper at the beginning (a binion), fols. II–V, where he wrote an alphabetical index
(Fig. 37). For each entry, an indication of the folio where it can be found is provided;
the numerals show the characteristic features (see above Fig. 16). In the upper corner
130 Tsiknakis (2004).

131 Tsiknakis (2004).
132 See above 50–51.
133 By C. Zampakolas, see his article in this volume, 307–325. See also Piccione (2017b) 207.
134 The bibliography is rich; for the sake of brevity, I limit myself to cite Belting/Cavallo (1979) with
the bibliography cited there and to more recent bibliography on the page dedicated to the manuscript
Taur. B.I.2 on Pinakes.
135 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 177–178 no. 100 (c.IV.16); Cosentini (1922) 16 no. 111 (B.II.10). The index by
Severos in this manuscript was identified already by Gallo E. (2013).
Fig. 26: Taur. B.III.17, fol. 3v (detail), Severos’ annotations © MiBACT, BNUTo.
of the parchment leaves of the codex a foliation by Severos is still partly visible
(Fig. 27). For example, under the letter α, there is the entry ἀρχιεπισκόπου πονηροῦ
φ. 2. At fol. 2v, the corresponding passage can be found (it is in chapter 43), signaled
in the margin by a note in Severos’ hand (Fig. 28). These two practices of adding an
index to the book and numbering the leaves were undoubtedly intended to facilitate
the book’s consultation. Evidently, this was a book that Severos used to consult fre-
quently: this is testified by the numerous reading annotations that he wrote in the
margins in light brown ink, in darker ink, and in red pencil, i.e. on various occasions.
This is not the only case of a manuscript to which Severos added an alphabetical
index, as the above example in Taur. B.IV.40 clearly demonstrates.136
The indexes added by Severos in the Turin manuscripts are not always alpha-
betical ones. Let us consider, for instance, another parchment manuscript, of the
second half of the 11th century, Taur. B.II.6.137 The codex contains Symeon Meta-
phrastes’ Menologion for the month of September. At the beginning of the man-
uscript, there are two paper leaves. On the second, fol. IIr, in the metropolitan’s
hand, there is a list of the Saints’ Lives contained in the codex, each preceded by
the day of the month (Fig. 38). In this case, there is no reference to the foliation
(although also in this case, there are remains of an early-17th-century foliation,
which can be traced back to Severos’ milieu), but just a simple list of the book’s
contents. Another case of an index that gives a list of the manuscript’s contents is
that in MS Marc. gr. II 93.138

137 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 181–182 no. 88 (c.IV.2); Cosentini (1922) 16 no. 107 (B.II.6).
138 See Fig. 33a.
Fig. 27: Taur. B.II.10, fol. 12r (detail), particular foliation ©

MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 28: Taur. B.II.10, fol. 2v (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
5.3 Practices: restoring
Another practice employed by Severos with his manuscripts is the restoration of the
text in damaged codices. There are several cases in the collection of Turin.139
Taur. B.II.24140 is a parchment codex that can be dated to the 11th cent. containing
Lives of the Saints for the months of May, June, July and August. The manuscript was
damaged by water and, slightly, by fire in 1904; the restoration added paper strips
all along the lower margin of the parchment leaves and on the inner margin of most
of them (Fig. 39). In this manuscript, which evidently had already suffered damage,
Severos himself carried out a restoration. At fols. 166v–183r there is the Life of St John
the Baptist. The text must have been incomplete when Severos read it; in order to
restore the text to completeness, the metropolitan added three paper leaves to the
codex (fols. 176–178). He wrote in his own hand only the first leaf, fol. 176rv (Fig. 40);
the other two are the work of a collaborator with similar writing. Significantly, we
observed these same working methods in the codex Marc. gr. II 93.141 We can see from
this that Severos took a direct part in the conservation and managing of his books,
and, at the same time, that he worked along with other scribes, whom he appears to
have guided in the work. The restoration was evidently intended to concern only the
text: no attempt was made by the metropolitan to replicate the layout of the original
139 For the case of Taur. C.I.6, see Eleuteri (1998a).

140 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 193–194 no. 104 (c.IV.20); Cosentini (1922) 18 no. 125 (B.II.24); Gulmini
(1989) 32 no. 15 and Fig. 43. See also Rahlfs (1915) 298 no. 722.
manuscript. While the codex has a layout with two columns of 30 lines each (Fig. 39),
Severos wrote the added text on one column of 20 lines (Fig. 40). Moreover, he did not
try to arrange the text on the pages in such a way that they would fill them with text
and not leave a blank space in the middle of the text: the text on fol. 178v ends at line 7,
leaving more than half of the leaf blank before the continuation on fol. 179r. Finally,
the paper leaves he added are smaller than the ones of the original manuscript (they
measure mm 285–290×193–200, while the parchment leaves mm 286–290×220).
A similar restoration involved MS Taur. B.III.17, a codex of the 14th century contain-
ing the translation by Planudes of Augustine’s De Trinitate.142 Severos’ former own-
ership of the codex is attested by several annotations in his hand in the margins,143
written in brown ink and with a red pencil (see above Fig. 26). In order to complete the
text, three leaves were added at the end of the manuscript, fols. 140r–142v, also anno-
tated by Severos. As in Taur. B.II.24, in this manuscript too the added leaves are not
written to reproduce the original layout, and they are smaller than the rest of the man-
uscript. In this case, the metropolitan was not directly involved in copying the added
leaves: they have been written by a contemporary hand, perhaps a collaborator of
Severos. However, there is an instruction concerning the restoration of this manuscript
in his hand at fol. Ir, in the lower part (Fig. 29). It is an instruction in Italian: “Con carta
bergamina et metere 15 fogli di carta et tagiarlo poco sovra che è segnato vi prego presto
et belo”. The annotation requires that someone do something “with parchment” and
“put 15 paper leaves and cut it slightly above where there is a sign”, concluding with the
request to “do it quickly and beautifully”. The writing seems to be Severos’ Latin hand
(see above Figs. 1, 3, 6). Characteristic features of his Latin hand can be recognized,
such as the big C similar to a Greek round σ, the ligature ta, the n similar to a η, the g
with a prominent lower part, b with a thickening at the upper end of the vertical stroke.
Fig. 29: Taur. B.III.17, fol. Ir (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.
As has been said above, the manuscript is a paper codex datable to the 14th century;
the element referred to in the annotation, to be done in parchment, is very likely to
142 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 153 no. 47 (b.V.27); Cosentini (1922) 19 no. 143.
143 Severos’ ownership was already mentioned by Gallo E. (2013).
have been the binding of the codex. Severos addressed his request certainly to a non-
Greek person, who spoke Italian, working in Venice. The manuscript was probably
damaged: Severos restored it, adding extra leaves in order to complete the text and, as
we may suppose from this annotation, having a new binding made.144 At present, we
are not able to identify the “15 paper leaves” that were to be added and which are now
lost along with the original binding: in the codex there could have been blank leaves at
the beginning and end, which the ancient inventories normally do not mention. It is in
any case noteworthy that Severos mentions a parchment binding in his annotation. In
the Turin collection, although the large majority of the original bindings of the manu-
scripts were lost in the fire, it is possible to identify various codices owned by Severos
that have such a binding, for instance the abovementioned Taur. B.II.6 (Fig. 30).
Fig. 30: Taur. B.II.6, binding © MiBACT, BNUTo.
There are further cases of restoration done by Severos and his collaborators in the
Greek collection of Turin, which need to be more closely investigated. The examples
we have presented, such as the indexes, show that Severos concerned himself very
much with his books: he read them eagerly and was personally involved in their
maintenance. However, his primary concern seems to have been the readability of his
books, their aptness to use, rather than their appearance. He was definitely a reader
rather than a collector.
6 The Library of Gabriel Severos: The Current State

of Research and Future Steps
Gabriel Severos was an intellectual and a bibliophile in late Renaissance Venice,

where he lived in a period characterized by thorough social, political, and cultural
144 The original binding of the manuscript was destroyed in the 1904 fire; since the older inventories
of the library do not describe it, we cannot know what it looked like.
transformations, which were impacting all Europe. The very fact that his manuscript
collection was not lost, and has in fact been preserved almost entire in a modern
library, as our recent research has demonstrated, makes it a unique area of investi-
gation. From this privileged observatory – an extraordinary example of intellectual
and cultural heritage – it will now be possible to outline and characterize the socio-
political and cultural context to which this legacy belongs.
Currently, our investigation has allowed us to acquire new working tools to be
used in the next phases of research. Considering the attribution criteria that have
been established, the next stage will provide for a systematic study of the Turin man-
uscripts; at the same time, other book nuclei that are generally connected to Severos᾽
library will also be examined. In addition, other books of his collection will have to be
identified, especially the many printed books that were part of it, by retracing the sales
campaigns that emerge from the registers of the Confraternity.145 A fundamental con-
tribution to the research has been provided by the diaries and documents contained
in the metropolitan᾽s personal archive: this documentary evidence has allowed us to
examine aspects that may be neglected in the direct observation of books themselves.
Following these premises, a study that focuses on these non-book sources is neces-
sary, given that they provide us with important information to reconstruct the history
of the books in Severos’ collection, and that they yield significant evidence about
book-transfers between Venice and around the Mediterranean, but also elsewhere.
Investigating books and documents may pave the way to broader perspectives
that go beyond the reconstruction of the metropolitan᾽s library. These include, first
of all, Severos and the context in which he lived: the milieu of the Confraternity, and
particularly his entourage of collaborators; the relationships with other figures of
the world of the Greek book, such as Nikolaos Choniates, Andreas Darmarios, and
Emmanouel Glyzounis; but also his relationships with La Serenissima, the Church of
Rome, and the Protestant Churches.
As regards the milieu of the Confraternity, the methods of book production and
the role of Severos᾽ collaborators in those work practices require further investiga-
tion. Some colophons suggest the names of Neophytos Hierodiakonos146 and Niko-
laos Myliotes,147 protocanonarchos of the church of San Giorgio dei Greci, and their
handwriting can be recognized in some of the books of the collection – sometimes
along with Severos᾽ hand. What is yet to be attested is their role in structuring books
and in the management of the library, and whether they were the the metropolitan’s
145 See Piccione (2017b) 200.

146 Subscriptions by Neophytos occur in MSS Taur. B.III.24 (fol. 5r) and B.III.31 (fol. XIIIv); in both
cases, he copied an index. Transcriptions of the subscriptions in Elia (2014) 14–15, where there is an
error in the transcription of the one of B.III.31, the first-word being Πόνημα, not Ποίημα.
147 A subscription by Nikolaos Myliotes is to be found in MS Taur. C.V.22 (fol. 34r); another one was
present in Taur. C.VII.4 and is preserved thanks to a transcription by Pasini G. et al. (1749) 394–395.
only collaborators at the time.148 Moreover, one of the key questions to be illuminated
is whether these figures had received writing training within the Confraternity. In
fact, the presence in the manuscripts of scarcely skilled hands, active in the copying
process, could lead us to assume that some training activity was conducted in that
milieu. At the present stage of research, information about this matter is still not in
reach.
Another important aspect to be investigated concerning the Confraternity is
whether there was any interaction between the institution and the metropolitan᾽s
library, in other words, whether the library should be considered as a private collec-
tion or as open access, a somehow public source of books. For example, the presence
among Severos᾽ books also of grammar books that could be used to teach Greek in the
West would lead us to suppose that those books had been acquired for readers very
different from their owner and that their use may be related to teaching practices. The
presence of books for practical use, such as medical manuals (and even horoscopes),
implies that those materials could have been made available to the community.
One of the most interesting points of interest in this research concerns the per-
sonal network of relations that existed between Severos and other figures in the world
of the Greek book, which can be reconstructed thanks to his diaries and the docu-
ments of his personal archive. In particular, the relationship between Severos and
Andreas Darmarios is well known; 7 of the 13 codices in this scribe’s hand preserved
in the BNU were certainly in Severos’ possession.149 Severos᾽ bond with Nikolaos Cho-
niates is likewise well known, although its nature has not been clarified, nor has it
been possible to contextualize the definition as δάσκαλος or διδάσκαλος, “master”,
which the metropolitan used of Choniates.150 Another aspect that requires further
investigation is the relation between Severos᾽ handwriting and the handwriting of his
collaborators (especially Neophytos Hierodiakonos), and the very similar hands of
the so-called Choniates group.
The project of reconstructing and contextualizing Severos᾽ book collection aims
also to foster reflection on the role of the most recent generations of Greeks in the
Diaspora at that time in the transmission to modern Europe of the Greek cultural her-
itage, and in the current debate of the period. By examining the books of his library
we may propose some clarifications about fields that have hitherto been only partially
explored or that are difficult to explore, such as the relation between the Greeks and
148 It is worth pointing out that Dionysios Katelianos and Georgios Vlastos Pounialetos were express-
ly handpicked by Severos as regular priests of the church of San Giorgio dei Greci. See Layton (1994)
334–335; 509–510. These two figures were known as collaborators in publishing firms, and we cannot
exclude that they were also involved in the production of books within the Confraternity. Moreover,
a case to be closely examined, particularly based on the Turin manuscripts, is that of Metrophanes
Raftopoulos. See Serventi (2008).
149 Elia (2014) 123–124.
150 Manoussakas (1972) 16, 42 and 55. See also Serventi (2008) 249–252; Piccione (forthcoming).
Paduan Aristotelianism.151 Severos᾽ strong interest in Aristotle and his commenta-

tors – mainly focused on psychology, ontology, and metaphysics – had a significant
impact on the theological debate of the era. Building on the large number of com-
ments written on the manuscripts, it is now possible to reconstruct the metropolitan᾽s
conceptual paths.
Severos᾽ books, the documents of his personal archive, his diaries, and letters
constitute a precious and fortunate dossier. The recently undertaken research path
is not limited to retracing transfers of books and texts from the Mediterranean area
and Europe. In particular, it allows us to venture into the multicultural contexts of
a dense network of contacts with the countries of the Reformation, among religious
controversies and delicate diplomatic maneuvers, within the generalized anxiety that
characterized the end of the 16th century and the first few decades of the 17th century,
at the dawn of the dramatic outbreak of the Thirty Years᾽ War.
151 See below, Giacomelli, 208 n. 68.

Fig. 31: Portrait of Gabriel Severos © Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Post-Bizantini di Venezia.
Fig. 32: ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14α, fols. 14v–15r © Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Post-Bizantini di
Venezia.
Fig. 33a: Marc. gr. II 93, fol. Vr © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Nazionale Marciana.
Fig. 33b: Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 122r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana.
Fig. 34: Marc. gr. IV 30, fol. 56r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Fig. 35: Vat. gr. 2124, fol. 62r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 36: Taur. B.IV.18, fol. 1r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Nazionale Universitaria di Torino.
Fig. 37: Taur. B.II.10, fol. IIr © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Fig. 38: Taur. B.II.6, fol. IIr © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Fig. 39: Taur. B.II.24, fol. 1r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Fig. 40: Taur. B.II.24, fol. 176r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Riccardo Montalto
Anonymous Collaborators of Nikolaos
Choniates’ atelier in Manuscripts from
Achilles Statius’ Library
Ernst Gamillscheg, in an article from 1980 – whose results were then listed in the first
volume of the Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten –, was first able to connect an
until then anonymous handwriting to a name, Iohannes Choniates,1 protonotary in
Monembasia, and to trace his work in 19 codices, among which 7 are stored in the Bi-
blioteca Vallicelliana in Rome. This connection was made possible thanks to a sign of
ownership dated 1555–1556 and recorded in fol. 111r of Vall. F 14.2 Gamillscheg’s study
went on to analyse how the copies of the aforementioned manuscripts were carried
through and what the environment in which they were produced must have looked
like: a prolific Venetian atelier in the 16th century, run by a collaborator and possibly
a relative of Iohannes, namely Nikolaos Choniates.3 Born in Monembasia, Nikolaos
Choniates emigrated to Venice around 1540 where he started working for Bartolomeo
Zanetti. After a short stay in Rome at the end of the 1550s, he eventually returned to
Venice, the “centro della cultura greca”4 of the time and the biggest market for Greek
manuscripts in Europe. Venice, sure enough, witnessed a strong presence of the Greek
community, first and second generation immigrants and refugees from the last Byz-
antine territories fled after the Ottoman invasion; many private and public libraries
offered models to reproduce; and the flourishing economic, cultural and intellectual
environment allowed leading figures in politics and culture to structure a personal
library of Greek books.5 Nikolaos Choniates’ atelier participated in this blooming end
of the Greek manuscript book’s history and collaborated with some of the best scribes
of the era, above all Andreas Darmarios, and major figures like Gabriel Severos.6
1 RGK I 192, II 254, III 316.

2 Fol. 111 is actually the posterior guard-leaf. The comment, written upside down to the text in the
codex, reads + Κτῆμὰ [sic] ἐστιν Ἰω(ανν)ου Χωνιανοῦ πρωτονοταρίου Μονεμβα|σίας· ὅπερ ὠνήσατο
διατρίβοντος τῆ τοῦ Μίνωος | καὶ Ῥαδαμάμθυος πόλει: ἐπὶ ἔτ(ους) ‚ζξδ. Gamillscheg (1980) 279.
3 RGK I 321, II 439, III 521.
4 Cataldi Palau (1985) 103.
5 About the role of the city of Venice as a market for Greek manuscripts in the 16th century, see Mond-
rain (2002) and the bibliography there listed, in particular Canart (1977a) and Irigoin (1977).
6 About the collaboration between Nikolaos Choniates and Andreas Darmarios, see below. In 1583
Gabriel Severos made a list of 17 manuscripts stored in the residency of δάσκαλος Χωνιάτης: see
Note: I would like to express my very great appreciation to Prof. Daniele Bianconi for his inspiring guidance
during every stage of this research. I would like to offer my special thanks to Prof. Rosa Maria Piccione and
Alice Muzzioli M. M., who provided me with very valuable advice and a thorough critical reading of this study.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-004
84 Riccardo Montalto
After almost forty years since Gamillscheg’s publication, a thorough analysis of

this atelier is still missing, a lack due perhaps to the number of anonymous hands that
can be found in its production and the similarity between these and the hand of their
leader, Nikolaos Choniates. Nevertheless, international bibliography has contributed
defining with more clarity the nature and production of the Choniates group, even if
touching the subject only incidentally, so that today we can relatively easily trace a
given manuscript back to the group working with Nikolaos Choniates by looking at
specific paleographic and codicological characteristics, even though in most cases we
can’t go any further than that.7 Thanks to a new examination of the Greek manuscripts
of the Biblioteca Vallicelliana, meant to indicate precisely which of the manuscripts
originally belonged to Achilles Statius’ library and were donated to the Biblioteca Val-
licelliana in 1581 following his testamentary disposition,8 a few other manuscripts
were connected to Nikolaos Choniates.9 Even though they had not been considered
by Gamillscheg because they do not show any intervention of Iohannes Choniates,
these manuscripts should definitely be linked to his milieu, as many peculiarities of
the atelier can be found: the medium-large page size – due to the in-folio folding of
the sheets – with Venetian watermarks;10 a faint ruling created on easy patterns (for
example 00D1 Sautel-Leroy = Muzerelle 1-1 / 0 / 0 / J) approximately for 25/30 lines
per page; a page layout with wide margins and interlinear spaces; typical decora-
tive motifs;11 diorthosis notes coeval with the text; apparently arbitrarily alternating
hands which belong to mostly anonymous scribes who worked on other codices in
the same context. The present work concentrates on these hands to try and give them,
though it is impossible to be conclusive, a first hint at an identity.
Before we discuss the heart of the matter, a palaeographic foreword becomes nec-
essary. Only through the undoubtful identification of Iohannes or Nikolaos Choniates’
Manoussakas (1972) 42, 55. About the role of Gabriel Severos and his books, see the recent study
Piccione (2017b) and the bibliography there listed. See also above Elia/Piccione, 33–82.
7 Among the most relevant studies on the matter, see Sotiroudis (1981); Gamillscheg (1983); Bravo Garcia
(1984); Lucà (1988); Sotiroudis (1989); Mondrain (1991–1992); Sosower (1993b); Cacouros (1994; 1995); Eleuteri
(1999); Bravo Garcia (2000); Sosower (2002); Canart (2005; 2008b); Harlfinger/Escobar (2008); Elia (2014).
8 The identification of Achilles Statius’ hand in Greek manuscripts from the Biblioteca Vallicelliana’s
funds, hence originally probably a part of his personal library, constitutes the first phase of the re-
search I am conducting for my PhD in Textual, Paleographical, Linguistic Studies, Greek and Latin
Paleography Curriculum (XXXII cicle) in La Sapienza, University of Rome. On Stazio’s bequest in the
Biblioteca Vallicelliana, see Pinto (1932); Moreira de Sa’ (1957); Rosa Corsini/Formica (1987); Formica P.
(1989); Pereira (1993); Finocchiaro (2011); Caldelli (2013).
9 Manuscripts B 28, D 6, D 56 (partially) from the Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
10 The watermarks mentioned as characteristic of the Choniates group in Sosower (2004) are
Ancre 8, 35, 42, 62, 70–73, 78, 79, 81, 84, 93, 99, 100, 103, 106–108, 110, 120, 128, 131, 134, 144, 152, 157,
164; Ange 3, 13, 14, 22, 25, 33; Arbalète 2; Balance 5; Cercle 1; Chapeau 4, 10; 12, 15, 16, 19, 20, 23, 33;
Clé 2; Couronne 3, 8; Échelle 15; Lettres Assembléès 8; Pélegrin 25; Soleil 1; Tête de boeuf 9, 12–14, 17.
This list is subject to future developments, see Appendix.
11 Canart (2005) Plate 10.
Anonymous Collaborators of Nikolaos Choniates’ atelier 85
hand we can surely assign to the atelier a manuscript that presents some of the
aforementioned codicological characteristics. It is thus helpful to examine Nikolaos
Choniates’ hand and particularly as, to my knowledge, there hasn’t yet been a com-
plete study of his handwriting – or handwritings, as I feel it is appropriate for me to
clarify at this early stage – that has gone beyond the Repertorium, where we can find
the reproduction of a page taken from the only manuscript recognised nowadays as
signed by Nikolaos Choniates himself, the Zeitz Stiftsbibliothek Hs. 65 (Fig. 10) which
presents Georgius Hamartolus monachus’ and Symeon Metaphrastes’ Chronicon.12 In
the Repertorium his handwriting is described as
Senkrechte bis richtungslose, gedrängte Gebrauchsschrift einer geübten Hand mit Fettaugenele-
menten (Epsilon, Zeta, Xi, Omikron, Rho) und einzelnen übergroßen Buchstaben (Gamma, Sigma).
Bemerkenswerter Stilisierungsversuch mit starkem Gegensatz von Groß- und Kümmerbuchstaben.13
Among the many peculiar shapes, it is worth here remembering only the ζ in the shape
of a 3, the curved ligature of ξ and ρ when preceded by ε, of ελ with ε raised from the
baseline in the shape of a loop and with λ terminating in a curvilinear flourish pro-
longed downwards, and lastly of ετ, where the first stroke – in two sequences, for ε’s
lower bend and τ’s vertical stroke – is towered by a left-drawn loop ending in a diagonal
stroke descending to the right to form ε’s higher bend and τ’s horizontal stroke. Given
these considerations, though, a trait well-known to the authors of the Repertorium is
being overlooked. One need only look to their proposed attributions and Paul Canart’s
account of Nikolaos Choniates as part of the “nombre de copistes ‘à problèmes’, pour
lesquels il est nécessaire de disposer d’une ample documentation” because of his
mastery of different writing registers,14 as analysed in Canart’s famous contribution
published in the proceedings of the first Greek palaeography International Colloquium.
It is, in fact, a case of multiplex manus, a protean handwriting varying both in the writing
outcomes and their choice of use. A great example is given by the Georgius Hamartolus
monachus Vat. Pal. gr. 394, where Otto Kresten has detected a counterfeit and recog-
nized Nikolaos Choniates’ handwriting in all the titles of the manuscript.15 Later, Canart
in his Additions attributed to Nikolaos Choniates the last folios of the codex (fols. 376v l.
17–382r) (Figs. 1a and 1c) even though these are written in two different variations.16
The fols. 376v l. 17–377v (Fig. 1a) show an angled and shading writing, abounding in
ligatures or juxtapositions that result in tight and chaotic graphics, with moderately
oversized minuscule α, o, lunate σ (compressed), φ, ω, which remind us eventually
of the Lond. Royal 16 D XV (Fig. 1b), already attributed to Nikolaos. In fols. 378r–382r
12 See below for Mon. gr. 139 where a subscriptio copiata can be found, see Gamillscheg (1980)
282 n. 17.
13 RGK IB 321.
14 Canart (1977b) 366.
15 Kresten (1976) 213–214.
16 Canart (2008b) 61, where he points out the fols. 377r–382r, probably a simple typo.
(Fig. 1c), instead, the writing is more spacious and airy, the letters are separated and all
drawn in a restrained core size with the exception of lunate σ (rounded) and το, similar
to fols. 296r–369v of the Par. gr. 1706 (Fig. 1d). We don’t know what brought the scribe
to this choice of writing,17 but the unity of the handwriting is proved by several graphic
indicators18 – such as a particularly angular and flattened ω, with the left curve a little
larger than the right one, and the ligature εξ where ε is a smaller clock-wise loop con-
necting the two from above with a sometimes angular stroke – and Nikolaos’ overall
modus operandi which consisted in keeping a copy of the focal points, the snodi19, of
the manuscripts he produced in his atelier, as we will examine further on.
To substantiate the thesis that “une page ne suffit pas”20 and that it can indeed
be all the more misleading, I’d like to mention a few problematic cases regarding
Nikolaos. In a recent publication, Erika Elia legitimately connects a group of manu-
scripts preserved in Turin to Nikolaos Choniates’ atelier and identifies a hand recur-
ring particularly often which she calls
‘iota’ per la frequenza di ι alto. La scrittura è verticale e si caratterizza per il tracciato fortemente
contrastato, per la frequenza di legature e di lettere sopraelevate, e per la tendenza alla rea-
lizzazione di svolazzi, apici ornamentali e al prolungamento dei tratti obliqui nei margini. [...]
Rispetto alla scrittura di [Nicola] Choniates, la mano ‘iota’ presenta un tracciato più angoloso
e un chiaroscuro più marcato; fa inoltre maggior uso di abbreviazioni e di lettere sopraelevate.
Diversa è inoltre la realizzazione di alcune legature: si veda ad esempio εξ, dove ε è a ricciolo in
entrambe le mani, ma chiuso e realizzato in senso orario dalla mano ‘iota’, aperto e realizzato
in senso antiorario da Choniates, il quale traccia inoltre un caratteristico ξ di modulo piuttosto
grande dai tratti semicircolari che procedono in senso orario. Nelle due mani è diversa anche la
legatura ερ: ad asso di picche nella mano ‘iota’, arrotondata nella scrittura di Choniates.21
Elia’s precise analysis hits the nail on the head if one takes into account solely the
handwriting found in the manuscript signed by Nikolaos – the aforementioned
Citiens. 65 –, but falls apart when considering, as Elia seems to suggest, Nikolaos Cho-
niates’ handwriting in toto. When examining the Taur. B.III.22 (Pasini 26) for instance,
the same handwriting is detectable as appears in the copy of that very text (Theodorus
Balsamon’s Opera and Heraclius imperator’s Novellae Constitutiones) in a few pages
of Par. gr. 1333, which have been attributed precisely to Nikolaos Choniates.22 The
17 A possibility could be that Nikolaos could have tried to gradually ease into his own handwriting
when starting from someone else’s handwriting.
18 Bianconi (2012) 302–303 about the methodological practice on the matter and previous bibliogra-
phy. The unity of the handwriting and the perfect coincidence between this and the handwriting of all
the titles in the manuscript has been already underlined in Stevenson (1885) 253, who notes how the
second handwriting in the codex eadem est quae per integrum codicem inscriptiones minio depinxit.
19 Maniaci (2004) 79 n. 10.
20 Canart (1977b) 366.
21 Elia (2014) 15–16.
22 Among the manoscripts considered by Elia, Cacouros (1994) 177–178 had already suggested the
identification of Nikolaos Choniates’ hand in Taur. C.II.7, fols. 15r–60v, 61r 1. 4–67v, 139r–v, 246v.
Fig. 1a: Vat. Pal. gr. 394, fol. 376v © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 1b: Lond. Royal 16 D XV, fol. 139r © British Library.
Fig. 1c: Vat. Pal. gr. 394, fol. 378r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 1d: Par. gr. 1706, fol. 296r © BnF.

comparison of the first pages of the codices under consideration (Figs. 2a–b) leaves no
space for doubt: the only difference between the images is evident in the temporary
approaching – still not coinciding – of some lines of writing (3–10) in fol. 1r of the
Parisinus to the visual appeareance of Citiens. 65, which corroborates the hypothesis
that the handwriting in question is indeed attributable to Nikolaos. One could argue
that Elia’s modus operandi is methodologically flawless and that some of the codices
nowadays attributed to Nikolaos Choniates should indeed be connected to the anon-
ymous scribe going by the name of Iota hand. However, having taken into considera-
tion the multifaceted character of Nikolaos’ handwriting, as in Vat. Pal. gr. 394 men-
tioned by Canart, we are drawn to assume that the Iota hand coincides with Nikolaos’.
The Iota hand, in fact, appears in several manuscripts, among which some stored in
Turin, as leader of the copy: in Par. gr. 1333, for example, the Iota hand is responsible
for the front and closing end of each of the two sections of the manuscript.23
A reverse yet similar case was supported by Santo Lucà and Paolo Eleuteri, the first
examining a group of manuscripts from the Biblioteca Vallicelliana which escaped
Martini’s inventory, the second studying manuscripts of the Stiftbibliothek Zeitz in
preparation of the fourth volume of the Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten.24
These works have a common thread, namely the acknowledgement of the Nikolaos
Choniates’ hand in the book of homilies Vall. P 279 (Fig. 3a) and in some pages of
the Citiens. 62 (Fig. 3c), which includes Georgius Pachymeres’ In universam Aristote
lis philosophiam epitome. The handwriting here considered presents a considerable
number of common features with the one in Citiens. 65 and thus, maybe, leads us
to attribute it to the same scribe, though on a more general scrutiny it appears to a
good extent different from Nikolaos Choniates’. The strokes are far more pointy, as
visible in the closing strokes of α, λ, minuscule ν, ρ and lunate σ; the downstrokes of
majuscule γ, ι, κ, and φ are often trembling and close in small circle sections; among
the letters showing a peculiar shape we can list ξ and its three-layered curves (some-
times gradually enlarging downwards in a pyramid shape), convex to the right, drawn
anticlockwise and presenting a broken last stroke. Hence, in my opinion, this hand-
writing is to be considered related to the anonymous one named Hand A des Bodl.
Auct. F infra 1.14 by Gamillscheg or Collaborateur de Choniates by Brigitte Mondrain
and identified in MSS Monacenses graeci 138, 139, 145, 195 (Fig. 3d), Vallicelliani
F 58, F 68 (Fig. 3b) and naturally in Oxon. Bodl. Auct. F infra 1.14.25 It had not been
underlined before that this handwriting recurs as leader of the copy also in several
other manuscripts, as for instance the aforementioned Citiens. 62 (all the titles, the
23 A list of manuscripts attributed by Elia to Iota hand and thus, following this research, to be con-
nected to Nikolaos Choniates’ hand: B.II.18; B.II.25, fol. 2rv; B.III.4, fol. 1rv; B.III.21, fol. 1r–4v, 11rv, 81v l.
17–84r l. 9, 99v l. 11–100r, 102r l. 7–114r l. 5, 134v l. 19–136v, 185r, tit. 80v; B.III.22; C.II.7, fols. 15r–55v;
C.II.14, fols. Ir, 1r–15v, 394r–404v; C.II.17, fols. 7r–28r; C.VI.5, fols. IIr–IVv; C.III.7; B.III.33, fol. 52rv.
24 Lucà (1988); Eleuteri (1999); Martini E. (1902).
25 Gamillscheg (1980); Mondrain (1991–1992).
Fig. 2a: Taur. B.III.22, fol. 1r © MiBACT, BNUTo.
first 253 folios, the first lines in the first and last pages of sections then outsourced
to other scribes, and the last quire in total). Were we to speculate, evidently getting
ahead of ourselves at this stage of our research, we would be prone to think that
Nikolaos Choniates’ atelier sometimes divided work among sector-specific groups, a
practice common in the book production process of the time and well developed in
the context of a bottega: Emmanuel Bembaines,26 one of the most prolific copyists
of Choniates’ group, seems to be often the one responsible for titles and ornamen-
tations, also fulfilling this task in texts written by others.27 In view of this, the role
26 RGK I 113; II 145; III 188.

27 See below, e.g. Vall. C 8.
Fig. 2b: Par. gr. 1333, p. 1r © BnF.
of the concepteur reserved for Nikolaos and his closest collaborators is all the more
impressive. Among these shoulder-to-shoulder workers we definitely find Iohannes
Choniates and precisely the Collaborateur.28
28 It is advisable to remind ourselves that the Collaborateur hand appears in fols. 1r–426v of Mon.
gr. 139 (Fig. 11), which contains – just like Citiens. 65 – Georgius Hamartolus monachus’ Chronicon.
Fol. 357r of MS Monacensis includes the subscriptio τετερμάτωται [...] | ἐν τῇ δυστυχεῖ πόλει τῆς
ἐπιδαύρου. | πόνῳ δὲ νικολάου τοῦ χωνιάτου in a different handwriting from Citiens. 65 and consid-
ered a copiata by Gamillscheg (1980) and thus results in the Repertorium. If Nikolaos Choniates’ abil-
ity to disguise and master different graphic variations is to be assumed, the discussion could be reo-
pened: the comment in Mon. gr. 139 could be genuine and the Collaborateur’s handwriting could be a
Fig. 3a: Vall. P 279, fol. 53r © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
Fig. 3b: Vall. F 68, fol. 195r © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
Fig. 3c: Citiens. 62, fol. 32r © Stiftsbibliothek Zeitz.
Fig. 3d: Mon. gr. 195, fol. 1r © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.

It is now appropriate to dive in the deep end of the study of the anonymous
collaborators of Nikolaos Choniates identified in the manuscripts of the Biblioteca
Vallicelliana, starting from the hand of the Collaborateur, the same of Vall. F 68,
fols. 195r–208r29 and Vall. P 279.30 That same hand had been detected by Gamillscheg,
together with Iohannes Choniates’ one, in the religious collection Vall. F 58 for the
copy of fols. 43r–48r.31 I think is important to point out that this hand also appears
elsewhere in the manuscript and precisely in the decoration (Fig. 13; note the sim-
ilarities with Figs. 10, 11), in the title, in the first lines of text and in some crucial
transitions, for example the end of a portion of text and the start of the following one
in fols. 31rv, 39v–40r, which means he was indeed fulfilling the role of leader of the
copy. Vall. F 58 does not present the usual facies of an elegant atelier manuscript, but
what contributes to make its origin clear is a codicological element present in many
codices produced in Choniates’ atelier, an element so far never underlined in any
scientific study. The indication of the quires’ consistency can be found on the upper
right-hand corner of the recto of the first folio of the first quire, holding the function of
guard-leaf. The case of Vall. F 58 is particularly lucky, as it is possible to recognize in
fol. 1r the hand of Nikolaos Choniates – in the same outcome of Citiens. 65 – reading
Τὸ διδασκ(α)λ(ικὸν) τετράδι(α) λ´· | καὶ ἀπὸ τὸν ἀναστάσιον, τετράδι(α) ε (Fig. 4a). The
codex begins in fact with the 5 quires of Anastasius Sinaita’s In Hexaemeron Libri XII.
A similar annotation can be found in Par. gr. 150, Par. gr. 1939, Taur. B.III.21 (Fig. 4b),
among others, where we can spot another interesting and unprecedented feature
which helps us to trace back manuscripts to Choniates’ atelier, i.e. a title written
in epigraphic majuscule on the recto of the first folio of the first quire of the codex,
a page which thus becomes a title page.
variation of Nikolaos’ handwriting. This hypothesis becomes even more appealing when considering
a number of hybrid writing cases between the Collaborateur and Citiens. 65, as in fols. 45r–58v, 67r–
90v of Mutin. α.H.6.30, Euthymius Zigabenus, In Psalmos et Cantica (Fig. 12), where the first handwrit-
ing is riddled with the second one. This hypothesis clearly needs further research as it can’t yet be con-
sidered fully prooved, given that at least in one particular case an unjustified change of handwriting
occurs between the Iota hand (nowadays generally accepted as Nikolaos Choniates’, except for Elia)
and the Collaborateur hand: in Philagatus Cerameus Thessalonikê, Panepistêmion, Spoudastêrion
Philologikês Scholês 54 the change of handwriting happens without any apparent reason between
fol. 24v and 25r, as the image by Panagiotis Sotiroudis shows. He identified the second handwriting
as Nikolaos Choniates’ in Sotiroudis (1989) 412. The autopsy of the Citiens. 65 and Mon. gr. 139, which
include the subscriptiones bearers of Nikolaos Choniates’ name, hasn’t been decisive and for now
the tangled skein of texts, writings, codices and subscriptions seems to be still inextricable, as the
reasons for certain variations fail to make themselves known. In the meantime, cautiously, I’ll refer
to Collaborateur and Nikolaos Choniates as two different hands, even though they might belong to the
same copyist. On the palaeographic difficulties in identifying hands when the copyists were used to
practice different variations, see Speranzi (2012).
29 Gamillscheg (1980) 285.
30 Lucà (1988) 700.
Fig. 4a: Vall. F 58, fol. 1r © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
Fig. 4b: Taur. B.III.21, fol. Ir © MiBACT, BNUTo.
It is nonetheless difficult to justly motivate the presence or absence of these features

in manuscripts produced by the atelier because, given their position in the codices,
they could easily have gone cut or lost.32 The Collaborateur hand, again preceded by
the indications on the quires,33 can also be found in the Iohannes Plusiadenus Vat.
gr. 670 (Fig. 14), a manuscript connected to Choniates’ atelier by Canart. In his 2008
article he writes, examining the unprecedented attributions to Nikolaos Choniates’
32 Perhaps titles and quires notes were only features of manuscripts deviced as codices and not sold
in separated quires, but, as in Vall. F 58, the note and the title are not always both present.
33 Vat. gr. 670, fol. I τετράδια κθ corrected from κλ.
hand, “je laisse en suspens le problème posé par d’autres manuscrits, qui provien-
nent de l’atelier de Choniatès, comme les Vat. gr. 660 et 670 et le Pal. gr. 407”. In
the Vat. gr. 670, in fact, considering all the recurring features, it is possible to clearly
identify his hand in the titles of the codex.34
Among the manuscripts in the Biblioteca Vallicelliana, the Collaborateur hand
appears also in Vall. C 8, a manuscript particularly apt to be taken into consider-
ation for the tracing of common production traits in books from Choniates’ atelier.
When Gamillscheg recorded the hand of Iohannes Choniates in a title in fol. 393r,
he underlined the coincidence of this hand and the text between the third section of
this codex and the third section of Matrit. 4735 (fols. 409r–460v). In fact, the scribe
operating in the codices from the Biblioteca Vallicelliana and the Biblioteca Nacional
de España on Nicolaus Cabasilas’ Liturgiae expositio (fols. 370r–421r) and Gregorius
Nazianzenus’ Quaestiones S. Basilii et responsiones S. Gregorii Theologi (fols. 419v–
421r) (Fig. 5a, for the codex from the Biblioteca Vallicelliana) seems to be a serial
copyist, as Mondrain has detected this very hand, again working on the same text, in
Mon. gr. 198, fols. 285r–338r (Fig. 5b).35
She has already underlined its serial character, which earned the scribe the
appellation Copiste des scholies d’Eschyle, because it appears four times in the copy
of that work in the manuscripts Monacenses only. Vall. C 8 begins with Pseudo-
Caesarius’ Quaestiones et responsiones (fols. 1r–119r),36 a recurring text in Choniates’
atelier’s production, a kind of bestseller. Many recentiores of this text present writ-
ings and ornamentations typical of the Choniates group, as shown for instance in
New Haven Yale University Library MS 264, Oxon. Can. 61, Mon. gr. 145, Genav. gr. 34
(Omont 147).37
Coming back to analysing the Vall. C 8, precisely the second section (fols. 121–368),
with the Acta Concilii Constantinopolitani in Trullo habitum, some more useful
elements come to sight to help us determine how a number of collaborators would
join forces to structure one codex together. In fol. 121r (Fig. 15) the Collaborateur hand
is again responsible for the title and a marginal integration. The decoration instead
is by Emmanuel Bembaines, also in charge of the initials and the minor titles of the
34 Canart (2008b) 62. Previously, Canart suggested the attribution of this codex to Andreas Darma-
rios, see Canart (1964b) 258.
35 Mondrain (1991–1992) 381 n. 49.
36 These pages carry a watermark of a double-hooked anchor in a circle, above which appears a
six-pointed star marked P3 and a clover, identical to the one in Sosower (2004), Ancre 84, fols. 364,
365, 370, 371 of Matrit. 4735 written by Iohannes Choniates. Such coincidences of watermarks, codi-
ces, handwritings and texts are very frequent in the practices of Choniates’ atelier. This is a crucial
element in verifying authorships, a phase of reasearch that will be omitted here for the purpose of a
lighter and more pleasant reading. See Appendix.
37 Visual reproductions of these codices are included in Überlieferungsgeschichte published by Ru-
dolf Riedinger. Riedinger (1969) Plates 5–7, 12, 13, 18.
Fig. 5a: Vall. C 8, fol. 371v © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
Fig. 5b: Mon. gr. 198, fol. 286v © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
whole section. The text itself was written by a very active anonymous scribe of the
atelier, even though studies have not yet concentrated on him at all, and thus will be
hereafter called Anon. ερ. The writing is regular and harmonious; the wavy lines are
evident in the final flourishes of α, ζ, η, ξ, ρ, φ and χ, especially when found at the
end of a line or at the beginning, as with the abbreviation καί; the core of the letters
is small and consistent, with the exception of εο and majuscule ε, oversized, divided
in two strokes, written downwards and anticlockwise with a middle undulated stroke
connecting with the next letter (the ες ligature is worth noticing); another significant
ligature is ερ, where ε is raised from the baseline as a smaller anticlockwise loop linked
to the preceding letter and ρ is open to the left, presenting a pointed core with the
closing stroke resulting in a hook towards the left. That same hand is recognizable in
a number of other manuscripts worth examining. It appears firstly in fols. 144r–175v of
Citiens. 65 (Fig. 6a), i.e. among the anonymous copyists that collaborated with Niko-
laos Choniates in the only manuscript directly signed by Nikolaos Choniates himself,
which supports the hypothesis that this scribe was indeed very close to the leader of
the atelier. Furthermore, the same copyist is operating in fols. 29r–31v of the collection
Philadelphia University of Pennsylvania Rare Book and Manuscript Library MS 137
(gr. 1)38 (Fig. 6b), where the preceding and following folios are written by the Colla-
borateur, a scribe with whom Anon. ερ must have therefore collaborated beside their
common work for Vall. C 8. Identifying this handwriting can definitely solve some
issues risen by previous studies. Not only it would be appropriate to attribute to Anon.
ερ the copy of fols. 331r–338r from the menology Mon. gr. 275 (Fig. 6c), that Mondrain
previously connected, even though only in a dubitative way, to the Collaborateur,39
but by his hand is also the copy of another Conciliar text, Concilium Nicaenum secun
dum followed by the Epistola ad Episcopos Siculorum by Tarasius in fols. 429r–486r of
Vat. gr. 660 (Fig. 6d), yet another of the manuscripts left open by Canart.
This particular manuscript does not present any of Nikolaos Choniates’ writing
variants – if they still are to be considered as such –, while the titles and marginalia of
fols. 1r–203v (Fig. 7a) can be attributed to an up-to-now anonymous scribe, who also
worked on the bifolia 152–157, 176–181 of Vall. D 56 (Fig. 7d). This last hand, which will
be further on referred to as Anon. βζ for the peculiar shape of the modern β showing
the closing stroke approaching the contact point between the bends of the letter and
the oversized ζ in the shape of a 3 and terminating in a downward hook (although
some variation is present in the writing of these particular letters), can be found
in Par. gr. 1706, fols. 132r–295v (Fig. 7c), a codex also including Georgius Hamarto-
lus monachus’ Chronicon; in fols. 1r–5v of Lond. Royal 16 D XV, Conciliar texts; in
Iohannes Damascenus Mutin. α.T.8.16, fols. 4r–50v (in collaboration with Andreas
Darmarios); and in fols. 1r–284v of Mon. gr. 198. The Monacensis folios, consisting
of Conciliar texts and Iambi ad Agathonem of Andreas Cretensis, have been attrib-
uted by Mondrain to Michael Bampacares, who also signs another manuscript – Mon.
gr. 153 – from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, in which, though, the writing appears
different and somehow more similar to the one found for the texts from the same
folios 1r–203v of Vat. gr. 660 (Figs. 7a–b). Theoretically, though it would be possible
to attribute both the text, the titles and the marginal annotations of this section of
38 Topping (1963); Bravo Garcia (2000).

39 Mondrain (1991–1992) 372.
Fig. 6a: Citiens. 65, fol. 144v © Stiftsbibliothek Zeitz.
Fig. 6b: Philadelphia, Univ. Library MS 137 (gr. 1), fol. 29r © University of Pennsylvania Rare Book
and Manuscript Library.
Fig. 6c: Mon. gr. 275, fol. 335v © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
Fig. 6d: Vat. gr. 660, fol. 429r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 7a: Vat. gr. 660, fol. 69v © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 7b: Mon. gr. 153, fol. 1r © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
Fig. 7c: Par. gr. 1706, fol. 132r © BnF.
Fig. 7d: Vall. D 56, fol. 176v © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.

Vat. gr. 660 to Michael Bampacares, I prefer to connect each of the two handwriting to
a different scribe, close in graphic style and cultural environment.40
Another anonymous collaborator of the Choniates group can be identified in
Mutin. α.H.6.30, where the Collaborateur hand, present in fols. 45r–58v, 67r–90v, is
supported and integrated in Euthymius Zigabenus’ In Psalmos et Cantica by Anony-
mous C (fols. 9r–66v, 91r–106v), as named by Gamillscheg, who was the first to recog-
nize his handwriting in Ang. gr. 88, fols. 1r–103v (Fig. 8a) and Oxon. Bodl. Can. gr. 57,
fols. 188–394v.41 This handwriting is looped and has a slight shading, obvious when
looking at the β, with its vertical stroke sloping to the right and the lower bend pointed
downwards, or the ξ where the top and bottom curve towards the spacing between the
lines, or the φ picuda42 traced in two strokes with pointy almost triangular core and
vertical stroke extending downwards. The same hand appears in other manuscripts
side by side with Nikolaos Choniates’, as in Lond. Royal 16 D XV, fols. 40r–47v (Canon
law), Par. gr. 2746, fols. 83r–99v (Michael Glycas, Capitula de Sacra Scriptura) and
Vat. Pal. gr. 394, fols. 1r–376v, which is the very manuscript which originated the dis-
cussion about Nikolaos’ handwriting (Fig. 1a). It is essential to remember a known but
crucial concept, when insisting on the handwritten presence of the leader of the copy:
scribes such as the ones discussed in this study were probably hired copyists, often
migrating around Europe and earning a living as professionals of the written language.43
It is therefore not surprising that one should find them in other environments as well.
The Anonymous C’s hand, for instance, is also found in the fols. 243r–258v, 297r–326r
of D 56 in the Biblioteca Vallicelliana. This codex, from a purely practical point of view,
consists of five sections (I: fols. 1–142; IΙ: fols. 143–196; ΙΙΙ: fols. 197–258; IV: fols. 259–296;
V: fols. 297–326), and the snodi are obvious because of watermarks’ change and agrapha.
A total of 9 copyists work, sometimes alternatively on the same text:
– Hand 1 (Anonymous C?): fols. 1–42v, 53r l. 13–56v, 57v–63r, 119r–141r, 259r–295r.
– Hand 2: fols. 43r–44r, 49v l. 13–53r l. 12.
– Hand 3: fols. 44v–49v l. 13.
40 Mondrain (1991–1992) 366. I take this opportunity to analyse in further detail another uncertainly
attributed manuscript, as Canart pointed out in 2008, Vat. Pal. gr. 407 (Figs. 16a–d). In this codex of
the In uniuersam Aristotelis philosophiam epitome by Georgius Pachymeres three different variations
of Nikolaos Choniates’ handwriting are discerneable: the first (fols. 1r–16v) for the introduction and
pinax similar to the one used with the same funcion in Par. gr. 1939, fols. 3r–17r; a second one for
the text (fols. 17r–678v) identical to Vat. Pal. gr. 394, fols. 378r–382r, Par. gr. 150, fols. 80r–247v and
Par. gr. 1706, fols. 296r–369v; a third as a Iota hand variation for the Manuel Philes’ In Obitum Georgii
Pachymerae (fols. 679r–680v), text completed by Andreas Darmarios (not reported in RGK, although
already noted by Stevenson [1885] 256).
42 Escobar (2010b) 398 n. 39.
43 Many of Choniates’ scribes came from Monembasia, probably having left their territories of origin
after the Turkish invasion. To know more about human migrations at the time and the role of the city
of Venice in that context, see Mondrain (2002) and there listed bibliography.
– Hand 4: fols. 57r, 63v–70v.

– Hand 5: fols. 71v l. 6–72r l. 10, 72v l. 11–73r, 73v l. 22–74r, 75v–77v, 78r l. 12–26,
79v–93v, 94v l. 13–112r, 113r l. 20–114r, 115r–118v.
– Hand 6: fols. 71r–71v l. 5, 72r l. 11–72v l. 10, 73r ll. 1–22, 74v–75r, 78r ll. 1–12, 78v–79r,
94r–94v l. 13, 112v–113r l. 20, 114v.
– Hand 7: fols. 144r–151v, 153r–156v, 158r–175v, 177r–180v, 182r–195v, 198r–242v.
– Anon. βζ: fols. 152rv, 157rv, 176rv, 181rv.
– Anonymus C: fols. 243r–257v, 297r–326r.
All the codicological units consist of works by Gregorius Nyssenus. The manuscript is,
therefore, a monotextual synchronic pluriblock codex, as Marilena Maniaci put it, which is
un codice monotestuale strutturalmente non unitario, ovvero articolato in unità ‘snodabili’

e potenzialmente riaggregabili in forme diverse da quella originaria, [...] composto da una
giustapposizione di elementi codicologici (blocchi) autonomi, distinti sin dall’origine vuoi per
ossequio ad una tradizione preesistente, vuoi per il ricorso a specifiche pratiche di divisione del
lavoro e/o in previsione di usi ulteriori.44
This pattern is fairly common among manuscripts produced in Choniates’ atelier,

as a clear consequence of the practices of work distribution that we have previously
outlined, but on closer inspection only sections 1 and 4 follow precisely the guide-
lines we would expect. The examination of section 5 (Fig. 8b), which was written in
its entirety by Anonymous C – one of Choniates’ collaborators in other cases –, brings
up some inconsistency in the decorative motifs that were identified as typical of the
group, becoming more and more similar to Ang. gr. 88 (Fig. 8a), a manuscript written
for the most part by Andreas Darmarios.45
In an even more strongly unequivocal case, the 3rd unit (at fol. 243r) presents the
text written by Anonymous C side by side with handwritten marginalia, which we
have strong reason to believe were written by Andreas Darmarios. Moreover, in this
section the scribe took over the work left unfinished by another copyist, so far still
anonymous (hand 5) (Fig. 9a), the same of Mutin. α.H.6.30, fols. 1r–6v46 (Fig. 9b), in
which Anonymous C is in charge of the titles. Therefore it is plausible to think that sec-
tions 2, 3 and 5 of Vall. D 56 have a different origin, albeit structured, and every indi-
cation brings us back to Andreas Darmarios’ circle, surely in contact with Nikolaos
Choniates, even though their professional relationship has not yet been agreed on.47
44 Maniaci (2004) 88.

45 RGK I 13; ΙΙ 21; ΙΙΙ 22. Collaborative relationships between them have been investigated in Gamill-
scheg (1980) 287.
46 I.e. in an external section to the Collaborateur hand: Mutin. α.Η.6.30 is a “codice pluritestuale
pluriblocco fattizio” (Maniaci [2004] 89).
47 See, among others, Kresten (1976); Gamillscheg (1980); Sosower (1993b); Bravo Garcia (2000); So-
sower (2002); Harlfinger/Escobar (2008); Escobar (2010b); Elia (2014).
Fig. 8a: Ang. gr. 88, fol. 5r © MiBACT, Biblioteca Angelica.
Fig. 8b: Vall. D 56, fol. 297r © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
Lastly, considering Vall. D 56 on an intellectual level of analysis, it appears as an

composito organizzato,48 where “l’operazione di rassemblement in un unico conte-
nitore di più unità distinte ma chiaramente affini per età e provenienza – collocabile
subito a ridosso della trascrizione delle singole parti – va ricondotta all’attività di un
dotto”,49 specifically to Achilles Statius, whose hand can be recognised in the margins
of codicological units 1, 2 and 4 for tituli, translations, references and a brief comment
on fol. 274v, where he jots down a passage from De oratione dominica orationes V
48 Maniaci (1996) 76.

49 Bianconi (2004) 324, although the context is fairly different.
Fig. 9a: Vall. D 56, fol. 144r © MiBACT, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.
Fig. 9b: Mutin. α.H.6.30, fol. 1r © MiBACT, BEU.
about the issue of the filioque as locus corruptus a corruptis graecis.50 Even though
Statius’ hand is not present throughout the whole manuscript, his authorship appears
evident as we recognise his hand on the spine of the book, near the top cut, where he
notes down the rough title Gregori Nysseni opuscula following a practice traceable in
other manuscripts of the Biblioteca Vallicelliana from his same bequest.51 Therefore
in this case it is possible to presume that Achilles Statius, while busy in Rome with the
study of the Fathers of the Greek Church in order for them to be “emendati, e restituiti
nel loro pristino candore”,52 would turn to different workshops of the book market of
the time to commission texts that he did not yet own.
50 See above, n. 8, for further notes on Achilles Statius.

51 Some similar cases for manuscripts from the 16th century are Vall. D6, D 23, D 32, F 19, F 58 (?),
F 70.
52 Giussano (1610) 20.
The outline of the work distribution practices traced in the present study, the
serial character of some copyists, the tight copy of certain texts, and the selection of
acquirable manuscripts are all perfectly compatible with the context of the decline of
the Greek manuscript production, only in “un paradoxe seulement apparent”53 rejuve-
nated by the simultaneous development of print. Even the known cases of counterfeit-
ing are attributable to a new conception of the manuscript production, now subdued
to the modern laws of business: Andreas Darmarios’ counterfeits are notorious, with
the author’s name changed to make the book easier to be sold. Similarly, it is known
that Nikolaos Choniates took part first hand to some of these counterfeits, which were
perhaps known to some of his contemporaries as well.54 Strong evidence of this can
be found in another composite volume from the Biblioteca Vallicelliana, Vall. B 56,55
traced back to Choniates’ atelier by Gamillscheg. The first part of this religious collec-
tion consists of the Athanasius Alexandrinus’ Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem and is
referable, based on a paleographic analysis, to the 12th-13th century. If we restore the
original collation – the present one does not correspond to the original and has gone
astray probably during the renovation in 06.09.1975, due to the bad condition of the
folios and the difficult retrieval of the quire segnatures – the first folio of the first quire
is missing. It is substituted by a restoration leave written by Iohannes Choniates, who
also writes the author’s name and title of the work in fol. 1r. Perhaps a general suspi-
cion on Achilles Statius’ part over the reliability of Choniates’ atelier’s declared author-
ships can be the cause of Statius’ note on the top margin of the same folio: Ἀνονύμου.
Statius found it necessary to attribute the text to an anonymous author, as is common
practice in the majority of manuscripts including that very texts, and not to Athanasius
Alexandrinus – to which, we now know, the text rightfully belongs. Similarly, in fol. Ir
of Vall. C 8, against the beginning of Pseudo-Caesarius’ Quaestiones et responsiones,
written by a still-anonymous collaborator of the atelier, Statius wrote a note that Cae
sarii γνήσιον esse librum aiebat Sirlettus, perhaps with the intention of being reassured
of the authorship by the renowned humanist Cardinal.
In conclusion, even though this investigation has lead to some crucial findings on
the relationships between ateliers, copyists and texts of the time, more elements could
arise from a broader research in similar archives.56 Meanwhile, this first study on the
anonymous collaborators of Nikolaos Choniates has allowed us to get a glimpse of the
main figures, relations and the history to which their handwritings bear testimony.
53 Mondrain (2002) 474.

54 See the aforementioned Kresten (1976). More recently Sosower (1993b), Sosower (2001), Martínez
Manzano (2006) and Harlfinger/Escobar (2008).
55 Gamillscheg (1980) 284 and Plate 4.
56 There are some similar cases of illustrious humanists, whose libraries have been studied althought
not always in this approach. Among the most important works, see de Andrés (1984); Cataldi Palau
(1985); Cataldi Palau (1986a; 1986b; 1989); Mondrain (1991–1992; 2000), Piccione (2017b).
104
Appendix
Codex measure lines, folding collation watermark friezes scribe text

columns
Pal. gr. 394 340 × 230 (240 × 130) 30, 1 in-folio quat. A: 81 e – N. Choniates Anonymus C; Georgius
N. Choniates Hamartolus
monachus
Riccardo Montalto
Pal. gr. 407 300 × 250 (165 × 100) 18, 1 in-folio quat. A: 148; C: e, b – N. N. Choniates Georgius
10 Choniates Pachymeres
Vat. gr. 660, 315 × 220 (245 × 125) 28/30, 1 in-folio quat. A: 38, 76 individual Michael Bampacares (?); Gregorius
fols. 1r–203v tit. and marg. Anon. βζ Nazianzenus
Vat. gr. 660, 315 × 220 (227 × 120) 28/30, 1 in-folio quat. A: 38, 76 – Anon. ερ Concilium Nicaenum
fols. 429r–486r secundum
Vat. gr. 670 307 × 211 (215 × 125) 28, 1 in-folio quat. A: 38, 62, e – N. Choniates Collaborateur; Iohannes
79, 95 tit. N. Choniates Plusiadenus
Mutin. α.H.6.30, restoration 30, 1 in-folio quat. – individual Anonymous; Michael Psellus
fols. 1–6 tit. Anonymus C
Mutin. α.H.6.30, 295 × 210 32, 2 in–folio quat. A: 38 – Collaborateur; Euthymius
fols. 45–106 Anonymus C Zigabenus
Vall. C 8, 302 × 212 (215 × 115) 28, 1 in-folio quat. A: 84 individual Anonymous Pseudo-Caesarius
fols. 1–120
Vall. C 8, 302 × 212 (220 × 125) 28, 1 in-folio quat. A: 40, 56, Emanuel Anon. ερ; tit. Acta Concili
fols. 121–368 84; L: 6 Bembaines Emanuel Bembaines; Constantinopolitani
marg. Collaborateur in Trullo habitum
(continued)
(continued)

columns
Vall. C 8, 302 × 212 (215 × 115) 28, 1 in-folio quat. A: 35 e – Copiste Copiste des scholies Cabasilas Nicolaus
fols. 369–422 des scholies d’Eschyle;
d’Eschyle tit. I. Choniates
Vall. D 56, 295 × 210 (220 × 127) 30, 1 in-folio quat. A: 88 – Anon. βζ Gregorius Nyssenus
fols. 152, 157,
176, 181
Vall. D 56, 295 × 210 27–29, 1 in-folio quat. A: 40, 79, = Mutin. Anonymous Mutin. Gregorius Nyssenus
fols. 197–258 (185/197 × 120) 95 α.H.6.30, α.H.6.30, fols. 1–6;
fols. 1–6 Anonymus C;
marg. A. Darmarios
Vall. D 56, 295 × 210 (228 × 125) 28, 1 in-folio quat. A: 95 = Mutin. Anonymus C Gregorius Nyssenus
fols. 297–326 α.H.6.30,
fols. 1–6
Vall. F 58, 220 × 155 (154 × 95) 21–24, 1 in-quarto quat. A: 38, 42; b– Collaborateur; Anastasius Sinaita,
fols. 1–98 Collaborateur I. Choniates; Expositionum
Anonymous fragmenta in
nonnulla Evang.
dicta
Vall. F 68, 205 × 255 (147 × 90) 22, 1 in-quarto quat. A: 56 a– Collaborateur; Pseudo-Methodii,
fols. 195–208 Collaborateur I. Choniates Revelationes;
Vaticinium de
Anonymous Collaborators of Nikolaos Choniates’ atelier
romanis et Ismaelitis
105
(continued)
106

columns
Vall. P 279 235 × 157 (165 × 100) 24–25, 1 in-quarto quat. A: 99 b– Collaborateur Iohannes
Collaborateur Chrysostomus,
Iohannes Agapetus
Taur. B.III.22 280 × 190 (200 × 125) 18–19, 1 in-folio quat. A: 144 e, a – N. N. Choniates Theodorus
Riccardo Montalto
Choniates Balsamon
Citiens. 62 300 × 204 28–29, 1 in-folio quat. A: 38 a, e – Collaborateur; Georgius
(215 × 125/225 × 115) Collaborateur 2 anonymi Pachymeres
Citiens. 65 300 × 205 (225 × 120) 28, 1 in-folio quat. A: 42 b – N. N. Choniates; Georgius
Choniates Anon. ερ; Hamartolus
2 anonymi monachus
The watermark reference is Sosower (2004). A = Ancre; C = Chapeau; L = Lettres assemblées.

For the friezes, the letters a-g are equivalent to those of Plate 10 in Canart (2005).
Fig. 10: Citiens. 65, fol. 1r © Stiftsbibliothek Zeitz.

Fig. 11: Mon. gr. 139, fol. 8r © Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.

Fig. 12: Mutin. α.H.6.30, fol. 90v © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Biblioteca Estense Universitaria di Modena.
Fig. 13: Vall. F 58, fol. 2r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Vallicelliana.
Fig. 14: Vat. gr. 670, fol. 1r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

Fig. 15: Vall. C 8, fol. 121r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca
Vallicelliana.
Fig. 16a: Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 1v © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 16b: Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 28r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 16c: Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 679r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Fig. 16d: Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 681r © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Irene Papadaki
Manolis Glyzounis, Greek Publisher
and Copyist in Venice in the Second Half
of the Sixteenth Century
Manolis Glyzounis,1 a man of letters whose activity in the second half of the six-
teenth century spans Venice, the Vatican, and Spain, is responsible for the total or
partial production of 55 manuscripts which are preserved today at some of the most
important Greek manuscript collections across Europe. These manuscripts contain
theological, philosophical, and historical texts, works of rhetoric and poetry, and
treatises on natural sciences, written in different periods between late antiquity and
the 16th century.2 Furthermore, Glyzounis has collaborated, as editor, in the print-
ing of more than 33 editions of Greek books in Venice.3 Taken together, these data
are indicative of an activity that must be considered when examining the formation
of networks through which the texts of the Ancient Greek, Byzantine, and Modern
Greek culture circulated in a period of great political, ideological, and religious fer-
mentation, when the last vestiges of the Renaissance gave way to the spread of the
Counter-Reformation. Recently uncovered information from unpublished sources4 is
here introduced into our study, thus enriching Glyzounis’s biography5 and placing his
codicographical and editorial activities in their proper background, reconstructed at
the level of microhistory.
1 Glyzounis’s last name is traced in the sources in many different forms. In documents written in
Greek he signs as Μανουήλος or Μανόλης Γλυνζούνης, while in the books he published he used the
most scholarly types Εμμανουήλ or Μανουήλ Γλυνζούνιος or Γλυνζώνιος. In a single autograph signa-
ture in Greek, which is the oldest known today, he signed as Μανόλης Γλυτζούνις. See Patrinelis (1992)
312–314, 316. This form of his last name, although appearing once, is more commonly used in the
bibliography, as it is closer to the forms of his last name written in Latin characters in the documents
of that time (Glinzon, Glinzone, Glinzoni, Glinzuni, Glinzogni). It should be noted, however, that the
Glinsugni, Glinsuni, Glinson, and Glincon types also appear in the documents.
2 For a catalogue of the manuscripts with related bibliography, see Appendix. One more manuscript,
Monacensis gr. 403, was erroneously attributed to Glyzounis by Sicherl (1956) 46–47. It was actually
copied by Konstantinos Rhesinos. See RGK I 134.
3 For a catalogue of the editions, see Layton (1994) 310–312 and more extensively Papadaki (2005a).
4 All the archival material on which this study is based is transcribed in my unpublished PhD disser-
tation. See Papadaki (2005b).
5 For a synthesis of Glyzounis’s biography based mostly on published sources, see Layton (1994)
303–315, with rich bibliography, and more recently Floristán (2014).
Note: I am grateful to Irena Alexieva for her assistance with the English translation of this text.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-005
116 Irene Papadaki
Manolis Glyzounis was born around 1540 on the island of Chios.6 His Orthodox
Greek family had a house in the homonymous capital of the island, in the district
of Panagia Terminiotissa.7 Since childhood, he was accustomed with the Byzantine
tradition, which was kept alive in his family environment, within Italian civilization
due to the domination of his island by the Genoese. The daily contact between the
native and the foreign element since the 14th century had produced – in the years of
Glyzounis’s spiritual formation – a multicultural reality, defined by the coexistence
of different languages, dogmas, and cultural traditions.8 The convergence between
the governing Genoese and the upper social strata, favoured by common interests,
was manifested in socio-political alliances. But there was also a convergence between
natives and foreigners in the island’s middle class, as the development of crafts and
trade had created areas of cooperation and interaction between different linguistic
and cultural milieus. The needs of this mixed society resulted in educational oppor-
tunities in Greek, Latin, and Italian, provided mostly by private teachers. Contempo-
rary sources indicate that the communication between natives and foreigners did not
necessarily require the mediation of interpreters.9
Growing up in the busy harbour of Chios, Manolis Glyzounis must have learned
Italian in order to be able to involve himself in the merchant networks that connected
Chios with the Italian peninsula. He may have even had the chance to access Italian
books. Otherwise, it would be difficult to explain how from his early youth he decided
to write a handbook of practical arithmetic, strongly influenced by Italian abaci, for
the use of Greek-speaking merchants active between the Italian peninsula and the
Eastern Mediterranean. The book is titled Logariastiki (Λογαριαστική) and constitutes
the first practical arithmetic volume printed in Greek.10 Its final pages also included
an explanation of the method used to calculate the occurrence of Easter in each eccle-
siastical year. The book was published in Venice in 1569 by Francesco Rampazetto.
Documents kept in the State Archives of Venice indicate that Glyzounis himself was
6 His year of birth was estimated from the record of his death on October 10, 1596, preserved in a
book of the Santa Ternita parish in Venice, according to which he was 56 years old when he died. See
Mertzios (1939) 203. From the members of Glyzounis’s family, we know the name of his father Vasilios,
already dead by February 24, 1586 (ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 3183 [V. Conti: Estraordinari], fasc. 5,
fols. 19v–20v), and of his brother Ioannis (Hassiotis [1970] 237–238).
7 The location of the house is mentioned in Glyzounis’s will. See BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 386–388; Mertzios
(1939) 212–216. According to Amantos (1919) 76 n. 2, the place name Terminiotissa was no longer pre-
served at the beginning of the 20th century; it must have been located in the area of Vounaki, possibly
near the church of Saint Vasilios of Petrokokini.
8 From the rich bibliography on the social, political, and cultural history of the island of Chios in the
Late Middle Ages, see especially Balard (1989), Pistarino (1995) and Balletto (2004). On the last period
of the Genoese domination, see also Basso (2010).
9 Balard (1989) 167–168.
10 BH xv-xvi, vol. 4, 167. On the book, see especially Sklavenitis (1990) 16–20, Kastanis (1998) 31–56
and more recently Gagatsis et al. (2015), with related bibliography.
Manolis Glyzounis, Greek Publisher and Copyist in Venice 117
active in Venice at that time and that he presented his book to the competent commis-
sion of the Riformatori allo studio di Padova in order to obtain a publishing licence.11
He also claimed and received the exclusive publication rights to the book for the next
twenty years in order to protect his financial investment in this youthful endeavour.12
In the preface to the edition,13 Glyzounis attempts to motivate his readers to benefit
from reading the book by stressing the need to restore the education of the Greek
Orthodox population, which was negatively affected by the loss of sovereignty over the
Greek lands and their transition to foreign rulers. The awareness of being descendants
of ancestors lionized by European scholarship could provide an incentive for spiritual
recovery, but this would be achieved by fulfilling the basic cognitive needs first. The
purpose of the Logariastiki was the assimilation of a western example of primary math-
ematical education – which had emerged in the cities of the Italian peninsula during
the Renaissance – and its dissemination through typographical means.
Although the book is written in the vernacular Greek, with a large number of
loanwords from Italian, the preface to Glyzounis’s edition – characterised by a lan-
guage and style more elaborated than the rest of the book – reveals that Glyzounis
was versed in classical culture. This is also confirmed by his copying activities, since
his surviving manuscripts demonstrate his familiarity with a wide range of texts
of Ancient Greek and Byzantine literature. His scholarship, which had probably
11 The positive verdict on the printing of the book was actually issued by the Riformatori allo studio
di Padova on April 6, 1568. See ASVe, Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio, filza 7, unnumbered. The
document was traced by Panagiotakis (1979) 115 n. 9 (dated though erroneously one year earlier) and
transcribed by Lecuir (1985 [?]) 243–244. On April 9, 1568, the Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci gave the
permission for the publication of the book. See ASVe, Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio, reg. 22,
fol. 15r and Lecuir (1985 [?]) 114 and 135 n. 5 (erroneously dated at 8 April 1568).
12 The rights were granted to Glyzounis by the Consiglieri of Senato Terra on July 19, 1568. See ASVe,
Senato Terra, reg. 47, fol. 24rv and Lecuir (1985 [?]) 114 and 135 n. 2. At its colophon, the book bears as
date of issue the 27th of February, 1568, according to the Venetian measurement of the year, which in
fact corresponds to the 27th of February, 1569; see Bees (1984) 325 and Tselikas (1984–1987) 161. It was
indeed the first edition; the short time between the date of conferral of the exclusive publication rights
and the completion of printing would not have been sufficient to issue another edition prior to that of
1569. An undated edition made by Zanetti, which some scholars place in 1568 (Papadopoulos [1984]
186 and [1986] 72; Sklavenitis [1990] 16–17), could be more correctly dated to a later period. A paral-
lel edition of the book by Zanetti, funded by Glyzounis – who had the exclusive publishing rights –
would have been an unnecessary and unjustified expense for a title not yet tested on the market. It
is much more reasonable to assume that the examples given for calculating the date of Easter in the
undated edition begin in 1568 because it remained faithful to the original. Editors of the Logariastiki
did not always update chronological indications, as evidenced by examples of subsequent editions.
In the Logariastiki published by Zanetti in 1596, the year 1568 is reported as the current year; see BH
xv-xvi, vol. 2, 120. In the Logariastiki published in 1654 by the Giuliani printing house, the examples
for calculating the dates begin in 1641, while the moon schedule (Σεληνοδρόμιον) covers the years
1641–1659. Iliou (1973) 82–83 has pointed out that the 1654 edition consisted either entirely or partially
of copies of a 1641 edition, to which the publisher had added a new cover page with an altered date.
13 The preface has been published by BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 121 and Sklavenitis (1990) 87–88.
118 Irene Papadaki
been cultivated since his early youth in his homeland,14 allowed him to enter into
a network of copyists involved in the circulation of Greek books on the Italian pen-
insula. It is certain that he worked as a scribe as early as the years of his first stay in
Venice, between 1566 and 1570. He supplied with Greek texts the well-known scholar
and manuscript merchant Antonios Eparchos15 and started his collaboration with the
prolific scribe Andreas Darmarios.16 He probably got in touch with other scribes and
editors/correctors of Greek books as well, who were active in Venice at that time, such
as Venedictos Episcopopoulos17 and Ioannis Nathanael.18 The handwriting of these
copyists coexists with Glyzounis’s handwriting in some manuscripts, but this alone
does not constitute reliable evidence for their cooperation.
The circle of Glyzounis’s acquaintances in the Venetian capital certainly included
members of the Greek community. The possibility offered by the Venetian govern-
ment for the Greek population to organise itself as a Brotherhood as early as 1498 had
contributed to the development of the social potential of the Greek Orthodox com-
munity in the multicultural mosaic of Venice and to their active participation in the
spiritual and political events of their times. In a period of intense conflict between
Christians and Ottomans, Venice considered the Orthodox Greeks as intermediaries to
the Eastern Mediterranean, introducing a remarkable number of them to the Venetian
intelligence networks. Glyzounis’s first involvement in a secret mission based on a
plan for anti-Ottoman action, submitted to the Venetian government by the scholar
Gregorios Malaxos on April 7, 1570,19 should be interpreted in this context. The plan
relied on the proclivity of Patriarch Metrophanes III to collaborate with Christian
14 Advanced lessons in Greek were offered at his youth in Chios by local teachers and scholars origi-
nating from other Greek territories, like Michael Ermodoros Listarchos and Pachomios Rousanos. See
especially Zolotas (1926) 376–409, Amantos (1976) 43–59 and Stoupakis (2000) 135–146, with related
bibliography. There is no reliable evidence of Glyzounis’s attending the University of Padua, a hy-
pothesis suggested by Katramis (1880) 211. For the Greeks who actually graduated from the University
of Padua, see Ploumidis (1969–1970; 1971a; 1971b; 1971c), Martellozzo Forin (1971) ad indicem, Dalla
Francesca/Veronese (2001) ad indicem, and Martellozzo Forin (2008) ad indicem.
15 For Glyzounis’s manuscripts in the Eparchos’s collection, see Appendix, MSS nos. 3, 5, 7, 10. Epar-
chos was one of the readers appointed by the Riformatori allo studio di Padova to examine Logariasti
ki before granting the licence for its publication. There were two more readers, Ioannis Zygomalas and
Emmanouil Kantakouzinos, members of the Greek community of Venice. For the document, see n. 11
above. On Eparchos, see especially Giotopoulou-Sisilianou (1978), Mondrain (2000) and the recent
study of Martínez Manzano (2016a) with related bibliography. On Zygomalas’s and Kantakouzinos’s
involvement with the Greek community, see Mavroidi (1976) 34, 133–135.
16 Bravo García (1990) 326. Glyzounis and Darmarios have produced several manuscripts together,
both in Venice and in Spain. See Appendix, MSS nos. 5, 6, 13, 14, 20, 33, 55. On Darmarios, see also the
recent study of Elia (2014), with related bibliography.
17 Appendix, MSS nos. 5, 7, 30. See also RGK I 46; Layton (1994) 283.
18 Appendix, MS no. 51. See also RGK I 100–101; II 99; III 109; Layton (1994) 396–401.
19 ASVe, Consiglio dei Dieci, Parti Secrete, filza 14 (1570), unnumbered. Parts of the document have
been published by Lamansky (1968) 084–086. See also Hassiotis (1970) 124–130.
forces in the West20 and on the readiness of Greek populations to rebel against the
Ottomans, if assured that the Venetian State would help. The Venetian government,
which had responded favourably to Malaxos’s plan, sought to secure the support of
the Tsar Ivan IV Vasilyevich for its successful outcome. Glyzounis was entrusted with
the delicate task of presenting orally the intentions and reassurances of the Vene-
tian government to the Patriarch in Constantinople,21 while their written form was to
be submitted to Metrophanes III through a diplomatic channel that was supposed to
be created by the apostolic nuncio in Poland Vincenzo Dal Portico, mediator to the
Tsar. Although the plan did not succeed due to the disrupted political balances on the
Russian-Polish border and the absence of Patriarch Metrophanes III from Constan-
tinople upon Glyzounis’s arrival, the experience was decisive for Glyzounis’s later
involvement in secret missions.
New opportunities presented themselves a year later, when the Ottoman pres-
sures in the Eastern Mediterranean – mainly on Cyprus – led to a coalition of Venice,
the Vatican, and Spain into a Holy League. Glyzounis was invited to participate in the
secret services of the allied forces by the Venetian cardinal Marcantonio Da Mula,22
who had been Cardinal Librarian of the Vatican Library since 1565 and knew him as a
supplier of Greek manuscripts. Their communication was probably mediated by the
Cretan copyist Manuel Provataris, who was active in the Vatican at the same time
and corresponded with Glyzounis on issues relating to the acquisition of books.23
Once recruited, Glyzounis was sent from the Vatican to the viceroy of Naples, cardinal
Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, a former member of the Congregazione per i Principi,
the Congregation responsible for the foreign policy of the Papal States.24 Glyzounis
had previously met him at the papal court.25 Following Granvelle’s instructions, he
20 On the journey of Metrophanes III to the Italian peninsula (December 1546–June 1547), when
he was still a metropolitan, with the intent to establish possible alliances, see Hassiotis (1970) 60,
124–125 and Kaklamanis (1999), with related bibliography.
21 On Glyzounis’s mission, see ASVe, Consiglio dei Dieci, Secreta, reg. 9 (1569–1571), fol. 68rv. The
document was published by Lamansky (1968) 078–079. Due to the delicate nature of a mission that
could place Glyzounis’s life in danger, he requested from the competent Venetian authorities that
his family in Venice be protected in case he should not return alive from Constantinople. See ASVe,
Consiglio dei Dieci, Parti Secrete, filza 14 (1570), unnumbered. A second copy of the same document
is preserved in ASVe, Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Suppliche (1479–1594), unnumbered. The docu-
ment was published and commented by Hassiotis (1970) 129–130, 237–238. For his travel expenses,
Glyzounis received 50 cechini (i.e. zecchini). See ASVe, Consiglio dei Dieci, Parti Secrete, filza 14 (1570),
unnumbered (6 May 1570).
22 Canart (1972–1973) 528 and 544. For cardinal Marcantonio Da Mula, see especially Gullino (1986).
23 For a letter Glyzounis sent to Provataris from Venice in 1566 or 1567, informing him about his diffi-
culty to find a printed Triodion on the Venetian book market and send it to him in Rome, see Patrinelis
(1992) 312–314 and 316. The letter is preserved in Vat. gr. 2124, fol. 150.
24 For Granvelle, see especially Dinard (2009), with related bibliography.
25 ASV, Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol. 18, fol. 192rv (olim no. 211rv) and Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 263v.
120 Irene Papadaki
left for the Greek territories in order to gather information on the movements of the
Ottoman army and fleet. His activities as a dealer of manuscripts served as a cover.26
The only extant evidence of the services offered by Glyzounis to the Christian
forces, that had coalesced into the Holy League is the information he gave to the
Spanish secret services in the early summer of 1572 about a Wallachian prince named
Pagrignano, who claimed that could incite an uprising of the people in Croatia,
Temesvar, and Western and Central Macedonia against the Ottomans if he could find
support.27 With the mediation of the bishop of Omis (ital. Almissa), Pagrignano had
communicated his plans to the Venetian secret services in 1570 and was encouraged
to put them into practice, which he did not succeed in doing due to the gathering of
strong Ottoman military forces in the Balkans after the death of the Prince of Tran-
sylvania John Sigismund Zápolya. The bishop of Omis then approached the Spanish
embassy in Venice. Pagrignano himself travelled to Venice and – with the mediation
of Glyzounis – presented his plan to the Spanish ambassador Diego Guzmán de Silva,
who referred it to cardinal Granvelle and to Don Juan d’Austria. The Spanish secret
services, informed by Glyzounis on Pagrignano’s contacts inside and outside Venice,
seem to have left his proposal unanswered.
Glyzounis’s employment as a spy gave him the opportunity to get in contact
with high-ranking officials of Spain and the Vatican. When Pius V was succeeded by
Gregory XIII in 1572, Glyzounis hastened to inform the new Pope about his activities
and to ensure that his co-operation with the Vatican would continue. By then he was
back in Venice, where he served the interests of the Spanish court. The city was – as
Glyzounis expressively mentioned in a letter to the Pontiff – a prominent centre for the
copying and circulation of Greek manuscripts, a real “gateway to the East”.28 Thus,
he was able to continue to supply the Vatican Library with manuscripts of unknown
works and with complete or correct texts of works available in the library in corrupt
forms. Gregory XIII referred Glyzounis to Guglielmo Sirleto – Cardinal Librarian of the
Vatican Library since 1572 – and the cardinal, who was also a prominent scholar of
classical culture,29 gave his expected approval.
In the years that followed, Guglielmo Sirleto provided substantial support to Glyzou-
nis. A manuscript preserving copies of the cardinal’s correspondence, now Vat. lat. 6946,
contains several letters of recommendation Sirleto wrote on Glyzounis’s behalf. The first,
dated February 11, 1575, is addressed to the catholic bishop of Ragusa in Dalmatia30 and
26 ASV, Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol. 27, fol. 66r (olim no. 93r). The document was traced by Has-
siotis (1970) 130–131 n. 4.
27 Hassiotis (1970) 119–123.
28 Glyzounis’s letter to Pope Gregory XIII has been published and commented by Canart (1972–1973)
527–529 and 544.
29 For Guglielmo Sirleto and his library, see Backus/Gain (1986) and Lucà (2012), with related bibliography.
30 The bishopric of Ragusa was held by Crisostomo Calvino until February 16, 1575. See Canart
(1972–1973) 529 n. 1. He was succeeded by Vincenzo Dal Portico. Dal Portico was aware of Glyzounis’s
informs him of the imminent arrival of Glyzounis for the search of Greek manuscripts
with texts listed in a catalogue given to him by Sirleto.31 Two more letters of recommen-
dation, four years later, relate to Glyzounis’s travels to Ancona and Venice. Neither the
lieutenant of Ancona Ventura Maffetti, to whom the first letter was addressed,32 nor the
Patriarch of Venice Giovanni Trevisan, the recipient of the second letter,33 were clearly
informed about the purposes of Glyzounis’s missions. The dense presence of Greeks in
these cities may have allowed Glyzounis to gather information from the Levant.
Glyzounis’s continued involvement in spying activities can be assumed based on a
recently published document34 concerning a request for pay for his services offered to
the Spanish armada in Naples. As Glyzounis claimed, the viceroy of the city, Marquis
de Mondejar, had employed him for almost a year with the promise of 300 scudi,
which was not fulfilled. Since Iñigo López de Mendoza, third Marquis of Mondejar,
was viceroy of Naples in the years 1575–1579, Glyzounis must have offered his ser-
vices during this period. He may have met there the scribe Ioannis Sanctamavras and
the metropolitan bishop Makarios Melissenos, whose recension of the Chronicon of
Sphrantzes he copied into a manuscript preserved now in the British Library.35
Trying to collect his remuneration and expand his business opportunities,
Glyzounis decided to travel to Spain in person and seek regular employment at the
Spanish embassy in Venice. For this purpose, he requested a letter of recommenda-
tion from the Spanish ambassador Cristóbal de Salazar, whose humanistic interests
must have been a reason for their familiarity.36 Pope Gregory XIII and cardinal Sirleto
were also willing to intervene on his behalf. Among the copies of the cardinal’s corre-
spondence, there are several letters of recommendation concerning Glyzounis’s trip
to Spain. The first, of May 20, 1580, is addressed – at the Pope’s suggestion – to car-
dinal Granvelle, who had known their protégé personally since his employment to
the secret services of the Holy League.37 Another letter of the same date is addressed
to the apostolic nuncio in Madrid and was meant to facilitate Glyzounis’s stay in the
involvement in secret services, since they were both engaged in the secret plans of the Venetian gov-
ernment to collaborate with the Patriarch of Constantinople Metrophanes III, five years earlier. See
n. 21 above. For Dal Portico, see also Ronchi De Michelis (1986).
31 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 196v. The text is published by Canart (1972–1973) 529 n. 1. The contents of the list
are unknown. It is certain, however, that Glyzounis provided manuscripts not only for the Vatican, but
also for Sirleto’s personal library. See Appendix nos. 33, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 49, 50.
32 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 263v.
33 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 263v. For Trevisan, see Tramontin (1967).
34 Floristán (2014) 147–148, 151–152.
35 Appendix no. 16. See also Hassiotis (1966) 54–60 and Maisano (1987).
36 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1342, no. 80. The document was traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4.
On Salazar’s interest in classical studies, see Laspéras (1983).
37 ASV, Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol. 18, fol. 192rv (olim no. 211rv). The document was traced by
Hassiotis (1970) 130–131 n. 4.
122 Irene Papadaki
city.38 About a month later, on June 25, Sirleto wrote again to Granvelle for the same
purpose, on his own initiative.39 He also informed the archbishop of Toledo Gaspar
de Quiroga y Vela asking for his support.40 Finally, Fabritio Villano, presidente of the
Reggia Camera della Summaria in Naples, was urged by Sirleto to help Glyzounis
board a ship for the Spanish coasts.41
Glyzounis indeed travelled to Spain shortly afterwards. The first evidence of his
arrival is a letter he wrote on April 6, 1581, from Saragossa to the archbishop of Tarra-
gona Antonio Agustín, a renowned scholar,42 whom he had probably met previously
at the papal court. He informed the archbishop about the Greek manuscripts he had
brought with him for sale, enclosing a list of their contents and noting that many more
manuscripts could be chosen from catalogues sent ἐξ Ἑλλάδος.43
Glyzounis presented himself to the Spanish court and his request for employ-
ment was soon accepted. By a mandate issued on July 8, 1581, Philip II informed the
Spanish ambassador in Venice that Glyzounis was to be paid on a monthly basis. The
services expected of him were generally defined as embassy (embaxada).44 The King’s
expectations are more clearly revealed in a reply letter dated May 8, 1582, sent by car-
dinal Granvelle to cardinal Sirleto: “I hope that [Glyzounis] will serve well where he
will be asked to and that old books will be acquired through him for the library of the
monastery of Saint Lawrence at Escorial”.45 Glyzounis’s request for a payout for his
services offered at Naples was also approved.46
Members of the circle of copyists who collaborated with the Escorial library are
likely to have met Glyzounis during his stay in Spain. Manuscripts that have been
produced by him also exhibit the handwritings of Nicolas de la Torre47 and Andreas
Darmarios.48 He met Antonio Agustín, who bought two manuscript from Glyzounis’s
38 ASV, Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol. 27, fol. 66r (olim no. 93r). The document was traced by Has-
siotis (1970) 130–131 n. 4.
39 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 263v.
40 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 291r (June 25, 1580). For archbishop Gaspar de Quiroga y Vela, a known patron
of Domenikos Theotokopoulos, see Pizarro Llorente (2004).
41 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 291v.
42 For Agustín’s humanistic interests, see especially Crawford (1993). For his Greek manuscript col-
lection, see also Mayer (1997), Pérez Martín (2001) and Salvadó Recasens (2010–2011).
43 For the letter, see Graux (1880) 442–443, BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 384–385 and Miquel Rosell (1940) 193–195.
44 Two copies of the document are preserved in AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1342, no. 80, and
leg. 1526, no. 165. See Revilla (1936) CII and Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4. The allowance to which Glyzou-
nis was entitled amounted to 96 scudi annually; this was the average salary earned by regular inform-
ers of the Spanish government residing in Venice at the same period. See Hassiotis (1977) 132.
45 Vat. Reg. lat. 387, fols. 142r–143v (the english translation of the italian original is mine). The text
is published by De Nolhac (1884) 21–22 and BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 385 n. 1. See also Floristán (1997) 1172.
46 Floristán (2014) 147–148, 151–152.
47 On de la Torre, see de Andrés (1969) and Floristán (1997) 1175–1176.
48 See n. 16 above.
list, namely the works of Iamblichus and the Acts of two ecumenical councils.49 Three
more of Glyzounis’s manuscripts are included in the catalogue of Agustín’s library,
but they must have been purchased by him on other occasions.50
Glyzounis prolonged his stay in Spain for about ten months after the issue of Philip
II’s mandate on his employment. In 1582, he also presented to the Spanish authorities
a proposal for the placement of an Orthodox metropolitan bishop in Brindisi, which –
according to Glyzounis – might encourage Orthodox populations to seek refuge from
the Ottomans in the Spanish dominated Italian lands. Philip II referred Glyzounis’s
plan to the viceroy of Naples, Juan de Zúñiga y Requeséns and to his counsel (Consejo
Colateral) in order to be evaluated.51
Shortly before Glyzounis’s departure from Spain, cardinal Granvelle wrote a short
informative letter to Sirleto on the acceptance of Glyzounis’s petition of employment by
the Spanish goverment. The document, bearing the date May 8, 1582, was to be deliv-
ered personaly by Glyzounis to Sirleto in Rome.52 He finally returned to Venice at the
end of 1582 and a little later began to receive his monthly allowance from the Spanish
embassy in the city.53 In a letter dated January 12, 1583, Granvelle also informed the
Spanish ambassador Cristóbal de Salazar about the services that were to be expected
of Glyzounis: “I consider Glyzounis a good and useful person and the King’s desire is
that he deals with what happens in the East and that he supplies the Escorial with Greek
books; he can offer useful services if Your Excellency would favour and help him”.54 Evi-
dence of receipt of Glyzounis’s monthly allowance, preserved today at the State Archives
of Simancas,55 attest to his regular employment from the beginning of 1583.
In the spring of the same year, Glyzounis undertook another mission to Southern
Italy. On March 24, Sirleto gave him three letters of recommendation addressed to
don Lope de Gusmán, visiting inspector at the Kingdom of Naples,56 to the apostolic
nuncio Silvio Savelli57 and to Annibale di Capua, archbishop of the city.58 A little later
49 Appendix nos. 8 and 47. As Sicherl (1956) 40–53 argued, many of the remaining manuscripts of the
catalogue that Glyzounis sent to Agustín were acquired for the civic library of Augsburg after Glyzou-
nis’s death, at the beginning of the 17th century.
50 Appendix nos. 4, 6, 12.
51 Floristán (2014) 145–147.
52 For this letter, see De Nolhac (1884) 21–22 and BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 385 n. 1.
54 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1528, no. 70 (the English translation of the Spanish original is mine).
The document was traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4. See also Floristán (1997) 1172 and (2014) 148.
55 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1529, no. 250; AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1532, no. 228, 230, 231. The
documents were traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4.
56 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 360rv. For the consequences of Lope de Gusmán’s inspection to Naples, see
Pilati (1987).
57 Vat. lat. 6946, fol. 360v. For Savelli, see Brunelli Gia. (2017).
58 Vat. lat. 6946, fols. 360v–361r (the document bears the indication 1581, due to a scribal error, but is
copied among the letters of 1583). For Annibale di Capua, see Sanfilippo (1991).
124 Irene Papadaki
Glyzounis informed the Spanish authorities of a general negative reaction of “bad

Christians” to the undertaking of anti-Ottoman actions, as cardinal Granvelle men-
tioned in a letter to the Spanish ambassador in Venice Cristóbal de Salazar, dated
February 18, 1584.59
In his letter, cardinal Granvelle clearly expressed to Salazar his scepticism toward
Glyzounis’s proposal. Appointing an Orthodox prelate and encouraging populations
with Greek customs and a schismatic religious attitude to establish themselves in
Spanish-dominated lands on the Italian peninsula was a risky venture. Glyzounis,
though, should not be completely discouraged, because he could be useful for other
tasks, such as the collection of manuscripts, whose transfer to Spain was not yet
arranged by the chief librarian of the Escorial, Arias Montano.
The interest of the papal court in the kind of texts that Glyzounis could provide
continued to be vivid. The custodian of the Vatican Library Marino Rinaldi wrote
three letters to Glyzounis, expressing the desire to buy some manuscripts available
for sale in the spring of 1584, according to a catalogue that Glyzounis had sent on
March 24 the same year. On May 11, Glyzounis informed Rinaldi that he had received
his letters with delay, thus missing the opportunity to ask Ioannis Bonafes,60 who
had recently left Venice, to deliver what Rinaldi had asked to Rome. The manuscripts
would be available for purchase as soon as the person who kept them returned to
Venice. A copy of the catalogue of these manuscripts is included in Glyzounis’s
letter.61 It contains the following texts: 1) a Byzantine chronicle from Adam to the
reign of Heraclius, probably the Chronicon Paschale; 2) the second volume of Rho
maike historia of Nicephorus Gregoras, which – according to Glyzounis – was still
unpublished; 3) the Orneosophium of Leo VI the Wise (Pantoleon in the document);
4) a Commentarium in Ecclesiastes based on Commentaria written by Gregorius Nys-
senus, Gregorius Theologus, and Maximus the Confessor; 5) the Synodicon de festo
Orthodoxiae; 6) the De Trinitate of Michael Psellus; 7) the Introductio harmonica of
Gaudentius; 8) the De mensuris of Heron Alexandrinus, probably together with the
Arithmetica of Anatolius Alexandrinus and the Mensurae marmorum ac lignorum
written by Didymus Alexandrinus; 9) the Optica of Damianus; 10) the Ad culturam
virtutum gubernatoria animarum hypotyposis, attributed to Leo VI the Wise; 11) the
Irrisio gentilium philosophorum of Hermias; 12) the De sole ad Salustium and Misopo
gon written by Flavius Claudius Iulianus; 13) the Patria Constantinopolis attributed to
Georgius Codinus; 14) the Commentarius in Oppiani Halieutica and the Paraphrasis
59 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1531, no. 4. The document was traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4. See
also Floristán (1997) 1173 and (2014) 145–146.
60 For Ioannis Bonafes, who worked at the Greek college of Saint Athanasios in Rome, see Panagio-
topoulou K. (1975).
61 Vat. lat. 6792, fols. 30r–31v. Glyzounis’s letter is mentioned in RGK III 152. For Marino Rinaldi or
Ranaldi and other members of his family who worked in the Vatican Library, see Brunelli Gia. (2016)
with related bibliography.
in Oppiani Cynegetica written by Tzetzes; 15) the Catena in Canticum Canticorum of

Polychronius.62
Although not mentioned in Glyzounis’s letter to Rinaldi, he himself must have
been out of Venice at the beginning of spring that year. On December 30, 1583, Manuel
Palaeologos, a descendant of the well-known Byzantine family who lived in the
Spanish court,63 had appointed him as his proxy and had assigned him the task of
receiving money and assets of his fortune from people in Venice and “Gurvina Uliza”;
the last place is probably identifiable with Igumenitsa.64 Glyzounis’s intentions to
travel to this place could have been known to Palaeologos, with whom he had main-
tained contact for several years, since both of them were involved in spying activi-
ties. He must have been travelling to Greek lands when, on March 26, 1584, a certain
Damianos from Koroni gave him a receipt for several sums of money he had earned
by observing the people who were heading to Hvar and Kotor in Dalmatia. The receipt
was handed over to the Spanish authorities, which clearly indicates that the informa-
tion was gathered on their behalf.65
Glyzounis was certainly in Venice in October 1584, when he applied to the com-
petent Venetian authorities for a licence to publish another one of his endeavours:
an Evangelistarion (Εὐαγγελιστάριον), comprising a series of tables which matched
the texts of the Gospels with the feasts during which they were read in the Orthodox
Church. The practical purpose of the book was clear. He also applied for exclusive
publication rights, which were granted to him by Senato Terra a year later, on Sep-
tember 20, 1585.66 Glyzounis’s shift from manuscripts to printed books was probably
encouraged by his acquaintance with two of the most influential figures of the Greek
community in Venice: the Orthodox Metropolitan of Philadelphia Gabriel Severos67
62 Among Glyzounis’s surviving manuscripts, those included in the catalogue can not be identified.
These will have been produced by other copyists collaborating with a dealer, whose name is not men-
tioned in the document. In the catalogue of the Vatican Library made at the begining of the 17th
century by Domenico Rinaldi, included in Vat. lat. 13190 (fols. 220–278v), some of the texts mentioned
by Glyzounis can be traced. There is no certainty, though, that the entries refer to the manuscripts
that Glyzounis offered for sale and not to other copies of the same texts. For Rinaldi’s catalogue, see
Devreesse (1965) 470–482.
63 For Manuel Palaeologos’s activities, see Floristán (1997) 1172–1173 and (2012) 148–151, 161–162.
64 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1529, nos. 259 and 262. The documents were traced by Hassiotis (1970)
130 n. 4. See also Floristán (1997) 1172.
65 Floristán (1997) 1173.
66 The publishing licence for the book, granted by the Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci on October 10,
1584, accompanied Glyzounis’s application for exclusive publication rights. See ASVe, Senato Terra,
filza 95 (1585 settembre–novembre), unnumbered.
67 On Severos, see especially Apostolopulos (2004); see also above Piccione, 9–12. The first evidence
of Glyzounis’s acquaintance with Severos dates back to February 10, 1583. Glyzounis signed as a wit-
ness to Andreas Araouzeos’s receipt for a sum of 25 Venetian ducats, which Severos had given him
for the transportation of hawks through Corfu and Istria to Venice. See Papadaki (2005b) doc. no. 25.
126 Irene Papadaki
and the Cretan scholar Maximos Margounios, bishop of Cythera.68 According to the
dedicatory epistle to Severos, which Glyzounis included in the Evangelistarion, both
Orthodox prelates had placed at his disposal similar works, which had previously
circulated only in manuscript form.69
Glyzounis’s involvement with publishing business proved to be of decisive
importance as a professional alternative, since in 1586 his monthly allowance from
the Spanish embassy was interrupted.70 It was at that time that Glyzounis begun
his collaboration with the typographer Francesco Giuliani, who was attempting to
establish himself professionally in Venice71 by leveraging his ties with members of
the Greek community.72 In the years 1586–1587, Glyzounis published three religious
books: a Psalterion (Ψαλτήριον),73 an Anthologion (Ἀνθολόγιον),74 and an Octoechos
(Ὀκτώηχος).75 These were books that could easily be absorbed by the market, as evi-
denced by the large number of re-editions they had in the 16th century. In the first two,
Glyzounis included dedicatory epistles addressed to Severos, whose manuscripts had
been useful for the editing of the Psalterion.76 The dedications suggested that the new
68 On Margounios, see especially Fedalto (1967), Layton (1994) 388–394, Karamanolis (1998), Litsas
(2009) and Ciccolella (2020), with related bibliography. See also below Ciccolella, 147–160.
69 ’Eπειδὴ τοίνυν τοῦτ’ οὐκ οἶδ’ ὅπως ξυμβὰν τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν οὐκ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβέστερον ἐξείργαστο,
τῶν προὔργου εἶναι ᾠήθην, τὸ μετὰ χεῖρας Eὐαγγελιστάριον εἰς κοινὴν ἐκδοῦναι ὠφέλειαν, ὃ δὴ καὶ
πεποίηκα· πολλοῖς γὰρ καὶ ἄλλοις τοῦτο συγκρούσας, ὧν παρὰ τῆς σῆς πανιερότητος καὶ παρὰ τοῦ
θεοφιλεστάτου Ἐπισκόπου Kυθήρων κυρίου Mαξίμου καὶ ἄλλων ηὐπόρησα. An excerpt of the dedica-
tory epistle has been published in BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 64.
70 The interruption of his employment could be attributed to a shift in the Spanish policy to the wars
in Northern Europe, on which see Braudel (1995) 1217–1223.
71 For Francesco Giuliani, see Layton (1994) 291–296 and Papadaki (2007).
72 Francesco’s son, Baldissera Giuliani, married Chiara, daughter of Antonio Xidia from Zakynthos,
as evidenced by the record of their daughter’s baptism made on August 4, 1589, in a book of the
San Giovanni Novo parish in Venice. See Archivio della Curia Patriarcale di Venezia, Parrocchia di
San Giovanni Novo, Libri dei Battesimi 1 (Baptismatum registrum ex vetere authentice depromptum
ab anno 1554 usque ad annum 1605), fol. 383: “1589 4 agosto. Viena, fiola de m(astr)o Baldissera de
Francesco Zuliani stampador et di donna Chiara quondam Antonio Xidia dal Zante, jugalli, nelle case
da cha Grioni sul campo de San Phelippo e Jacomo fu baptizata in casa per pericolo de morte per me
pre Zuanmaria di Ursis, prete titolario e sacramentale; per non vi esser altri fu tenuta dalla commare
che lì era; si chiama donna Betta dal portego scuro a Santi Apostoli”.
73 Papadopoulos (1984) 94 and (1986) 89. As mentioned in BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 47–48, Legrand knew
about the existence of the edition from the manuscript Par. Suppl. gr. 621, which contains a copy of the
dedicatory epistle of the book, but with a slightly different chronological indication: ἐλαφηβολιῶνος
πέμπτῃ ἱσταμένου κατὰ τὸ αφπς΄ ἔτος ἀπὸ τῆς ἐνσάρκου οἰκονομίας.
74 Papadopoulos (1984) 31. Legrand (BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 49–50) also knew about the existence of this
edition from the same manuscript, Par. Suppl. gr. 621.
75 Layton (1994) 311.
76 According to the dedicatory epistle of the Psalterion to Severos: πολλοῖς καὶ ἄλλοις τῶν παλαιῶν
ἀντιγράφων ἐντετυχηκότες, ἄλλως τε καὶ ὧν παρὰ τῆς σῆς πανιερότητος ηὐπορήκαμεν, καὶ ταῦτα
ἀλλήλοις παραθέντες, ὡς εἴχομεν ἐπιμελείας, εἰς τὸ ὀρθότερον ἐκδεδώκαμεν, προσχαριοῦντες δὲ καὶ
ἄλλοι ἡμῖν, μείζω περὶ ταῦτα τὴν σπουδὴν ἐπιδεδειχότες. The dedications of the Psalterion and the
editions were published under the auspices of the Head of the Orthodox Church in
the city, who was thus presented as a guarantor of the quality of their contents. Both
dedications were actually written not by Glyzounis, but by Margounios.77 The fruitful
collaboration between the two men suggests that they had probably founded a pub-
lishing company together.
Although the publication of the Evangelistarion had been planned for 1584, the
preparation of the text for printing, as a supplement of an edition of the Gospels
(Εὐαγγέλιον), postponed the completion of the edition to some years later. In his
application for renewal of the exclusive publication rights, Glyzounis cited an illness
he had suffered from as the reason for the delay.78 Both the Gospels and the Evange
listarion were finally published in 1588.79 Notably enough, the edition of the Gospels
was dedicated by Severos himself to Patriarch Hieremias II, as evidenced by an epistle
published on the first pages of the book.80
Glyzounis’s involvement in the publication of Greek editions encouraged him
to establish a collaboration with another publisher of Greek books in Venice: Gio-
vanni Aliprandi.81 After the death of the printer Giovanni Battista Tauroceni in 1584,
Aliprandi, who had been in partnership with him, acquired his typographical mate-
rial. Although he had limited previous experience in the field, he then tried to join
the Guild of Booksellers, Printers, and Bookbinders82 in order to exploit Tauroceni’s
assets. He got in contact with Glyzounis, whom he knew as an editor of liturgical
editions,83 and in 1589–1591 the two decided to publish together a Pentecostarion
Anthologion have been published by Legrand in BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 47–50. For the fortunes of Severos’s
manuscripts, see the recent study of Piccione (2017b), with bibliography. See also above Elia/Pic-
cione, 33–82.
77 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 48–49.
78 The renewal was granted shortly before March 12, 1588. See ASVe, Senato Terra, filza 106 (1588
marzo sin maggio), unnumbered. This document was traced by Layton (1994) 304–305, 314 n. 25.
Thus, the hypothesis that Glyzounis made one more voyage to Spain during 1586–1587, for which see
Sicherl (1956) 37 and Lasso de la Vega (1977) 42 n. 83, seems unfounded.
79 For the edition of the Gospels, see BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 62–64 and 223; Papadopoulos (1984) 85. For
the Evangelistarion, see BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 64–65; Papadopoulos (1984) 85.
80 Sathas (1870) μγ΄–μδ΄ and BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 62–64.
81 For Aliprandi’s publishing activities, see Layton (1994) 267–271 and Papadaki (2007).
82 ASVe, Arte dei libreri, stampatori e ligadori, busta 163, no. 1, fol. 70v, for the rejection of Alipran-
di’s request to join the Guild on June 17, 1586. The case was subsequently referred to the Provveditori
di Comun who issued a positive verdict on his membership on May 11, 1588; see ASVe, Provveditori di
Comun, busta 16, no. 16, fols. 26v, 177rv and 179r.
83 On the 26th of November 1587, Aliprandi had received 25 copies of the edition of Anthologion from
Giuliani’s printing house; see Papadaki (1999) 126.
128 Irene Papadaki
(Πεντηκοστάριον)84 and a Paraklitiki (Παρακλητική).85 This marked the beginning of

strong professional ties which Glyzounis cultivated until his death.86
A decision of the Spanish government in November 1589 provided for the renewal
of Glyzounis’s employment.87 Pressures for this positive outcome had been exercised
by influential political and ecclesiastical figures, such as the ambassador Cristóbal de
Salazar,88 the archbishop of Puçol,89 and Cesare Carafa.90 Glyzounis even got a com-
pensation for the amounts he had not received in the years his allowance had been
suspended. As the secretary of the Spanish ambassador in Venice, Juan de Olave cal-
culated on February 3, 1590, Glyzounis was entitled to receive retroactively 620 scudi
minus 4 soldi.91 The amount was too large to be covered by the Spanish embassy. By
order of the King of Spain, dated April 12, 1591, the Governor of Milan Carlo d’Ara-
gona Tagliavia, Duke of Terranova, was asked to provide for the payment.92 On June
1, 1591, Glyzounis authorised two officers of the Spanish army, Cristoforo de Zamora
and Joanne Iniguen de Antezana, to receive the money on his behalf in Milan.93 The
renewal of his employment did not necessarily imply that Glyzounis would have to
travel out of Venice again.94 The receipts of his monthly payments indicate that he
84 Papadopoulos (1986) 94. Glyzounis’s debts to Giuliani indicate that Glyzounis had to cover a quar-
ter of the cost of this edition, which he had not done until August 4, 1593. See Papadaki (1999) 122.
85 Papadopoulos (1986) 94–95. Glyzounis’s debts to Giuliani indicate that Glyzounis had to cover a
quarter of the cost of this edition too, which he had not done by August 4, 1593. See Papadaki (1999) 122.
86 For detailed records of their transactions between March 3, 1591, and June 29, 1596, see ΑΕΙΒ,
Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ.
68. The records were presented by Aliprandi to the Venetian authorities that examined his claims
over Glyzounis’s inheritance. See also the list of Glyzounis’s purchases from Aliprandi in ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄.
Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 66.
87 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1540, no. 141 (Glyzounis’s receipt for the payment of eight scudi by Fran-
cesco di Vera et Aragon on November 22, 1589). The document was traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4.
88 For Salazar’s letter to Nicolo Sestich, Granvelle’s secretary in Madrid, on September 13, 1586, see
AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1342, no. 2. See also Revilla (1936) CII, Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4, Floristán
(1997) 1171.
89 For the archbishop’s letter of July 10, 1587 to the King of Spain, see AGS, Sección de Estado, leg.
1089, no. 48. The document was traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4.
90 For Carafa’s letter to don Juan de Idiaquez, secretary of the Spanish king, sent from Venice, on
August 22, 1587, see AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1342, no. 141. See also Revilla (1936) CII, Hassiotis
(1970) 130 n. 4, Floristán (1997) 1171 and (2014) 148.
See also Floristán (1997) 1172.
See also Floristán (1997) 1172.
93 ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 3184 (V. Conti: Estraordinari), fasc. 5, fol. 1r.
94 He may have had the intention to travel to Sicily, as suggested by a document of July 3, 1590,
by which several Greek merchants authorise him to receive on their behalf money and merchandise
transported by sea to Messina. See ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 3184 (V. Conti: Estraordinari), fasc. 3,
fol. 19rv. However, on September 13 the same year, Glyzounis assigned the task he was authorised
stayed permanently in the city,95 where his duties were probably limited to the col-
lection of Greek manuscripts and to news reporting.96 The financial gain from these
activities was the driving force of Glyzounis’s publishing plans.
In 1590, Glyzounis financed the publication of the Heavenly Ladder (Κλῖμαξ τοῦ
παραδείσου), a text written by the monk Ioannis from Sinai and translated into the
vernacular by Maximos Margounios.97 In its new linguistic dress, the text, which
had traditionally been addressed to Orthodox monks,98 was now being offered to
a different audience. It was proposed to readers as a means of achieving a proper
religious attitude in everyday life, a method for cultivating virtues and for fighting
human weaknesses, as Margounios expressively stated in the introductory sections.
These included a dedication to the Patriarch of Constantinople Hieremias II, a preface
addressed to pious Christians, and two epigrams. In some copies, the preface to pious
Christians has been replaced by a dedication to Markos Papadopoulos, probably a
doctor, since in the text Margounios takes the opportunity to compare the edition
with Ancient Greek medical treatises, stressing, in a reference to Plato, that the book
is able to heal souls like medicines heal the body.
On February 5, 1592, Glyzounis, the Ioannina merchant Loukas Sougdouris,99 and
the booksellers and publishers Antonio Gemelli100 and Giovanni Aliprandi estab-
lished a joint publishing company for the purpose of issuing a series of Orthodox
Menea (Μηναῖα), corresponding to the months of spring and summer.101 The printing
would start from the Meneon (Μηναῖον) of March, for which press sheets from a former
edition of Tauroceni would be used. Aliprandi had provided them for the purposes of
the company. The collaboration involved the coverage of printing costs and the distri-
bution of books in the market. The decisions on money management and the techni-
cal aspects of the project were mainly assigned to Gemelli and Glyzounis; they had to
conclude agreements with the paper supplier, the printer, and the proof-reader, and
to perform, to two merchants from Chios, Markos Raftopoulos and Michail Petrokokinos. See ASVe,
Notarile, Atti, busta 3184 (V. Conti: Estraordinari), fasc. 3, fol. 20r.
95 AGS, Sección de Estado, leg. 1540, nos. 385, 388, 401; leg. 1542, nos. 127, 128; leg. 1543, no. 139;
leg. 1545, no. 162. The documents were traced by Hassiotis (1970) 130 n. 4. See also Floristán (1997) 1172.
96 This could explain the tolerant attitude of the Venetian State towards Glyzounis’s relations with
the Spanish embassy. For the strict measures taken by the Venetian government against spies working
on behalf of the Spanish government, see especially Hassiotis (1977) 133–135.
97 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 66–70 and vol. 4, 299–301; Papadopoulos (1984) 214–215. The publication licence
for the book was granted to Maximos Margounios on December 22, 1588. See ASVe, Capi del Consiglio
dei Dieci, Notatorio, reg. 29, fol. 221r. The positive verdict of the Riformatori allo Studio di Padova is
also preserved; see ASVe, Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio, filza 12, unnumbered, and Lecuir
(1985 [?]) 120–121, 136 n. 38, 255.
98 For the book, see especially Chialà/Cremaschi (2002).
99 For Sougdouris’s publishing activities, see Layton (1994) 473–475 and Papadaki (2007).
100 For Antonio Gemelli, see Layton (1994) 286–289 and Papadaki (2007).
101 For the contract, see ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση,
δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 3. The document was traced by Mertzios (1939) 204–205.
130 Irene Papadaki
to keep track of the financial and other needs that would arise during the printing
process. The printer chosen by the company was Francesco Giuliani, who had previ-
ously collaborated not only with Glyzounis and Aliprandi, but also with Sougdouris
and Gemelli in the framework of another publishing company.102 Although Gemelli
died on March 9, 1593,103 leaving his associates with a financial deficit that had to be
covered by a loan,104 all planned editions were produced in two years’ time.105 The
surviving copies of these Menea bear only Aliprandi’s name. The books include no
dedicatory epistles or other introductory texts. The purpose was clearly the contin-
uation of Tauroceni’s former publishing plans. The typographic characters and the
iconographic elements used came from his stock and represented a well-established
tradition of Greek editions in Venice.
Vernacular literature also provoked the interest of the Greek Orthodox reading
public. Thus, Glyzounis decided to publish a considerable number of chapbooks,
as evidenced by archival material relating to his dealings with the printer Francesco
Giuliani and the publisher and bookseller Giovanni Aliprandi:106 Anthos ton Chari
ton (Ἄνθος τῶν Χαρίτων), Apokopos (Ἀπόκοπος), Apolonios (Ἀπολώνιος), Belisarios
(Διήγησις […] Βελισαρίου), Imberios (Ἠμπέριος), The Story of the donkey (Γαδάρου,
λύκου κιαλουποῦς διήγησις), Sosanne (Ἱστορία τῆς Σωσάννης). All were re-editions of
texts favourably appreciated by readers. Few copies survive today.107
Both religious editions and chapbooks were expected choices for a publisher of
Greek origin. But Glyzounis occupied himself also with editions of works in Italian.
Archival evidence attests to his participation in a publishing company founded by his
printer Francesco Giuliani and the publisher Giovanni Ceruto.108 Between 1592 and 1594
102 Papadaki (2007).

103 Ibid. 207.
104 The loan, which amounted to 100 ducats, was given to the members of the company by the no-
bleman Lorenzo Goano. It was supposed to be paid back in one year’s time. See ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική
διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 6. The document
was traced by Mertzios (1939) 205.
105 For the Meneon of March, see Layton (1994) 311 and 315 n. 66. For the Meneon of April, see BH
xv-xvi, vol. 4, 314; Papadopoulos (1984) 293–294; Papadopoulos (1986) 95. For the Meneon of June,
see BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 87; Papadopoulos (1984) 298. For the Meneon of July, see BH xv-xvi, vol. 4, 314;
Papadopoulos (1984) 300. For the Meneon of August, see BH xv-xvi, vol. 4, 315; Papadopoulos (1984)
302. For the Meneon of May, see BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 87 and vol. 4, 321; Papadopoulos (1984) 296.
106 Papadaki (1999) 122–127. See also n. 86 above.
107 Layton (1994) 311–312 and more extensively Papadaki (2005a).
108 The archival evidence concerns the confiscation of copies of the editions in Glyzounis’s and Ceru-
to’s possession by the Provveditori di Comun due to a claim made by Pietro Zanetti, representative of
the Guild of Printers, Booksellers, and Bookbinders in Venice, that neither of them was registered
in the Guild. The confiscation occurred on September 5, 1592. Thirteen days later, the two partners
managed to defend themselves effectively and the charges were dropped. See ASVe, Provveditori di
Comun, busta 17, no. 33, fol. 61r. The fact that Glyzounis collaborated with Francesco Giuliani and
Giovanni Ceruto is also stated in his will, for which see n. 7 above. After Glyzounis’s death, “libri
the company published at least five Italian editions: Il mostruosissimo mostro by Gio-
vanni de’ Rinaldi (1592), Dialoghi piacevolissimi by Nicolò Franco da Benevento (1593)
and three Italian sequels of the Spanish novel Amadis de Gaula.109 Glyzounis and his
partners were thus pursuing a wider reading audience than that of the Greek editions.
Glyzounis had been actively involved in the trade of his editions since he first ven-
tured into publishing activities. In 1588, he rented a storage room nearby the Rialto
Bridge, at the heart of the city’s commercial life.110 His publications could be acquired
even directly from the printer Francesco Giuliani.111 The books were also sold by
Glyzounis’s colleagues, such as Giovanni Aliprandi.112 Small quantities were bought
by merchants who traded them in Greek regions. Characteristic in this regard is the
case of the Cypriot merchant Gabriel Cudunà, who bought 197 copies of the Psalterion,
124 copies of the Octoechos, and 5 copies of the Anthologion in Venice, in order to send
them for sale to Constantinople, along with other arts and crafts products such as
mirrors and pins.113
Glyzounis himself also organised shipments of books to Greek regions. In 1588
he sent a batch of 173 copies of the Octoechos and the Psalterion, 14 copies of the
Anthologion, and 15 copies of the Gospels to Ioannina and received from his dealers
101 ducats.114 More systematic, however, was his engagement with the trade of his
books in Constantinople, where as of 1590 he had a commercial agent: Giacomo
Messinis. This merchant from Chios was responsible for the distribution of Glyzounis’s
latini balle cinque et uno ligazzetto” were found in his warehouse; see ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 527
(G. di Beni), fols. 124r–126r, and Papadaki (2004). This entry in the catalogue of his belongings may
refer to the editions published by the company. They are noted as libri latini, because they are printed
with latin characters.
109 See Rinaldi (1592), Franco (1593), Roseo (1594a; 1594b; 1594c). For the books, see also the rich on-
line database of the 16th century editions <http://edit16.iccu.sbn.it> (seen 10.6.2020). For the Italian
sequels of Amadis de Gaula that were actually written by Mambrino Roseo da Fabriano see the Pro
getto Mambrino webpage created by Anna Bognolo e Stefano Neri (Università degli Studi di Verona):
<http://www.mambrino.it> (seen 10.6.2020).
110 It was an attic numbered 11 on the top floor of the building where the herbs market (herbaria) was
housed. It had two doors and some windows. The attic belonged to the Venetian nobleman Antonio
Nani. On September 8, 1588, Glyzounis rented it for a year, with the possibility of an annual renewal
of the contract, which remained in effect at least until 1595, but probably also to the end of his life. See
ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ.
εγγρ. 2. The document was traced by Mertzios (1939) 204.
111 See especially Papadaki (1999) 122–127.
112 As evidenced by the documents that concern their transactions. See n. 86 above.
113 Cudunà received the above-mentioned copies of the books from Glyzounis himself, upon pay-
ment of 30 ducats, which constituted part of their value. His outstanding debt to Glyzounis is men-
tioned in his will; see ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 343 (G. N. Doglioni), no. 281 (March 6, 1588).
114 The transaction occurred before March 25, 1588; this is the date of the statement of revenue and
expenditure relating to the transfer and sale of the books. See ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1.
Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 1.
132 Irene Papadaki
books on the local book market and in his homeland. Sales profits covered the needs
of Glyzounis’s family in Chios, while the surplus was sent to him in Venice.115
Glyzounis’s activities as an editor and a bookseller made his membership in the
Guild of Printers, Booksellers, and Bookbinders of Venice imperative.116 Although it
was difficult for him to fulfil the prerequisites defined by the relevant legislation,
he was admitted to the Guild due the intervention of the governmental office of the
Provveditori di Comun. He paid the sum of 10 ducats required for his membership
on February 19, 1594.117 Shortly after, on March 4 the same year, the president of
the Guild Gieronimo Genaro informed the office that Glyzounis’s membership was
accepted.118 Thereafter, Glyzounis regularly took part in the meetings of the members
of the Guild,119 in a chapel of the church of Santi Giovanni e Paolo in Venice. He even
decided to contribute – with a considerable amount of money – to the purchase of a
Holy Cross that the Guild had decided to place in the Rialto district.120
In the mid-1580s, when Glyzounis began to collaborate with Severos and Mar-
gounios and to engage himself actively in the publication of religious books, he also
tried to become more involved in the life of the Greek community in Venice. On May
21, 1587, he demonstrated for the first time his interest to be elected to one of the
Brotherhood’s offices, but he failed.121 In 1588, he paid with delay the fee for his regis-
tration among its members.122 On August 6 the same year, he was elected to the Capi-
tolo di 40, representative body of the Greek Brotherhood.123 A year later, on August 31,
1589, he was re-elected to the same body.124 His last participation in elections for this
office was on January 3, 1591, but with a negative outcome.125
The Greek community was the immediate environment in which Glyzounis lived in
Venice, both at his first residence at the corte dello stampator, in the parish of San Gio-
115 Papadaki (2004) and more extensively (2005a). For evidence that Messinis sent to Glyzounis’s
mother in Chios several amounts of money on his behalf, see also ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση,
1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 52. According to the same
document, Messinis had paid a considerable amount of money for the release of Glyzounis’s brother
Ioannis from an excommunication imposed on him for unknown reasons; he even paid in order to
effect the excommunication of people who had appropriated assets belonging to Ioannis Glyzounis
after his death.
116 See n. 108 above.
117 Kechagioglou (1988) 465.
118 ASVe, Provveditori di Comun, busta 17, no. 33, fol. 184v.
119 Kechagioglou (1988) 465.
120 ASVe, Arte dei libreri, stampatori e ligadori, busta 163, no. 2, fols. 2v and 9r. See also Lecuir (1985
[?]) 129, 137 n. 69.
121 Korrè (2012) 211–213.
122 Papadaki (2005b) doc. no. 45.
123 Korrè (2012) 234–236.
124 Ibid. 250–253.
125 Ibid. 266–268.
vanni Novo,126 and at the house bestowed to him by Giacomo Messinis since August 1593,
on the campo de’ do pozzi at the parish of Santa Ternita,127 an area close to the Venetian
arsenal.128 In this second residence, Glyzounis had a room of his own, furnished with a bed
and some chests, where he kept documents, manuscripts, and printed books, together
with printer’s paraphernalia. He was accompanied by a servant, Margarita from Ragusa,
who took care of him during his illness in the last years of his life.129 Giuliani’s printing
house was also located on the campo de’ do pozzi at least from the beginning of 1593.130
Glyzounis’s subsequent editions were based on the same criteria he had followed
in his early publishing activities. He published an Apostolos (Ἀπόστολος)131 and the
Thesauros (Θησαυρός) written by Damaskinos Studitis132 in 1594, the Menea of Sep-
tember133 and October134 in 1595, an Octoechos 135 and a Meneon of November136 in
1596. He also printed in 1595 a small book entitled Sintagma tinon anagkaion akolou
thion (Σύνταγμα τινῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀκολουθιῶν),137 which contained liturgies related
to engagements, marriages, births, and christenings. However, the edition he was
mostly committed to during these years was an Anagnostikon (Ἀναγνωστικόν).138 In
this case, Glyzounis’s purpose was to gather in one book the Old Testament lessons
that were to be read during all the vespers of the ecclesiastical year. As a result, the
compendium comprised several passages extracted from the Menea, the Triodion
(Τριώδιον), and the Pentikostarion, as well as the liturgies performed on the eve of
some major holidays such as Christmas, Epiphany, and Good Friday. The book was
126 The parish of San Giovanni Nuovo was declared by Glyzounis as his place of residence in a doc-
ument which he signed as a witness on May 18, 1593; see ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 12567 (Or. Tasca),
fols. 96v–98r.
127 The house actually belonged to Pietro Bassadona and was rented by Caterina Romana on Octo-
ber 22, 1592, for 14 ducats per year. See ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα,
διαχείριση, δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 5. Caterina had sublet it to Messinis who left it to Glyzounis
upon his departure for Constantinople.
128 For ties of friendship that Glyzounis developed with people in the neighbourhood, see ASVe,
Notarile, Testamenti, busta 241 (V. Conti), no. 363, and the document referred in the next note.
129 These details are contained in a document regarding Margarita’s claims on Glyzounis’s inher-
itance after his death; see ΑΕΙΒ, Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση,
δωρεές, αρ. 27, φάκ. 2, αρ. εγγρ. 30.
130 ASVe, Provveditori di Comun, busta 17, no. 33, fol. 94v. It may not be a coincidence that Ceruto’s
family store, which functioned as a meeting place for spies, was also located on the same square. See
Preto (1994) 125.
131 Papadopoulos (1984) 457 and (1986) 97–98.
132 Papadopoulos (1984) 138 and (1986) 98.
133 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 110–111; Papadopoulos (1984) 305.
134 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 111; Papadopoulos (1984) 307.
137 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 100; Papadopoulos (1984) 413 and (1986) 99.
138 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 112–114; Papadopoulos (1984) 186.
134 Irene Papadaki
primarily addressed to the Orthodox ecclesiastical prelates but could be used as a

schoolbook as well.139
In 1596, Glyzounis also re-published the Logariastiki,140 the practical arithmetic
he had written in his early youth. He probably wanted to compete with the printer
Pietro Zanetti who had undertaken the publication of his book that same year,141 ben-
efitting from the fact that the exclusive publication rights granted to Glyzounis in 1568
had already expired. Glyzounis’s second edition, printed by Francesco Giuliani, fol-
lowed faithfully the first one.
The ideas that seem to have inspired Glyzounis’s youthful endeavour can be
traced in the text that sums up his last wishes: his will, which he dictated to the
notary Vincenzo Conti,142 when on September 11, 1596, suffering from a severe
kidney pain, he felt that his death was imminent. Apart from the transfer of his
manuscripts to Spain, his main concerns were twofold, the fulfilment of which he
entrusted to three representatives of the Greek Brotherhood, the gastaldo and the
two governatori, who were to act as executors of his will, together with his friend
Domenico de Gagiano. He stipulated that a school of Greek grammar be established
in Chios,143 and that the Greek community continue his publishing activities, in
collaboration with his friend Zorzi Digenis and Giuliani’s heirs (thus founding the
Giuliani publishing house, famous in the seventeenth century).144 His two concerns
demonstrate in the most explicit way his conviction that the Greeks of his time could
regain the knowledge they had lost through an education that would start from their
basic practical needs; and that printed books could serve educational, religious,
moral, and recreational purposes, taking full advantage of the texts and means pro-
vided by the culture of the Italian territories where so many Greeks lived and devel-
oped their activities.
Glyzounis died on October 8, 1596.145 As stipulated in his will, his dead body was
transported to Chios for burial. He thus made his last trip across the Mediterranean.
Νόστος for his homeland seems to have accompanied Glyzounis throughout his life.
139 For the book, see also Engberg (1986) 39, 46 n. 6; (1987) 57–58; (1988) 36–39; (1991) 44–45.
140 Papadopoulos (1984) 186 and (1986) 99.
141 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 120–121. For Zanetti’s publishing activities, see Layton (1994) 536–544 and
Papadaki (2018) 232–238.
142 For Glyzounis’s will, see n. 7 above.
143 The teacher was supposed to use Glyzounis’s house in the parish of Panagia Terminiotissa, as
his residence. The fact that Glyzounis retained property and other assets in Chios is confirmed by a
document of April 22, 1594, through which he commissioned their administration to Georgios Ka-
vakos and Giacomo Messinis (a person different from Glyzounis’s homonymous agent who resided
in Constantinople). See ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 3185 (V. Conti: Estraordinari), fasc. 2, fols. 42v–43r.
The school was actually established in 1603–1604; see Ploumidis (1972b) 237 and more extensively
Papadaki (2005a).
144 For the activities in Giuliani’s printing house during the 17th century, see Papadaki (2008).
145 For the registration of his death, see n. 6 above.
According to Glyzounis’s will, the manuscripts that he had collected during his
service for the King of Spain should be sent to the Escorial library with the personal
care of the Spanish ambassador Iñigo de Mendoza. The difficulty of identifying them
in the Escorial and Madrid collections led to assumptions for their partial sale to
other collectors. As proven by Sicherl, some of them were indeed acquired for the city
library of Augsburg.146 In Glyzounis’s possession were also several copies of diffe-
rent editions, as well as press sheets and typographical material,147 which the Greek
Brotherhood actually tried to exploit.148 However, the loss of Glyzounis’s personal
archive shortly after his death rendered unclear his obligations towards persons who
claimed parts of his inheritance. Giovanni Aliprandi and Giacomo Messinis were two
of Glyzounis’s former associates who were involved in trials with the Greek Brother-
hood over the next few years.149
The case of Manolis Glyzounis is quite representative of the activities of the
Greeks of the diaspora in the second half of the 16th century.150 To high-ranking
agents of Western courts, they proposed Ancient Greek and Byzantine texts, for the
deepening of their knowledge of classical culture and reflection on religious matters.
They also provided information gathered through espionage activities on the back-
stage of military events at a time when the Christian world was facing the threat of the
Ottoman Empire’s expansive policy and was showing firm resistance. Glyzounis also
addressed his work to the Greek Orthodox public, offering books of basic knowledge,
religious texts, and works of recreational literature. Many of these prints were written
in or translated into the vernacular. He thus contributed to the efforts of the Greek
men of letters of his age151 who believed that the use of typography and the spread of
literacy would encourage the development of cultural ties among the Greek Orthodox
populations, which could lead in the long run to a deeper consciousness of common
identity.
146 Sicherl (1956) 47–53. For the hypothetical entry of Glyzounis’s manuscripts collection in the
Escorial Library, see Floristán (2019).
147 Papadaki (2004).
148 For the Brotherhood’s decision to undertake the execution of his will, see Korrè (2012) 319–320.
For a decision regarding the administration of his inheritance, see Korrè (2012) 331–333.
149 Due to these trials, the Archive of the Greek Institute in Venice contains valuable historical
sources on Glyzounis’s publishing activities. The wealth of information is such that it cannot be
exploited within the narrow limits of this study. See Papadaki (2005a) and (2005b).
150 For other Greeks that developed similar activities, see especially Hassiotis (1970) and (1977),
Floristán (1997).
151 For the impact of typography to the intellectual and literary life of the Greek territories during the
16th and 17th centuries see especially Lassithotakis (1999) with rich bibliography.
136 Irene Papadaki
Appendix
Manuscripts copied entirely or partially by Glyzounis*
BASEL
Universitätsbibliothek
1. E.II.9 (82): Georgius Syncellus Chronographia, Theophanes Confessor Chrono
graphia.152 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 1–272, 452–649v and notes
on fols. 272v–451v.153 Other handwritings in the manuscript have not been identified.
CAMBRIDGE
Library of Trinity College
2. O.03.08 (1180): Elias Cretensis Commentaria in Gregorii Nazianzeni orationes.154
The manuscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis.155
EL ESCORIAL
Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo
3. Σ.II.3 (= gr. 83): Nicolaus Myrepsus De compositione medicamentorum, Medica
remedia varia, Iohannes Rhyndacenus Lascaris Tetrastichon in funus suum.156
Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 1–189v and 221v–300.157 The
copyist of fols. 190–221 has not been identified. On fols. VIIv and 301r there are
notes by Antonios Eparchos, to whose collection the manuscript once belonged
(registered under no. 31).158
4. Σ.II.4 (= gr. 84): Proclus Theologia Platonica.159 Glyzounis’s handwriting is dis-
cernible on fols. 1–299.160 The handwriting of Camillo Zanetti (fols. 300–361)
152 Omont (1886a) 34.

153 RGK I 134.
154 Montague Rhodes (1902) 189–190.
155 Gamillscheg/Harlfinger (1978) 315–316; RGK I 134.
156 Revilla (1936) 284–293.
157 Fernández Pomar (1986) 8 no. 21.
158 See also Martínez Manzano (2016a).
159 Revilla (1936) 293–294.
160 Fernández Pomar (1986) 8 no. 21; Bravo García (1990) 318, 320, 322, 325.
Note: A first and more extensive Greek version of this catalogue was included in Papadaki (2005a).
For additional evidence, see now the descriptions of the manuscripts provided by the online data-
base Pinakes / Πίνακες, Textes et manuscrits grecs (<https://pinakes.irht.cnrs.fr> (seen 10.6.2020),
from which the transliteration of the names and the Latin translations of the titles of the Greek texts
included in Glyzounis’s manuscripts are drawn. The Latin translations of the Greek titles are used for
reasons of uniformity. Not all the manuscripts attributed to Glyzounis, according to the bibliography
comprised in the following notes, are included in the online database yet.
has also been identified in the manuscript,161 which once belonged to Antonio
Agustín’s library (registered under no. 193).162
5. Σ.II.12 (= gr. 92): Proclus Theologia Platonica, Albinus (Alcinous) Epitome phi
losophiae Platonicae.163 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 25–143.164
The handwritings of Venedictos Episcopopoulos (fols. 145–172)165 and of Andreas
Darmarios (fols. 2–24) have also been identified in the manuscript, which once
belonged to Antonios Eparchos’s collection (registered under no. 8).166
6. T.II.9 (= gr. 148): Theon Progymnasmata, Libanius Progymnasmata, De fortuna
sua, Narratio de oratione ad iuvenes, Artemis, De insatiabilitate, Pro Aristophane,
Ad Iulianum pro Antiochenis, Monodia de Nicomedia, Ad Iulianum consulem,
Contra Lucianum, Irae Vituperatio, Bovis Laudatio, Comparatio ruris et urbis,
Descriptiones, Iniuste dives fit miserabilior, De paupertate, Iohannes Doxopa-
tres Commentarius in Aphthonii Progymnasmata.167 The manuscript was copied
by Andronikos Noukios (fols. 1–296) and Andreas Darmarios (fols. 297r–329r).
Glyzounis’s notes are scattered through the manuscript,168 which once belonged
to Antonio Agustín’s library (registered under no. 236).
7. T.II.19 (= gr. 158): Nonnus Panopolitanus Dionysiaca.169 Glyzounis’s handwriting
is discernible on fols. 9–372v. The copyist of fols. 1–8v has been identified as
Venedictos Episcopopoulos, who has also made corrections to other folios.170 The
manuscript once belonged to Antonios Eparchos’s collection (registered under
no. 35).171
8. Φ.II.4 (= gr. 201): Iamblichus De Vita Pythagorica, Protrepticus, De communi
mathematica scientia, In Nicomachi arithmeticam introductio.172 The manuscript
was copied entirely by Glyzounis. Initially, it also included the current Lond.
Harl. 5795.173 The manuscript was sold by Glyzounis to Antonio Agustín in the
early 1580s in Spain (registered in Agustín’s library under no. 208).
161 Fernández Pomar (1986) 10 no. 55; Bravo García (1990) 320–321.
162 See also Martínez Manzano (2016a) 254.
163 Revilla (1936) 318–320.
164 Fernández Pomar (1986) 8 no. 21; Bravo García (1990) 320, 322–323, 325–326.
165 Bravo García (1990) 323–324, 326.
166 Bravo García (1990) 326. See also Martínez Manzano (2016a).
167 Revilla (1936) 474–479; Elia (2014) 91.
168 Bravo García (1990) 323.
169 Revilla (1936) 502–503.
170 Fernández Pomar (1986) 8 no. 21; Bravo García (1990) 323–325; Hernández de la Fuente (2006)
151–153, 163.
171 See also Martínez Manzano (2016a).
172 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 2, 30–31.
173 Sicherl (1956) 37–38, 53; Canart (1972–1973) 531; RGK I 134; Sicherl (1982) 276–281.
138 Irene Papadaki
9. Φ.II.13 (= gr. 210): Proclus Theologia Platonica.174 The manuscript was copied
entirely by Glyzounis.175 It was originally part of the Scor. Σ.II.4 and was sold by
Darmarios to the Escorial library in 1575.176
10. Φ.II.20 (= gr. 217): Olympiodorus In Platonis Phaedonem Commentarius, Dama-
scius In Platonis Philebum scholia, Olympiodorus In Platonis Gorgiam Com
mentarius.177 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 140–264v.178 The
handwritings of Konstantinos Dyrdilios (fols. 2–9v, 11–30v, 80–81v, 83–112v),
Sophianos Melissenos (fols. 1rv, 10rv, 31–79v, 82rv, 112–139), and of an anony-
mous copyist of the atelier of Darmarios have also been identified in the manu-
script, which must have belonged for some time to the Eparchos’s collection.179
11. y.I.11 (= gr. 304): Iamblichus De vita Pythagorica, Protrepticus, De communi
mathematica scientia, In Nicomachi arithmeticam introductio, De mysteriis.180
Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. VI–VII and 1–44v.181 The hand-
writings of Vasilios Varelis182 and an anonymous copyist have also been identi-
fied in the manuscript, which may have been sold by Glyzounis himself to the
Escorial during his visit to Spain.
12. X.II.1 (= gr. 361): Tarasius Constantinopolitanus Patriarcha Epistulae ad Hadri
anum Papam, Theodorus Balsamon Commentarius in Nomocanonem, Commen
tarius in canones et epistulas canonicas, Iohannes Zonaras Commentarius in
ss. Canones et epistulas canonicas.183 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on
pp. 505–918 and 920–1520.184 The handwritings of Manuel Malaxos and of two
anonymous copyists have also been identified. It belonged to Antonio Agustín’s
library (registered under no. 171).
13. Ψ.IV.8 (= gr. 482): Iohannes Chrysostomus De S. Babyla contra Iulianum et gen
tiles.185 The manuscript was copied almost entirely by Glyzounis, except for the
fol. 8rv, written by Andreas Darmarios.186 It was bought by Arias Montano in
Flanders on behalf of Philip II.
174 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 2, 40–41.

176 Bravo García (1990) 320–325.
177 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 2, 47–48.
179 Martínez Manzano (2016a) 265.
180 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 2, 188–189.
181 Sicherl (1956) 38–39, 51, 53; Sicherl (1957) 127–130; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; Bravo García (1990)
316–317 and 325.
183 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 2, 262–263.
184 Fernández Pomar (1986) 8 no. 21; Bravo García (1990) 318–319, 322, 325; Pérez Martín/Bravo
García (2003) 457.
185 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 3, 94–95.
186 Fernández Pomar (1986) 7 no. 17 and 8 no. 21.
14. Ω.III.12 (= gr. 545): Gregorius Nyssenus De anima, Ss. Basilii et Gregorii Nazian
zeni dialogus, Andronicus Rhodius De passionibus, Georgius Gemistus Pletho De
virtutibus, Iohannes Doxopatres Commentarius in Hermogenis de inventione.187
Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 15–27. The copyist of fols. 1–14v
and 33–86 has been identified with Sophianos Melissenos. In the first two lines
of fol. 20 Darmarios’s handwriting is also discernible.188 It is certain that this
manuscript once belonged to him; fol. IV bears his name. It was introduced to
the Escorial library in 1575.
15. Ω.IV.3 (= gr. 555): Iohannes Cantacuzenus Contra sectam mahometicam apolo
giae, Contra Mahometem orationes.189 The manuscript was copied entirely by
Glyzounis.190 It was bought by Arias Montano in Flanders on behalf of Philip II
from Andreas Darmarios.
LONDON
British Library
16. Add. 36539: Georgius Sphrantzes (actually Makarios Melissenos, metropolitan
bishop of Monemvasia) Chronicon.191 Glyzounis copied the entire manuscript
except from fol. 137v, where the handwriting of Ioannis Sanctamavras has been
identified.192
17. Harl. 5795: Iamblichus De mysteriis.193 Originally part of the current Scor. Φ.II.4
and copied entirely by Glyzounis. It was among the manuscripts he had offered
for purchase to the archbishop of Tarragona Antonio Agustín.194
18. Royal 16 D V: Elias Cretensis Commentaria in Gregorii Nazianzeni orationes.
Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 85v–230v. Folios 2r–85r have been
copied by Camillo Zanetti.195 Fol. 1r contains the following note: Hoc volume(n)
Romae transcriptum est ex illust(rissimi) Card(inalis) [...] libro. 45 libris empta est
transcriptio.
19. Royal 16 D VI: Elias Cretensis Commentaria in Gregorii Nazianzeni orationes. The
manuscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis.196
187 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 3, 189.

188 Fernandez Pomar (1986) 7 no. 17, 8 no. 21 and 32; Bravo García (1990) 318, 320–321, 325; Martínez
Manzano (2016a) 265.
189 de Andrés (1965–1967), vol. 3, 207–208.
191 British Museum (1907) 136–137.
192 Gamillscheg/Harlfinger (1978) 315–316; RGK I 134; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; RGK III 117. On the tra-
dition and the dissemination of the text, see Maisano (1987).
193 Nares (1808) 297.
194 Sicherl (1956) 37–38, 53; Sicherl (1957) 123–127; Canart (1972–1973) 531; RGK I 134.
195 Gamillscheg/Harlfinger (1978) 315–316; RGK I 120 and 134.
140 Irene Papadaki
20. Royal 16 D XIII: Sextus Empiricus Hypotyposes, Adversus mathematicos. Glyzou-

nis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 1–64v, 71r–201r, 316r–321v, 332r–371v and
408r–414r. Folios 202r–315v have been copied by Andreas Darmarios.197
MUNICH
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek
21. Gr. 361b: Iamblichus De mysteriis.198 As Sicherl has argued, this manuscript once
included fols. 57–226 of the current Mon. gr. 392. Glyzounis copied it in Venice
from a manuscript from Bessarion’s collection, now Taur. C.IV.20 (Pasini 146).
Later on, around 1580 to 1581, he took the manuscript with him to Rome, where
he compared it with the current Vat. gr. 323 and with the Oxon. Auct. T.1.20
(Misc. 198) also copied by him.199
22. Gr. 369: Procopius Gazaeus Catena in Canticum Canticorum.200 Glyzounis copied
the entire manuscript and tried to sell it to the archbishop of Tarragona Antonio
Agustín in 1581.201
23. Gr. 391: Georgius Syncellus Chronicon, Theophanes Confessor Chronographia.202
The manuscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis.203
24. Gr. 392: Nicolaus Myrepsus De compositione medicamentorum, Demetrius Cydones
De contemnenda morte, Michael Psellus De operatione daemonum, Georgius
Gemistus Pletho De virtutibus, Iamblichus Orationes de secta pythagorica, In
Nicomachi arithmeticam introductio.204 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on
fols. 1–17v and 37–52.205 Folios 18–36 were copied by the monk Valerianus Albini
as evidenced by the following note: Oὐαλεριανὸς Φωρολιβεὺς ὁ Ἀλβίνου μοναχὸς
ἔγραψε. Folios 57–226 were formerly the last part of the current Mon. gr. 361b.
25. Gr. 401: Polyaenus Strategemata, Palchus Astrologia, Gregorius Nyssenus In
Ecclesiasten homiliae VIII, Anepigraphi Commentarius in Ioannem evangelistam,
Iatromathematica, Herennius Exegesis in Aristotelis metaphysica.206 Glyzounis
copied the entire manuscript and tried to sell it to the archbishop of Tarragona
Antonio Agustín in 1581.207
197 RGK I 30 and 134.

198 Hardt (1810) 45–50.
199 Sicherl (1956) 38–39, 43, 53–54; Sicherl (1957) 69 and 113–116; Canart (1972–1973) 529; RGK I 134.
200 Hardt (1810) 91–92.
201 Sicherl (1956) 48–49, 51, 53; RGK I 134 ; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; Bravo García (1990) 316.
202 Hardt (1810) 205–206.
203 Sicherl (1956) 45–46, 51–53; RGK I 134 ; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; Bravo García (1990) 319.
204 Hardt (1810) 206–210.
205 Sicherl (1956) 38–39, 43, 48, 50–51, 53–54; RGK I 134; Bravo García (1990) 318.
206 Hardt (1810) 244–246.
207 Sicherl (1956) 49–51, 53–54; Lasso de la Vega (1977) 42; RGK I 134; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; Bravo
García (1990) 318.
26. Gr. 407: Hermias In Platonis Phaedrum scholia.208 The manuscript was copied
entirely by Glyzounis.209
27. Gr. 409: Basilius Caesariensis Canones e variis epistulis, De contemptoribus Epi
timiorum.210 The manuscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis.211
28. Gr. 435: Proclus Institutio physica, In Platonis Alcibiadem commentarius, Michael
Psellus Expositio mathematicae in Platonis Timaeo, De anima existentia seu genera
tione, De operatione daemonum.212 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 1–15
and 142–159. The handwriting of Michael Kontoleon has also been identified in the rest
of the manuscript.213 Glyzounis most probably tried to sell it to Antonio Agustín in 1581.
NAPLES
Biblioteca Nazionale “Vittorio Emanuele III”
29. II E 23: Hermias In Platonis Phaedrum scholia. It was copied almost entirely by
Glyzounis, except for the fols. 68–69v, probably written by Sophianos Melisse-
nos.214 The manuscript entered the National Library of Naples in 1855.
OXFORD
Bodleian Library
30. Bar. 169: Eutocius Ascalonita Commentarius in conica, Iohannes Pothus Pedi-
asimus Scholia in Aristotelis Analytica, Scholia in Cleomedis de cyclica theoria,
Heron Alexandrinus Belopoeica, Geodaesia, Pneumatica, Automata.215 Glyzou-
nis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 41–73.216 The handwritings of Andreas
Donos (fols.1–35, 75–96v, 102–178)217 and Venedictos Episcopopoulos (fols. 180–
212)218 have also been identified in the manuscript.
31. Auct. T.1.20 (Misc. 198): Iamblichus De vita pythagorica, Protrepticus, De communi ma
thematica scientia, In Nicomachi arithmeticam introductio, De mysteriis, Opera diversa.219
As Sicherl has argued, Glyzounis had copied the manuscript in Venice before 1580
from a manuscript from Bessarion’s collection, now Taur. C.IV.20 (Pasini 146). While in
Rome, he compared this manuscript with the current Vat. gr. 323. The manuscript once
belonged to the library of the Collegium Claromontanum of the Jesuits in Paris.220
208 Hardt (1810) 254–255.

209 Sicherl (1956) 46, 53; RGK I 134.
210 Hardt (1810) 261–263.
211 Sicherl (1956) 48, 53; RGK I 134.
212 Hardt (1810) 349–352.
213 Sicherl (1956) 47–48, 53; RGK I 134; Bravo García (1990) 319.
214 Formentin (1995) 96.
215 Coxe (1853) coll. 284.
217 RGK I 32–34.
218 RGK I 46.
219 Coxe (1853) coll. 755–756.
220 Sicherl (1956) 38–40, 53–54; Sicherl (1957) 116–123; RGK I 134.
142 Irene Papadaki
PARIS
Bibliothèque Nationale de France
32. Gr. 1031: De synodo adversus Iohannem Chrysostomum, Innocentius papa I Epi
stula ad Arcadium de exilio Io. Chrysostomi, Basilius Caesariensis Ad Iulianum,
Flavius Claudius Iulianus Epistulae ad Basilium, Iohannes Caminiates De Excidio
Thessalonicae, Gennadius Scholarius Confessio fidei posterior.221 Glyzounis’s
handwriting is discernible on fols. 63r–81v. The handwriting of fols. 9r–14r has
been identified with that of Manuel Malaxos.222 The copyists of the rest of the
manuscript remain unknown.
33. Gr. 3030: Nicephorus Blemmydes Regia statua, paraphrased by Georgios Gale-
siotes and Georgios Oinaiotes.223 The manuscript was copied during Glyzounis’s
stay in Spain, possibly in collaboration with Andreas Darmarios, and was offered
for sale to Antonio Agustin.224 It was part of cardinal Mazarin’s library (registered
under no. 3125), where it should have entered along with other manuscripts once
belonging to cardinal Sirleto.
34. Suppl. gr. 30: Hermias In Platonis Phaedrum scholia.225 Glyzounis’s handwriting
is discernible on fols. 25–63v, 124–179v, 195–293v, and on notes on fols. 64v–121v,
181–194.226 The copyists of the rest of the manuscript remain unknown.
POITIERS
Bibliothèque municipal
35. 136: Olympiodorus In Platonis Gorgiam Commentarius.227 The manuscript was
copied entirely by Glyzounis.228
UPPSALA
Universitetsbiblioteket
36. Gr. 33: Hermias In Platonis Phaedrum scholia.229 The manuscript was copied
entirely by Glyzounis.230 It once belonged to the library of Johannes Schefferus
(1621–1678), professor at the University of Uppsala, whence it passed to the city’s
library after his death around 1719, along with nine other manuscripts.231
221 Omont (1886b) 207.

222 RGK II 132 and 134–135. For Manuel Malaxos see De Gregorio (1991).
223 Omont (1888) 96. See also Canart (1972–1973) 531; RGK II 132; Bravo García (1990) 316.
224 Canart (1972–1973) 531; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; Bravo García (1990) 315–317.
225 Omont (1888) 206.
226 RGK II 132.
227 Omont (1888) 377; Albanés et al. (1894) 45–46.
228 RGK II 132.
229 Graux/Martin (1889) 57.
231 Torallas Tovar (1994) 193.
VATICAN CITY
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
37. Ottob. gr. 6: Gregorius Nazianzenus In Caesarium, In Gorgoniam, Funebris in
patrem, Epistulae ad Cledonium, In Heronem, In Aegyptiorum adventum, Contra
Iulianum, Epistulae, Gregorius Nyssenus Epistulae.232 Glyzounis’s handwriting is
discernible on fols. 1–338v. Folios 339–376 were copied by Manuel Provataris.233
38. Ottob. gr. 117: Polychronius Catena in proverbia, Basilius Caesariensis In Psalmum
28 homilia secunda, Theophilus Alexandrinus Homilia in mysticam coenam, Nicepho-
rus Blemmydes Laudatio S. Iohannis Evangelistae, Georgius Nicomediensis In occur
sum Domini, Martyres XL Sebasteni passio metaphrastica, Germanus Costantinopoli-
tanus Patriarcha In annuntiationem Deiparae, Gregorius Nazianzenus Testamentum,
Sextus Iulius Africanus Epistula ad Origenem, Origenes Epistula ad Iulium Africanum
de historia Susannae, Basilius Caesariensis Homiliae in Psalmos.234 Glyzounis’s hand-
writing is discernible on fols. 1–103. Folios 104–108 and 151–166 have been copied by
Ioannis Mavromatis. The handwriting of the other copyists has not been identified.235
It was the codex theologicus 237 of cardinal Sirleto’s library.
39. Ottob. gr. 189: Liturgiae, Arcudius Petrus Opera, Gregorius Nazianzenus Carmina,
Septuaginta Proverbia, Iohannes Mauropous Carmen etymologicum, Athanasius
Alexandrinus Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem, Lexica varia, Explicatio verborum
Epistulae ad Hebraeos, De mysteriis, Origenes De Engastrimytho, Eustathius Anti-
ochenus De Engastrimytho contra Origenem, Gregorius Nyssenus De Pythonissa ad
Theodosium episcopum, Zeno imperator Henoticon, Georgius m. Diospoli in Palaestina
Laudatio, Ioannes Sozomenus Cyprius Encomium in S. Athanasium Alexandrinum,
Georgius Gemistus Pletho Laudatio funebris Helenae Palaeologinae.236 Handwritings
of Johannes Villani (fols. 1–4v and 6–29v), Petrus Arcudius (fols. 30–42v), Konstan-
tinos Messovotes (fols. 43–57v and 96–98v), and Petros Devaris (fols. 109–166) have
been identified. Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible only on a title on fol. 58.237
40. Ottob. gr. 219: Marcus Eugenicus Homiliae, Christianis de octava synodo, Gregorius
Constantinopolitanus Patriarcha III Apologia contra Marcum Eugenicum, Expli
catio canonum apostolicorum, Varia quaesita et solutiones, Hesychius Hieroso-
lymitanus Laudatio Ss. Petri et Pauli, Sophronius Hierosolymitanus Homilia in
apostolos Petrum et Paulum, Explicatio quorumdam locorum Evangelii, Alia diversa,
Cyrilus Hierosolymitanus Catecheses ad illuminandos, Explicatio festivitatis sanc
tissimae Crucis, Asterius Amasenus In S. Phocam.238 Glyzounis’s handwriting is
discernible on fols. 99–103v. Handwritings of Konstantinos Rhesinos (fols. 1–40v),
232 Feron/Battaglini (1893) 10; Canart (1964a) 235–236.

233 RGK III 152 and 158.
234 Feron et al. (1893) 67–68.
235 Canart (1972–1973) 540; RGK III 152.
236 Feron et al. (1893) 107–108.
237 RGK III 109–112, 138–139, 152 and 195; Canart (2008b) 62.
238 Feron et al. (1893) 127–128; Canart (1964a) 238–239.
144 Irene Papadaki
Ioannis Mavromatis (fols. 45–50v), Manuel Provataris (fols. 41–44v, 51–52v, 62–72,
73–87v) and Petros Carnavakas (fols. 96–97v) have been identified. A note by
Ioannis Sanctamavras is also discernible on the margin of fol. 45.239 This is the
second part of codex theologicus 290 of cardinal Sirleto’s library. The first part was
the current Vat. Ottob. gr. 339, fols. 256–298.
41. Ottob. gr. 260: Oratio deprecatoria ad Virginem, Maximus Planudes Ars calcula
toria secundum Indos, Oracula de fortuna regni Bizantini, Gennadius Scholarius
Interpretatio litterarum in sepulchro Constantini Magni oraculi, Isidorus Pelusiota
Epistulae, Modus recipiendi Saracenos ad fidem, Aristoteles Ethica Nicomachea,
Expositio liturgica, Maximus confessor Mystagogia, Carmina in Deiparam, Georgius
Sphrantzes Chronicon, Procopius Gazaeus Catena in Isaiam, Iohannes Palaeologus
VIII Sermo Concilio Florentino habitus.240 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible
on fols. 113–206b and 207–214v. Handwritings of Nicolaos Sophianos (fols. 3–8),
Manuel Malaxos (fols. 12–16v and 217rv), and Ioannis Mavromatis (fols. 215–216)
have also been identified.241 Folios 113–206b, copied by Glyzounis, formed the last
part of codex theologicus 287 of cardinal Sirleto’s library.
42. Ottob. gr. 305: Eusebius Caesariensis Catenae in Canticum Canticorum, Manuel
Chrysoloras De Processione Spiritus Sancti, De LXX interpretibus, Hippolytus
Romanus Contra Beronem et Heliconem, Iohannes Chrysostomus Quod nemo
laeditur nisi a se ipso, Gregorius Nyssenus Encomium in S. Stephanum pro
tomartyrem, Interpretatio quorumdam verborum hebraicorum S. Scripturae.242
Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 1–48, 70. Handwritings of Manuel
Provataris (fols. 71–86v) and Guglielmo Sirleto (fols. 92–109v) have also been
identified.243 This was the codex theologicus 173 of cardinal Sirleto’s library.
43. Ottob. gr. 384: Athanasius Alexandrinus Dialogi contra Macedonianos, Euthe-
rius Tyanensis Confutationes quarumdam propositionum, Hippolytus Romanus
Contra Noetum, Demonstratio adversus iudaeos, Riccoldo Pennini da Montecroce
Contra legem Saracenorum interprete Demetrio Cydonio, Maximus confessor In
Dionysii de Caelestia Hierarchia, Andronicus Comnenus Dialogus contra Iudaeos,
Iohannes Cantacuzenus VI Opera, Psalmi Solomonis, Liturgiae, Acoluthiae, The
ologica quaedam, Nicetas Heracleensis Scholia in orationes Gregorii Nazianzeni,
Bessarion cardinalis Encyclica ad Graecos, Dio Chrysostomus De Regno, Xeno-
phon Memorabilia, Pythagoras Carmen aureum, Hierocles In aureum carmen,
Dionysius Halicarnassensis De compositione verborum, Georgius Choeroboscus
Opera, Iohannes Tzetzes De Encliticis, Pardus Gregorius Corinthius De syntaxi,
Iohannes Charax De encliticis, Iohannes Philoponus De vocabulis quae diversum
239 Canart (1972–1973) 540–541; RGK III 106–108, 116–119, 140–141, 152, 156–159 and 196–197.
240 Feron et al. (1893) 146–147.
241 Canart (1972–1973) 541–542; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; RGK III 106–108, 152, 154–155, 187; De Gregorio
(1991) passim. For Sphrantzes’s text, see also Maisano (1987).
242 Feron et al. (1893) 163.
243 Canart (1972–1973) 542–543; RGK III 70–71, 152, 156–159.
significatum, Dionysius Thrax Grammatica.244 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discern-

ible on fols. 159–180v, 184–200v. Handwritings of Ioannis Mavromatis (fols. 1–31v,
201–225v, 239–245, 249–250, 264–276), Manuel Provataris (fols. 32–91v, 92–96,
96v–110v, 355–374), Antonio Rocco (fols. 227–238v), and Konstantinos Messovotes
(fols. 277, 281–354v) have also been identified.245 The first part of the manuscript
(fols. 1–263a) constituted the codex theologicus 293 of cardinal Sirleto’s library.
44. Vat. gr. 274 (olim 1059): Olympiodorus In Platonis Gorgiam Commentarius,
Iohannes Pothus Pediasimus Scholia in Aristotelis Analytica, Anastasius Sinaita
Viae Dux.246 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 1–66v and 143–192.247
Folios 67–142 have been copied by Manuel Malaxos.248 The manuscript entered
the Vatican Library before July 1583, as it was included in a list made by the
librarians Federico and Marino Rinaldi at that time (registered under no. 1059).
45. Vat. gr. 323 (olim 170): Iamblichus De mysteriis, Proclus In Platonis Alcibia
dem priorem, Theologia Platonica.249 The manuscript consists of two parts. The
copyist of the first (fols. II+118) is Iohannes Honorius, while the copyist of the
second part (fols. II+54) remains unknown. During his stay in Rome in 1580,
Glyzounis compared the first part of this manuscript with two others, currently
Mon. gr. 361b and Bodl. Misc. 198. This is the reason why his handwriting is dis-
cernible on notes on the first part of the manuscript.250
46. Vat. gr. 1141: Gregorius Nyssenus In Canticum canticorum homiliae XV. The man-
uscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis.251
47. Vat. gr. 1183: Acta concilii Costantinopolitani IV a. 869–70, Acta concilii Costan
tinopolitani V a. 879–80 sub Photio. Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on
fols. 1–151v. The manuscript was sold by him to Antonio Agustín around 1581 in
Spain. It was part of Agustín’s library (registered under no. 161).252
48. Vat. gr. 1234: Alexius Aristenus In canonum synopsin commentarius. The manu-
script was copied entirely by Glyzounis. It once belonged to Antonio Carafa,253
Cardinal Librarian of the Vatican Library from 1585 to 1591.
49. Vat. gr. 1442: Herennius Exegesis in Aristotelis metaphysica, Manuel Calecas Opera,
Procopius Gazaeus Catena in Canticum Canticorum. Glyzounis’s handwriting is dis-
244 Feron et al. (1893) 197–199; Canart (1964a) 243–244.

245 Canart (1972–1973) 543–544; RGK III 152, for the identification of Glyzounis with the copyist of the
folios mentioned above. See also Bravo García (1990) 319.
246 Mercati/Franchi de’ Cavalieri (1923) 360–361.
247 Canart (1972–1973) 530 and 533–534; RGK I 134; RGK III 152; Bravo García (1990) 318.
248 RGK I 135–137; RGK III 154–155. See also De Gregorio (1991) passim; Pérez Martín/Bravo García
(2003) 455–457.
249 Mercati/Franchi de’ Cavalieri (1923) 486–487.
250 Sicherl (1956) 38–39, 50; Canart (1963) 74; Canart (1972–1973) 529.
251 RGK III 152.
252 Canart (1972–1973) 531, 534–535; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; RGK III 152; Bravo García (1990) 315–317.
253 Canart (1972–1973) 530, 535–536; Bravo García (1990) 318; RGK III 152.
146 Irene Papadaki
cernible on fols. 97–295v.254 The copyist of fols. 1–95 has been identified with Iakovos
Episcopopoulos.255 It was codex philosophicus 9 of cardinal Sirleto’s library.
50. Vat. gr. 1443: Michael Glycas Chronicon. The manuscript was copied entirely by
Glyzounis. It was codex theologicus 225 of cardinal Sirleto’s library.256
51. Vat. gr. 1783: Procopius Gazaeus Catena in Isaiam, Iohannes Chrysostomus In
Iohannem homiliae.257 Glyzounis’s handwriting is discernible on fols. 163–253.
Folios 1–120 were copied by Ioannis Nathanael.258 The handwritings of two more
copyists are discernible, but they have not been identified.
52. Vat. gr. 1906: Petrus Pictaviensis Genealogia Christi secundum versionem Deme
trii Cydonii.259 The manuscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis.260
53. Vat. gr. 2127: Tabulae chronologicae ab Adamo usque ad Christum. The man-
uscript was copied entirely by Glyzounis. It can be identified with the former
Vat. Pal. gr. 432.261
VENICE
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana
54. Gr. IV 39 (= 1116): Olympiodorus In Platonis Gorgiam Commentarius, In Platonis
Phaedonem Commentarius, In Platonis Philebum scholia.262 According to Sicherl,
Glyzounis copied the fols. 197–243v.263 The handwritings of two other copyists
have been identified. The manuscript previously belonged to the Nani library
(registered under no. CCLXI).
VIENNA
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek
55. Theol. gr. 92: Nicetas Heracleensis Scholia in orationes Gregorii Nazianzeni. This
is a manuscript of the 12th century; in the second half of the 16th century it
belonged to Andreas Darmarios, who restored it in collaboration with Glyzounis
(whose notes are discernible on fols. 1–2v and 6) and Nicolas de la Torre (whose
notes are discernible on fols. 2v, 5rv and 6v–8v). Darmarios later sold the manu-
script to the collector Janos Zsamboky during a trip to Vienna in 1566.264
254 Canart (1972–1973) 536–538; Sicherl (1982) 276–281; RGK III 152.
255 Carolla (2010).
256 Canart (1972–1973) 538–539; RGK III 152.
257 Canart (1970) 127–128.
258 RGK III 109 and 152.
259 Canart (1970) 633–634.
260 Canart (1972–1973) 531–532 and 539; RGK III 152.
261 Canart (1972–1973) 531–532 and 539–540; RGK III 152.
262 Mioni (1972) 228–229.
263 Sicherl (1956) 40, 53. The identification is doubted by Mioni (1972) 229.
264 Hunger/Kresten (1976) 167–169; Gamillscheg/Harlfinger (1978) 315–316; RGK I 134; Bravo García
(1990) 326.
Federica Ciccolella
Maximos Margounios and Anacreontic Poetry:
An Introductory Study
The Cretan Maximos Margounios (c. 1549–1602), bishop of Cythera, spent a great
part of his life in Venice and the Veneto, where he carried out an intense activity as a
cultural mediator between East and West. As a theologian, Margounios tried to find
an agreement between the Orthodox and Catholic doctrines of the Procession of the
Holy Spirit and the Filioque. As a scholar, he co-operated with the German printer
David Hoeschel searching for manuscripts and editing texts, and thus contributed
to the knowledge of Greek and Byzantine literature north of the Alps. In that respect,
Margounios’s activity may be equated to that of Marcus Musurus, Zacharias Callier-
gis, and other Cretans of the previous generation, and confirms that, in the sixteenth
century, Venice kept its role as primary center for the dissemination of Greek culture
in Europe.1
Although being essentially a prose writer, Margounios developed an interest in
poetry particularly in the last years of his life. In addition to epigrams and poems
included in manuscripts, editions, and other works,2 Margounios authored two
major poetic collections. The first, published in 1592 by David Hoeschel (1556–1617),3
1 On Margounios’s life, see Sode (2001) 37–38; Karamanolis (2003) 31; Zampakolas (2011–2012) 311,
and the bibliography quoted therein. For a description of Margounios’s works, see Fedalto (1961)
35–60 and (1967) 259–284.
2 See Fedalto (1967) 73, who also mentions: 1) a six-line Greek poem preceding (fol. 3v) the panegyric
that Vincenzo Bianco (1583–1627) wrote for the Paduan capitano Antonio Priuli. See Bianco (1600);
Fedalto (1967) 277, no. XLI; and BH xv-xvi, vol. 4, 357–358. On Bianco, see Benzoni/Stabile (1968); 2)
an eight-line epigram in a collection of poems in honor of the image of the Virgin Mary in Monte della
Guardia. Margounios’s epigram praises the work by Ascanio Persio (1554–1610), a professor at the
University of Bologna and the author of a history of the image. See Persio (1601) and BH xvii, vol. 1,
8–12; Fedalto (1967) 278, no. XLIII; and BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, LX–LXI, where the text of the epigram is
reproduced. On Persio, see Pignatti (2015). Three letters by Margounios to Persio have been published
by Enepekides (1961) 141–144; one of them was also printed in the initial pages of Persio’s Homeric dic-
tionary, which Margounios revised before publication (Bologna 1597): see BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 227–228.
On Margounios’s epigrammatic poetry, see in particular Karamanolis (1998). Some of the books origi-
nally included in Margounios’s library testify to his interest in poetry: see Zampakolas (2011–2012) 317.
3 David Hoeschel, a pupil of Hieronymus Wolf (1516–1580) in Augsburg, completed his education
in Leipzig and Wittenberg. In 1581, Hoeschel took over Wolf’s position at the St Anna Gymnasium,
which he kept until the end of his life. In 1593, Hoeschel became rector and city librarian at Augs-
burg. One year later, Hoeschel and Marcus Welser (1558–1614) founded a publishing house called Ad
insigne pinus, specializing in Greek and Latin texts. This press, which was active until 1619, produced
about seventy editions of classical and post-classical texts. On Ad insigne pinus, see Bellot (1978). On
Hoeschel’s life, see Spring (1993) and the bibliography indicated in Sode (2001) 32 n. 6.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-006
148 Federica Ciccolella
includes twelve elegiac poems of various lengths.4 Most poems consist of prayers
or comments on psalms and passages from the Gospels, and express Margounios’s
theological and spiritual interests.5 Five of the poems are centered on more personal
issues: a lamentation and prayer regarding his illness (poem 1); an exhortation to
Constantine Loukaris (1570–1638) (4);6 an invocation expressing nostalgia for his
monastery (9); an epitaph for Blanke Rouzinia, the wife of Karolos Rouzinios (11); and
a short poem commemorating the death of Giovanni Battista Pona of Verona (12).7
Margounios’s second poetic collection was published in Augsburg in 1601. It con-
sists of nine Anacreontic hymns with a Latin translation by Conrad Rittershausen
(1560–1613) facing the Greek text.8 The volume begins with three letters in Greek: one
by Rittershausen to Hoeschel, undated, and two by Margounios to Rittershausen,
dated March 5, 1600 and August 30, 1599, respectively. Several poems in Greek and
Latin precede and follow Margounios’s hymns and their translation; most of them
were composed by members of the scholarly community that flourished in Augsburg
during the second half of the sixteenth century.9
Margounios’s letters reconstruct his contacts with personalities of his time, as
well as his activity as scholar and editor.10 Three letters refer to the composition
and publication of his Anacreontic hymns. On January 1, 1601, Margounios wrote to
Nikephoros the Rhodian mentioning “some religious Anacreontic hymns” (ἱεροί τινες
ὕμνοι ἀνακρεόντειοι) that he had composed during his stay at Mussolente, a town
4 Margounios (1592): a 24-page book with no dedication or preface. See the description in BH xv-xvi,
vol. 2, 81–83.
5 Poems 3, 8, and 10 are reprinted from Hoeschel’s 1591 edition of Gregory of Nazianzus’s poems:
Gregorius Nazianzenus (1591) 104–106. See BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 79–81 (with a transcription of the three
poems).
6 On this poem, see below, 158. The text is transcribed in BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 82–83. On Constantine
Loukaris, a pupil of Margounios, who in 1601 became patriarch of Alexandria with the name of Cyril,
see Runciman (1968) 259–288 (“The Calvinist Patriarch”) and Todt (2002) (with extensive bibliogra-
phy).
7 In the frontispiece of the edition of his pastoral drama Tirrheno (published posthumously in Verona
in 1589), Pona is defined as “medico, filosofo veronese & Accademico Filarmonico”. On Margounios’s
prose epitaphs, see Sode (2001).
8 Margounios (1601); a critical edition of the hymns, with introduction, Italian translation, and com-
mentary, prepared by Fornasieri in her tesi di laurea (1969–1970) has never been published. Conrad
Rittershausen of Braunschweig was a professor of law at the Academy (later University) of Altdorf, as
well as a theologian, a philosopher, and an editor of ancient texts. On his life and works, see in par-
ticular Sode (2001) 34 n. 14 and 35 n. 18; and Duve (2003).
9 The printer, Ioannes Praetorius, worked for the Ad insigne pinus publishing house (see above, n. 3).
See the description in BH xvii, vol. 1, 4–8, which includes the reprint of the three letters in Greek
opening the volume. For a detailed analysis of this edition and the poems by German humanists it
contains, see Ciccolella (2020) 221–227.
10 Margounios’s letters still await a comprehensive edition. A list of the letters published so far, with
their incipit and sources, can be found in Litsas (2009).
near Vicenza, and sent out for publication.11 We do not know when Margounios com-
pleted and sent the manuscript. Apparently, however, the publisher, David Hoeschel,
took his time, forcing Margounios to remind him of his commitment on October 15,
1599, and in March 1600.12
The third of the letters printed at the beginning of the edition most probably
accompanied the manuscript of the hymns that Margounios sent to Rittershausen
for translation; there, Margounios defines his hymns as short, hastily written, and
lacking in grace (fol. A6r, unnumbered: τὰ μικρὰ ταῦτα καὶ ἀκαλλῆ αὐτοσχέδια). In
the second letter, while praising Ritterhausen’s translation, Margounios says that his
Anacreontics were “put together as an accessory work” (fol. A5v: τῶν συντεθειμένων
ἡμῖν ὡς ἐν παρέργῳ ἀνακρεοντείων). Also, in the above-mentioned letter to Nikepho-
ros, he calls them poems of little value and unworthy of his friend’s intellect (312, 12
En.: μίκρ’ ἄττα καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀγχινοίας οὐκ ἄξια). Such professions of humility are coun-
terbalanced by the praise that Margounios’s style earns from Rittershausen in the
first of the introductory letters: in sending his translation to Hoeschel, Rittershausen
claims that his task has been made extremely difficult by Margounios’s refined poetic
technique, which the Latin language cannot convey in full.13
At the beginning of his letter to Nikephoros, Margounios expressed his ideas on
poetry: in addition to causing pleasure, poetry can be similar to philosophy if its con-
tents are serious and conform to morality; like sacred music, poetry contributes to the
ascent of the soul to God.14 The reference to music hints at Nikephoros’s activity as a
11 The letter has been published by Enepekides (1970) 312 (no. 71); the text has been republished and
corrected by Tomadakis (1971–1972) 18. In the last years of his life, because of his health problems,
Margounios would often leave Venice for Mussolente, where he lived with some friends in a house
owned by Sozomenos of Cyprus. See Fedalto (1967) 72 and especially Fedalto/Plumidis (1971) 226, who
have identified this house with Villa Drigo, previously called Ca’ Soderini.
12 See Dyovouniotis (1921) 481–482.
13 Fols. A3r–3v: […] φοβοῦμαι μή πως πολὺ χεῖρον μεταφράσας τύχω τοὺς θειοτάτους καὶ εὐσεβεστάτους
ὕμνους, ὧν τὸ ὑψηλὸν καὶ πολύνουν καὶ τὸ τέρεν εἰ ἐφικέσθαι ἡ ἡμετέρα μετάφρασις οὐκ ἐδυνήθη,
τί θαῦμα; ἵνα γὰρ μὴ εἴπω τὸ σεμνὸν καὶ θεοπρεπὲς καὶ κόσμιον τῆς λέξεως, ᾧ κεχρῆσθαι σύνηθες τῷ
Μαργουνίῳ, ἀνδρὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὧν οἴδαμεν, σοφωτάτῳ, εἴτε πεζόν τε εἴτε καὶ ἔμμετρον ξυγγράφοντι,
τίς οὐκ οἶδεν, ὅσον μεταξὺ τῶν γλωσσῶν Ἑλληνικῆς τε καὶ Ῥωμαϊκῆς, καὶ ὡς ταύτῃ ἀνέφικτός ἐστι
ἐκείνης ἡ δεξιότης τό τε πολυστρεφὲς καὶ πολύμορφος;, “[…] I fear lest, with my translation, I have made
the most divine and pious hymns much worse. No wonder if our translation was unable to reach their
sublimity, wisdom, and sweetness. Leaving aside the solemnity, divine majesty, and adornment of the
style usually employed by Margounios, the wisest of the Greeks we know, when writing either in verse or
in prose, who does not know how much the Greek and the Latin languages differ from each other, and
that the finesse, embellishment, and multiformity of the former are unreachable for the latter?”.
14 312, 1–8 En.: Ἔχει τι μεθ’ ἑαυτῆς ἔντερπνον καὶ ποίησις καὶ οὐδ’ ἀφιλόσοφον τοὔργον τοῖς τοῦτο
ἐπὶ σχολῆς ποιουμένοις μελέτην, ἐπειδάν τι τῶν σπουδαίων καὶ μὴ πρὸς ψιλὴν ἡδονὴν ἀποκλινόντων
ἐνσπείρεται [sic]. διαπορθμεύεται γάρ τι ἔσθ’ ὅτε καὶ ἐκ τῶν αἰσθήσεων εἰς ψυχήν, ὑποκατακηλοῦν
αὐτῆς λεληθότος τὸ ἐφιέμενον […] καὶ μείζονος αὐτῇ ἀναγωγῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον καὶ ἀναπτερώσεως,
ὥσπερ δὴ καὶ τὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς μουσικῆς παραίτιον γίγνεται […].
hymnographer15 and, at the same time, may offer us a clue to explain Margounios’s
choice to write hymns. However, neither the letters introducing the edition (which
focus mainly on the Latin translation) nor the poems composed by Augsburg scholars
and printed together with the hymns allow us to answer some fundamental ques-
tions: what prompted Margounios to write Anacreontic hymns, and what were his
goals and expectations in reviving a poetic genre that dated back to a remote past?
As preparation for a modern edition of Margounios’s poems, this paper offers a
general overview of the style and contents of Margounios’s Anacreontic hymns, a ten-
tative identification of their models and sources of inspiration, and an examination of
their circulation soon after they were published. This approach will place Margouni-
os’s Anacreontic poetry within the appropriate context and assess both its respect of
literary tradition and its originality. Additionally, it will provide a wider perspective
of the fate of late antique and Byzantine poetry in early modern Europe in the light of
the Reformation. and its re-evaluation of Byzantine culture, in which Margounios’s
activity played a fundamental role.
Like the poems of the first collection, Margounios’s hymns are all written in the
same meter, vary in length, and deal with both religious and personal themes. Poems
containing the word ἱκετήριος (ὕμνος), “supplication”, in their titles represent the
largest group and include nos. 1 (εὐχαριστήριος καὶ ἱκετήριος πρὸς Θεόν, “thanksgiv-
ing and supplication to God”), 4 (εἰς ἑαυτόν, “to himself”), 5 (πρὸς Θεόν, “to God”), 6
(εἰς Χριστὸν ἐν εἴδει ἐξομολογήσεως, “to Christ in the form of confession”), and 9 (εἰς
τὴν ἁγίαν Τριάδα, “to the holy Trinity”). Hymns 2 and 3 are entitled εὐκτήριος πρὸς
Θεόν, “prayer to God”, and πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ψυχὴν παραινετικός, “exhortation to his
soul”, respectively. The seventh hymn is simply entitled εἰς ἑαυτόν, “to himself”,
while the eighth is addressed to deacon Nathanael (εἰς Ναθαναῆλον ἱεροδιάκονον),
one of Margounios’s friends and correspondents.
Hymns 1, 6, and 9 were published in volume 91 of the Patrologia Graeca under
the name of Maximus the Confessor,16 whose authorship was generally accepted17
until, in 1934, Silvio Giuseppe Mercati offered a persuasive explanation for this misat-
tribution.18 The three hymns were printed by the German theologian and geographer
Hermann Adalbert Daniel (1812–1871) in the third volume of his Thesaurus hymnolo
gicus.19 In a note following the text of the first hymn, Daniel proposed the seventh or
eighth century as time of origin for the hymns and indicated the source for their text
15 See Tomadakis (1971–1972) 9–16 and (1979) 282.

16 PG 91, 1417–1424. On Maximus the Confessor, see in particular van Deun/Mueller-Jourdan (2015)
374–514, and the essays collected in Allen/Neil (2015).
17 See, e.g., Krumbacher (18972) 672 and Cantarella (1931) 235–253, who provides the Greek text and
an Italian translation of the three hymns.
18 Mercati S. (1934). False attributions of Anacreontic poems are all but rare; see Mercati S. (1934) 619.
Additionally, Hymn 9’s acrostic (see below) may have encouraged the confusion.
19 Thesaurus hymnologicus (1855) 97–101.
in Corpore Poetarum Graecorum Veterum, Coloniae 1614, Tom. II.20 Although Daniel
printed the hymns under the generic name of Maximus, the dates he suggested may
have favored their attribution in the Patrologia Graeca to Maximus the Confessor, who
lived between 580 and 662. However, Daniel’s source, as we shall see, corresponds
to the second volume of the monumental Poeti Graeci veteres, published in Geneva
(Colonia Allobrogum) by Pierre de la Rouvière, who reproduced the editio princeps
of Margounios’s hymns; there, the three hymns correctly appear under the name of
Maximos Margounios, together with the other six hymns by the same author.21
Although called “hymns” (ὕμνοι), these poems were not destined for performance
in church ceremonies. However, Margounios’s edition and publication of Byzantine
liturgical books just few years earlier22 may have stimulated his interest in a poetic style
whose main features – short verse and a rhythm closer to that of the spoken language –
resemble liturgical hymnography much better than elegy or epigram. Additionally, Mar-
gounios may have been influenced by the Anacreontism prompted by Henri Estienne’s
publication of the editio princeps of the Carmina Anacreontea in 1554: style and meter
of these short odes on wine, youth, and love, considered to be authentic works of Ana-
creon of Teos, were imitated in all of Europe.23 Christian Anacreontics were also pro-
duced and became popular, especially within Jesuit and German Protestant circles.24
In his introductory letter, Rittershausen compares Margounios’s poems to those of
Clement of Alexandria, Gregory of Nazianzus (the Theologian), and Synesius of Cyrene:
(Fols. A3v–A4r) […] οἷς [scil. ὕμνοις] τό γε ἐπ’ ἐμοὶ εὖ ποιῶν συζεύξειεν ἄν τις τοῦ αὐτοῦ
κόμματος, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ποιημάτια τῶν ἐν ἁγίοις Κλήμεντος τοῦ Ἀλεξανδρέως καὶ Γρηγορίου
τοῦ Θεολόγου καὶ Συνεσίου,
[…] to which (hymns) I believe that one could appropriately join the short poems of the same
kind,25 so to speak, by Clement of Alexandria, Gregory the Theologian, and Synesius.
Clement of Alexandria (150–215) was believed to be the author of a Hymn to Christ

the Savior in anapests, which he quoted in his Paedagogus.26 Gregory of Nazianzus
20 Ibid. 99–100: Qua aetate Maximus vixerit, e subsidiis litterariis, quae ad manus erant, non comperi.
[…] Sed si carminum indolem diligenter adspicis, forsan coniici potest, ea saec. VII. vel VIII. conscripta
esse. Leguntur Maximi hymni anacreontici in Corpore Poetarum Graecorum Veterum, Coloniae 1614,
Tom. II, pp. 192 seqq.
21 Poetae Graeci veteres (1614) vol. 2, 190–210.
22 Margounios (1600a) (see BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 141–142 n. 232; xvii, vol. 1, 4 n. 26 and 123 n. 94) and Mar-
gounios (1600b) (BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 142 n. 234; xvii, vol. 1, 35 n. 22), to which “una serie di menei” published
in 1599 must be added: see Fedalto (1967) 275–276 (nos. XXXVI, XXXIX and XL). The frontispiece of the
Triodion, probably designed by Margounios himself, is reproduced and analyzed by Hetherington (1973).
23 Anacreontea (1554). On European Anacreontism, see Tilg (2014) and the bibliography quoted therein.
24 See in particular Zeman (1972) 31–32.
25 Κόμμα is probably used with the double meaning of “group, sect” and “(short) verse”.
26 Clemens Alexandrinus (1970) 192–203. Also, Clement of Alexandria quoted part of an Anacreontic
ode of the Palatine collection (Strom. 6.14.7), attributing it to Anacreon.
(329–390) wrote three poems in the meters usually employed in Anacreontic poetry:
Carm. 1.1.30 (ὕμνος πρὸς Θεόν, “hymn to God”), in anaclomenoi (anaclastic Ionic
dimeters a minore) alternating with pure Ionic dimeters a minore, of eight syllables;
Carm. 1.2.7 (περὶ ἁγνείας, “on chastity”), in anaclomenoi; and Carm. 2.1.88 (εἰς τὴν
ἑαυτοῦ ψυχήν, “to his own soul”), in hemiambs (catalectic iambic dimeters), of seven
syllables.27 Synesius (373–414) used both anaclomenoi and pure Ionic dimeters a
minore in his Hymns 5 and 9.28
The works by Gregory of Nazianzus and Synesius of Cyrene were widely read
in Byzantium and in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe, particularly for the
authors’ positions on Christological and Trinitarian doctrines.29 Their poetry was also
appreciated for its combination of classical style and meters with Christian contents.
In his theological treatises and letters, Margounios shows familiarity with Gregory
of Nazianzus’s works;30 additionally, he wrote scholia on Synesius’s On Providence
and was certainly acquainted with the hymns either directly or through George Gen-
nadios Scholarios (1400–1473), whose work Margounios used for his treatises on the
Trinity.31 As for poetry, Margounios and his contemporaries could read Gregory’s
Anacreontics together with Synesius’s hymns, for example, in the 1568 edition of the
hymns published by the Cretan scholar Frankiskos Portos (1511–1581).32 The hymns
by Clement of Alexandria and Synesius, as well as some of Gregory’s poems, appear
in the 1590 edition by the Jesuit Girolamo Brunelli (1549–1613).33 In 1599, Brunelli
published another poetic anthology that included Gregory, Synesius, Clement, and
27 PG 37, 508–510, 648, and 1435–1442. On Gregory of Nazianzus’s Anacreontics, see in particular
Crimi C. (1996).
28 The numbers correspond to Synesius Cyrenensis (2003).
29 For Gregory, “the most quoted of all Christian writers in Byzantium” according to McGuckin (2008)
648, see Simelidis (2009) 57–69. For Synesius, see in particular Roques (2012), Baldi (2012a), and Baldi
(2012b). Wagner (2016) has highlighted the similarities between Gregory’s and Synesius’s Christology.
30 See Fedalto (1967) 107, 118.
31 Scholarios produced a paraphrase and commentary on Synesius’s third hymn. See Tinnefeld
(2002) 514 (no. 119, with bibliography); Lacombrade in Synesius Cyrenensis (2003) XLVIII; and Roques
(2012) 310–312, 318–344.
32 Synesius Cyrenensis (1568) (see BH xvi-xvi, vol. 2, 6–7). In addition to two Anacreontics (Carm. 1.1.30
and 2.1.88), Portos included Gregory’s Carm. 1.1.32, 1–28 ὕμνος ἑσπερινός (inc. σὲ καὶ νῦν εὐλογοῦμεν),
and 2.1.30, 1–16 εἰς ἑαυτόν (inc. πολλὰ πολλὰ γίνεται). Several explanations have been proposed for
this inclusion: see, e.g., Crimi C. (1996) 124; and Baldi (2012b) 148–150. In any case, the editio princeps
of Synesius’s hymns, Synesius Cyrenensis (1567), published one year earlier by the Dutch philologist
Willem Canter (1542–1575), also contains one of Gregory’s odes. See Ciccolella (2020) 220-221.
33 Brunelli Gir. (1590). The volume includes twenty-one elegiac and hexametric poems by Gregory of
Nazianzus, followed by the four “Anacreontic” odes of Portos’s edition (see above, n. 32). There follow
the editio princeps of the iambic poem De plantarum et animalium proprietate attributed to Cyril of
Alexandria, and Synesius’s and Clement’s hymns. Brunelli’s preface Graecarum litterarum studiosis
adolescentibus clarifies that the volume was conceived for use in Jesuit schools.
the Anacreontea:34 Brunelli’s selection clarifies the link between (traditional) Ana-
creontic poetry and the Christian models that Ritterhausen identified in Margouni-
os’s hymns.
Gregory of Nazianzus’s third poem in hemiambs may have inspired Margouni-
os’s choice of the hemiamb/heptasyllable for his hymns, instead of the anaclomenos/
octosyllable, which was the most common meter in Anacreontic poetry. Indeed, two
lines from Gregory’s poem are repeated in Margounios’s third hymn, which is also an
address to the soul.35 Probably, Gregory and Synesius also influenced his use of the
hymn to express both personal and theological issues.
The transformation of the ancient ὕμνος from song for celebrating or petitioning
a divinity into a means to expound theological and philosophical doctrines began in
the Hellenistic age.36 In non-liturgical hymns, the traditional stylistic devices and con-
tents of the hymn – invocation, praise, and prayer37 – are often maintained but used
to express a wide range of motifs related to the authors’ personal ideas and feelings:
from their stances on contemporary theological and philosophical debates to their
spiritual attitudes and demands. Most of Margounios’s hymns basically conform to
this pattern. The first seven hymns are quite homogeneous: Margounios, who is aware
of his weakness and inability to resist temptation, appeals to God’s intervention to be
saved from damnation and reach spiritual peace. Along with many quotations from
the Scriptures, he employs several images to describe sin and the torments related
to it: the serpent, fire, the storm, darkness, illness, etc. Their opposites are related to
redemption and salvation: dew, the harbor, light, the healer, etc. While Margounios
uses stylistic devices that are typical of liturgical poetry (e.g., anaphora and allitera-
tions), he also employs words and forms taken from the language of epos and tragedy.
Moreover, personal issues prevail over the traditional motifs of hymnography; for this
reason, we may consider Margounios’s hymns as a display of the author’s psychology
rather than poems to celebrate God. For example, in Hymn 3, an exhortation to his
soul, he takes inspiration from Plato’s image of the chariot (Phaedrus 246a–254e) to
express his desire to free his soul from the burden of the flesh in order to reach God.
Hymn 5 is a praise of solitary life as a refuge from the turmoil of human existence;
Margounios, however, knows that human torments are internal rather than external:
the soul can reach long-lasting peace only by abandoning itself to God. In Hymn 7,
motifs that in the previous hymns appear in prayers are used for self-exhortation.
Margounios urges himself to consider that life centered on earthly pleasures and glory
34 Brunelli Gir. (1599). The texts included in the volume are: thirty Anacreontea and seven epigrams at-
tributed to Anacreon; the four Anacreontic odes by Gregory of Nazianzus (above, n. 32); Synesius’s hymns;
Clement’s hymn; and an appendix containing eight elegiac and two hexametric poems by Gregory.
35 Greg. Naz. Carm. 2.1.88. 1–2 (PG 37, 1435) = Max. Marg. Hymn. 3. 115–116: τί σοι θέλεις γενέσθαι; |
ψυχὴν ἐμὴν ἐρωτῶ.
36 See Furley/Bremer (2001) vol. 1, 47.
37 Furley/Bremer (2001) vol. 1, 50–64.
holds less value than the real life conforming to the word of God; he acknowledges
his sinful nature but hopes that God’s mercy will save him from eternal damnation.
The last two hymns represent something different. Hymn 9, the shortest one
(17 lines), is Margounios’s personal seal to the collection. The poem contains a prayer
to the Holy Trinity, that is, the center of the author’s theological interests.38 Moreo-
ver, the initial letters of each line build the acrostic Μάξιμος τάδ’ ἔγραψεν, “Maximos
wrote these (poems)”: by using this typical device of Byzantine hymnography, Mar-
gounios established his authorship and, at the same time, related his hymns to a long
and prestigious tradition.39
Hymn 8 is made up of forty lines addressed to deacon Nathanael Emboros: since
Nathanael has not kept his promise to join him, Margounios expresses his disappoint-
ment and reminds him of his duties as a friend and a monk.40
Εἰς Ναθαναῆλον ἱεροδιάκονον

τὸν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν, ὑποσχόμεμον αὐτῷ ξυμβιοτεῦσαι καὶ βραδύνοντα,
ὕμνος ὄγδοος
Τί Ταντάλου με τήκεις
πικραῖς, ἄριστε, μοίραις,
καί μοι δύσοιστον ἄχθος
κρατὸς κατακρεμάζεις
5 λίθον, μόρου πορείην
μικροῦ παρεισφέροντα
καὶ δίψος ἐν ῥοαῖσι
μελιῤῥύτοιο κρήνης
ἐπέσχες, οὐκ ἐρῶντος
10 σαφὲς διδοὺς τὸ δεῖγμα;
σοφὸν δέον σε ὄντα,
τοὐναντίον περαίνειν·
φίλῳ δέον σε μᾶλλον
φίλα φρονεῖν τε σοῖο.
15 ὄφλημα δ’ἄλλο πληροῦν,
ὑπόσχεσιν βεβαίαν,
ἥν μοι παρὼν ὑπέσχου,
ἥν μοι γραφῇ τε δεῖξας,
σημήϊον καλόν γε
20 ὄψιν σέθεν ποθοῦντι.
προσῆκε δ’οὐδὲ ἄλλως
τῶν ἀζύγων φρονήσει,
38 On Margounios’s theology, see in particular Fedalto (1967) 94–114 and Podskalsky (1988) 135–151.
39 On acrostics in Byzantine literature, see, e.g., Jeffreys (1991).
40 The hymn is printed in Margounios (1601) G6r–H1r (unnumbered) = fols. 34v–37r (including the
Latin translation). I have reproduced the text faithfully, introducing slight changes in the punctuation
and the treatment of enclitics. Also, at line 16, I have corrected the typo ὑπόσγεσις into ὑπόσχεσις. See
also Fornasieri (1969–1970) vol. 1, 160–164 (commentary) and vol. 2, 52–54 (text and Italian translation).
μίμνουσιν οἵ γ’ ἐφετμαῖς
Χριστοῖο σωστικαῖσι·
25 μίμνουσιν οἳ ἀδελφῶν
εἰλικρινεῖ ἔρωτι.
κίνησον οὖν σὺ πέτραν,
ἐμοί γε πλὴν βοηθόν,
καὶ νᾶμα δὸς πιεῖν με
30 γλώττης σέθεν μελιχρᾶς
συνουσίης τ’ ἐραστῆς
καὶ ἐς κόρον τρυφῆσαι.
οὕτω φίλος σὺ δόξεις
ἀληθινὸς γενέσθαι·
35 οὕτω νόμοις ὑπείκειν
τοῖς ταῦτα συγκροτοῦσιν.
εἰ δ’ οὔ, ἐγὼ σιγήσω,
ἄλλος δέ σοι κραταιῶς
ἐποίσεταί γε μέμψιν,
40 οὐχ ὡς ἐχρῆν φιλοῦντι.
Hymn 8, to deacon Nathanael from Athens, who has promised to join him in companionship and
delays doing it.
Why, dear friend, do you wear me out with Tantalus’s harsh fate and suspend an unbearable
weight above my head, a stone almost leading to the path of death? And why did you restrain my
thirst at the streams of a honey-pouring spring, by giving no clear sign of your love?
You should be wise but end up being the opposite. You should be benevolent to a friend more
than to yourself. Also, you should fulfill another task, a sure promise that you gave me in person
and showed me in writing: a beautiful signal for one who longs to see you. Likewise, it would fit
the wisdom of the unwedded men (i.e., the monks), who rely on Christ’s saving precepts, who
rely on their brothers’ sincere love.
Therefore, remove the stone, which is all but helpful to me, and allow me to drink from the spring
of your honeyed tongue and to enjoy your lovely company to satiety. In this way, you will appear
to be a true friend and to obey the laws sustaining these principles. Otherwise, I will keep silent
and another one will bring you harsh reproach, because you do not love as you should.
The hymn has a joyful tone and can be easily divided into three parts. In the first
(lines 1–10), Margounios describes his discomfort using the proverbial image of Tan-
talus’s punishment.41 In the second part (11–26), Margounios pleads his case: since
41 Tantalus invited the gods to a banquet and, in order to test their knowledge, offered them the flesh of
his son Pelops. His punishment, described in Od. 11.582–592, became synonymous with an unsatisfied
wish. Tantalus stood in a pool of water beneath fruit trees with low branches; whenever he tried to drink
the water or pick a fruit, the water would recede and the trees would raise their branches, leaving him in
an eternal state of thirst and hunger. According to Pindar (Ol. 1.53–64 and Isthm. 8.10–11), who apparently
rejected the idea of divine cannibalism, Tantalus stole nectar and ambrosia from the gods and distributed
them to human beings; for this reason, Zeus punished him by hanging a stone over his head. Both ver-
sions are conflated in [Apollod.] Epit. 2.1. In any case, “Tantalus’s stone” became proverbial: cp., e.g., Suda
ε 2119 and τ 80, and Mich. Apost. Cent. 7.60. On Tantalus’s myth and its sources, see Griffith (20033) 1473.
Nathanael has not fulfilled his promise, he has violated the laws of both friendship
and monastic life. The hymn ends with a prayer and a threat (27–40): Margounios
begs Nathanael to put an end to his distress, otherwise someone else will teach him
how to behave with friends.
The lines of this hymn, like those of the other hymns, can be defined as hemiambs
only very broadly. The fact that the third and the fifth syllables are consistently short
indicates that Margounios strove to respect both prosody and the traditional structure
of the catalectic iambic dimeter (× ‒ ⨚ ‒ ⨚ ‒ ×).42 However, the presence of hiatuses43
and the treatment of the ancipitia44 indicate that these lines are tonic heptasyllables
rather than prosodic hemiambs. The hymn shares some features with other Byzan-
tine non-prosodic heptasyllabic poems: for example, paroxytony and a composition
in paired lines.45 Also, rhythmical patterns based on the word accent can be identified
at lines 23–26:
μίμνουσιν οἵ γ’ ἐφετμαῖς | Χριστοῖο σωστικαῖσι·

μίμνουσιν οἳ ἀδελφῶν | εἰλικρινεῖ ἔρωτι,
and 33–36:
οὕτω φίλος σὺ δόξεις | ἀληθινὸς γενέσθαι·

οὕτω νόμοις ὑπείκειν | τοῖς ταῦτα συγκροτοῦσιν.
Little is known about Nathanael Emboros. He has been tentatively identified with
the Athenian Nathanael Chykas (Χύκας), who eventually became parish priest and
preacher to the Greek community in Venice.46 Margounios wrote three letters to
Emboros, which help to clarify his relationship with him them and, consequently, the
content of the poem.47 In the first letter, written in Venice on February 24, 1590, Mar-
gounios urges Nathanael to abandon his shyness and express his feelings openly, as is
appropriate to sincere friendship. Nathanael appears as an inexperienced young man
and Margounios as an affectionate educator; indeed, in a Menaion of the month of Feb-
ruary printed in Venice in 1599 by Andrea Spinelli, Emboros, who corrected the text, is
42 Correptio Attica is used, e.g., at lines 9: μελιρρύτοιο̆ κρήνης; 15: ὄφλημα δ’ ἄλλο̆ πληρῶν; 40: οὐχ
ὡς ἐχρῆν (ε̆-) φιλοῦντι.
43 E.g., lines 11: δέον σε ὄντα; 21: οὐδὲ ἄλλως; 25: οἳ ἀδελφῶν; 26: εἰλικρινεῖ ἔρωτι; etc.
44 A remarkable case is at line 37, with σῑ- of σιγήσω in short position.
45 Of the forty lines of the poem, 29 (= 72.5 %) are paroxytone, 9 (= 22.5 %) are oxytone, and 2 (= 5%)
are proparoxytone. On the composition in paired heptasyllables, see Lauxtermann (1999) 50–51.
46 See Enepekides (1970) 416. Chykas is the author of a Homilia in reliquiis Gabrielis Philadelphiae
(i.e., Gabriel Severos), which can be read in the seventeenth-century manuscript New Haven, Yale
University, Beinecke Library 304, fols. 155v–157v.
47 The letters have been published by Enepekides (1970) 296–298 (nos. 58–60). Both Hymn 8 and the
second letter can be read in BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, LXVI–LXVII.
defined as “auditor” (ἀκροατής) “of the very wise bishop of Cythera, master Maximos
Margounios” (τοῦ σοφωτάτου ἐπισκόπου Κυθήρων, κυρίου Μαξίμου τοῦ Μαργουνίου).
The second letter, also from Venice, is dated February 12, 1596: Margounios,
who needs a collaborator “for the copy of books and some small service” (εἰς χρείαν
βιβλίων ἀντιγραφῆς καὶ μικράν τινα ὑπερησίαν), asks Nathanael to reach him quick-
ly.48 Apparently, however, Nathanael did not satisfy Margounios’s request. Mar-
gounios wrote to him again on February 12, 1598, while at Mussolente. In this long
letter, which is chronologically very close to the composition of the hymns, Mar-
gounios describes at length the effects of temptations on the soul, using images that
occur in the hymns also (e.g., the serpent, the storm, and the chariot) and quoting
extensively from the Scriptures. Finally, he urges Nathanael to abandon the pleas-
ures of the city and join him in his retreat: this will allow him to free himself from the
enticements of evil.49
Unfortunately, this letter did not manage to convince the young man either: on
May 3, 1599, Margounios wrote to Ioannes Mourzinos that he was still in need of a
collaborator. We do not know what prevented Nathanael Emboros from complying
with Margounios’s request. In any case, his presence in Venice as cooperator in the
printing of Greek liturgical books is documented from at least 1599.50
Although Hymn 8 contains motifs taken from all the three letters, the first one
seems to be its main source of inspiration and explains, for example, the empha-
sis Margounios places on his longing for Nathanael’s voice and, more generally, on
the laws of friendship. Since these themes were commonplace in Byzantine letter
writing,51 Hymn 8 can be properly defined as a letter in verse. Similarly, poem 4 of
48 297, 14–16 En.: Ἂν οὖν σοι ἐπὶ τοιαύταις συνθήκαις γνώμη γένηται συμβιωτεῦσαί τε καὶ συμπενητεῦσαι
ἡμῖν, ὅτι τάχιστα τοῦ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπόπλου αὐτόθεν ἐπιμελήθητι, “Thus, if you decide to participate in
our life and poverty under these conditions, take care to sail from there to us as soon as possible”.
49 298, 29–35 En.: Ἄγε δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀποδρὰς καὶ ὅσα ταύτην καὶ τὴν πλίνθον καὶ τὸ
ἔτοιμον εἰς ἔκκαυσιν ἄχυρον καὶ τὰς ἐν μέσῃ πόλει διατριβάς, οἷα μυρίων κακῶν ἀφορμάς, ἧ τάχος
ἔχεις πρὸς λιμένα πελάγους ἀσφαλέστερον πρόσδραμε καὶ ἀναπτερώθητι πρὸς ἡμᾶς, πτέρυγας ἐκείνας
ἀναλαβὼν περιστερᾶς, τῆς τὸ δυσῶδες ἀποφευγούσης, αἳ καὶ προφητικῇ ψυχῇ λίαν ἐπέραστοί τε ποτὲ
ἐγένοντο πρὸς κατάπαυσιν, “Come on, then, flee Egypt, as well as the brick and the straw ready for
fire (cp. Ex. 5.7) and the pastimes in the city center as sources of countless evils. Run as quickly as you
can to a harbor that is safer than the sea and fly to us, taking the wings of the dove escaping stench
(cp. Bas. Hom. in Ps., PG 29, 364B), which once were intensely desired by the soul of the prophet (i.e.,
David) so that he might rest (cp. Ps. 54.6)”.
50 In addition to the aforementioned Menaion, cp. Parakletike (1600). Legrand (BH xv-xvi, vol. 2,
LXVII) also mentions a Menaion of the month of April, put on sale by the printer Antonio Pinelli
in 1603, which had been “carefully corrected by deacon Nathanael Emboros of Athens” (ἐπιμελῶς
διορτοθὲν παρὰ Ναθαναήλου [sic] ἱεροδιακόνου ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν τοῦ Ἐμπόρου).
51 On friendship in Byzantine letters, see in particular Karlsson (1962) 21–23 and Hunger (1978) vol. 1,
222–223. On the silencemotif, see Hunger (1978) vol. 1, 221–222.
Margounios’s first poetic collection, addressed to Constantine Loukaris, is a reply to

a letter, as its title shows:52
Προτρεπτικὸν εἰς Κωνσταντίνον τὸν Λουκάριν ἐν Παταβίῳ διατρίβοντα, γράψαντα πρότερον

αὐτῷ ὅτι τὰ τῆς τύχης βαρέως φέρει.
Exhortation to Constantine Loukaris who sojourns in Padua and has previously written to him
that he can hardly endure the twists of fate.
The content of this poem is not surprising: Margounios urges Constantine to neglect
the foolishness of earthly life and resist the devil’s temptations, keeping his mind
fixed in God’s precepts and following virtue. Three years before the publication of this
poem, on June 9, 1589, Margounios had written from Venice a letter of consolation to
Constantine, defined in the letterhead as “educated young man and dearest son in
Christ” (τῷ πεπαιδευμένῳ νεανίᾳ καὶ ἐν Χριστῷ παμφιλτάτῳ υἱῷ).53 The content of
the letter is generic and does not specify, for example, why Constantine needed to
be consoled. Nevertheless, the letter shares with the poem a reference to the whims
of fate and an exhortation to use intelligence (νοῦς) to free the soul from its earthly
burdens and lift it to heaven.
Like this poem, Hymn 8 shows the variety of Margounios’s poetic inspiration.
Margounios believes in the educational and edifying value of poetry; indeed, contents
and style of the poems of both his collections fit into traditional religious and occa-
sional poetry. However, Margounios also manages to surprise his readers by offering
letters in the forms of elegies and Anacreontic hymns, which, in addition to breaking
the canons established for both genres, offer glimpses into his personality and atti-
tudes toward his mission as a monk and educator.
After being highly appreciated by the Augsburg circle, Margounios’s Anacreontic
hymns were included in Pierre de la Rouvière’s Poetae Graeci veteres, a vast collec-
tion of poems by ancient Greek and Byzantine authors published in Geneva in 1614.54
The dedicatee, Albrecht Wilhelm von Zelking, was probably a young man who was
attending school;55 an intended use of the collection in some educational institution
may explain why, in the dedication and the preface poetarum Graecorum studiosis
lectoribus, Rouvière praised liberal education in general and the texts contained in
the collection in particular, which he recommended for both their beauty and their
moral contents.
52 See above, 148 and n. 6.

53 The letter is published in BH xvii, vol. 4, 1788–1790.
54 See above, 151. This anthology follows a collection of Greek epic, elegiac, and bucolic poetry pub-
lished by the same editor (Poetae Graeci veteres [1606]).
55 According to von Ludwig (1739) col. 1036, he was the ninth child of Baron Johann Wilhelm von
Zelking, counselor for Archduke Maximilian III of Austria (1595–1618). Born in 1597, the boy died in
1614, probably little after the publication of the collection.
As the main center of Calvinism, Geneva attracted scholars from other Reformed
countries and the rest of Europe. Its cultural institutions tried to reconcile the ped-
agogical tradition inherited from the Middle Ages, Humanism, and the Renaissance
with the principles of the Reformers; the study of classical languages and literatures
was widely and successfully pursued.56 The golden age of the printing of Greek
books in Geneva began after 1556, with the arrival of Henri Estienne (1528–1598) from
Paris:57 in addition to texts related to the teaching of Greek, many editions of classi-
cal and post-classical authors were issued in the following decades, mainly in order
to meet the needs of the city’s Academy. As for the Greek poets, while John Calvin
(1509–1564) and his disciple Theodore Beza (1519–1605) recommended their reading,
the teaching of Frankiskos Portos and his son Aimilios (1553–c.1614) from 1562 to
1581 certainly played a fundamental role in the printing of collections and critical
editions of poetic texts.58 Rouvière’s collective volume, which includes poets from
antiquity to recent times, mirrors the interests of Reformed scholars in both classical
and post-classical poetry.
In Rouvière’s anthology, the chronological order of the authors is followed very
loosely. Rather, texts appear to be grouped according to their metrical forms and con-
tents, apparently in order to establish relationships between texts that could be useful
in the teaching of metrics or poetic genres. In the second volume, Margounios’s Ana-
creontic hymns are preceded by two hemiambic Anacreontea (1 and 6 West); a poem
on Adonis’s death attributed to Theocritus, in hemiambs; an epitome of Lycophron’s
Alexandra in hemiambs, composed by Willem Canter, followed by Lycophron’s poem
in iambic trimeters; Synesius’s hymns; Gregory of Nazianzus’s odes in Anacreontic
verse; and an iambic hymn by John of Damascus. After Margounios’s hymns, Rou-
vière included poems by Byzantine authors (Manuel Philes, George of Pisidia, and
John Tzetzes); a short epigrammatic anthology; other hymns by John of Damascus;
the hymns by John Geometres and Clement of Alexandria; and, finally, a collection of
various iambic poems.
Rouvière may have deemed Margounios’s Anacreontic hymns worthy of being
included in an anthology for the study of Greek poetry because for him – and most
probably his readers – they deserved a place in the prestigious tradition of ancient
Greek poetry, which had developed into Byzantine and post-Byzantine Christian
poetry. Margounios’s attempt to revive the Anacreontic hymn was probably related to
the rediscovery of Byzantine culture pursued by the learned circles of the Reformed
countries and particularly by the Augsburg circle.59 Although his silence about why
56 See Mottu-Weber (2006).

57 See below Elia, 221–255.
58 See Chaix (1964) 116–118, Gilmont (2012), and the extensive studies by Reverdin (1980), especially
216–219, and Reverdin (2000). On Frankiskos Portos’s scholarship, see, e.g., Karamanolis (2003) 27–30
and Ciccolella (forthcoming). On his teaching in Geneva, see Tavonatti (2010) 122–161.
59 See my remarks in Ciccolella (2020) 228–229.
he chose to write Anacreontics and the difficulty in identifying his goals are obstacles
to achieve full understanding of his poetry, the success that his poems apparently
enjoyed demonstrates that they met the tastes, demands, and expectations of his con-
temporaries. In addition to shedding light on his personality, attitudes, and ideas,
Margounios’s poetry reveals his role of mediator between the Byzantine tradition and
Western culture, a role he shared with other Greeks of his generation. For them, as
for their predecessors, Venice represented the ideal environment to carry out such a
mission. For this reason, Margounios’s poetic production deserves much more atten-
tion than it has received until now.
2 Western Intellectuals, Books, and
Book Collections
Teresa Martínez Manzano
Towards the Reconstruction of a Little-Known
Renaissance Library: The Greek Incunabula
and Printed Editions of Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Charles V’s ambassador in Venice between the years 1539
and 1546, is a person of great renown in the political sphere of Habsburg Spain and
his role as a diplomat and as a writer is well known, as is his fondness for books. His
library had manuscripts and printed editions in Greek, Latin, Arabic and Romance
languages. Little by little we are unravelling the secrets of his collection of Greek
codices, the jewel in the crown of the monastery of El Escorial, which caught the atten-
tion of Charles Graux in the late 19th century but which in fact had already been a
cause of admiration in Italy in the middle of the 16th century. This collection had
many ancient manuscripts, as well as expensive copies of recentiores, and perhaps
the quantity, age and value of these Greek manuscripts is what has left the rest of
Mendoza’s library in the shade.1 Surprisingly no interest has been shown until now in
Mendoza’s library of Latin manuscripts – which will no doubt be a pleasant surprise
to researchers – and very little in that of the incunabula and printed editions in the
Greek language, on which we want to presently focus our attention.
The library of Hurtado de Mendoza entered El Escorial during 1576, almost a year
after the death of its owner in August 1575. The secretary of Philip II, Antonio Gracián,
took care to indicate the origin of each book on the cover by means of the note D. Dio
de Ma, that is, Don Diego de Mendoza. Some books temporarily deposited under the
guardianship of the Duke of the Infantado show a more extensive note of possession,
namely: Este libro deposito en esta libreria don dio hurtado de mendoça hermano del
marques de mondejar embaxdor que fue en roma y capitan general en ytalia, which
is, “This book deposited in this library Don Dio Hurtado de Mendoça, brother of the
Marques de Mondejar, ambassador that was in Rome and general captain in Italy”.
Some printed editions still have the original binding, made in Venice, but most were
bound in the workshop of El Escorial when they entered the monastery.
The first approach to Mendoza’s collection of Greek printed editions was made
by Gregorio de Andrés, who within the framework of his cataloguing of the Greek
codices at El Escorial added as an appendix to the third volume of the catalogue the
indication of a series of printed editions with handwritten sections or notes in Greek,
1 An overview of Mendoza’s Greek manuscripts can be seen in Martínez Manzano (2018).
Note: Work developed within the framework of Research Project FFI2015-67475-C2-1-P.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-007
164 Teresa Martínez Manzano
among them several with the ex libris D. Dio de Ma placed there by Antonio Gracián.2
It should be remembered that the fire that occurred in the library of El Escorial in 1671
did not affect the printed editions, so that there were no material losses due to this
fateful event.
But the person who has truly made a titanic effort to rebuild Hurtado’s printed
library in all languages has been Anthony Hobson, who in a beautiful book focusing
on the ambassador’s artistic bindings added a chapter entitled Catalogue of Diego
Hurtado de Mendoza’s Library of Printed Books.3 The opinion of the British scholar
was quite pessimistic with regard to such a reconstruction: “it will never be possi-
ble to compile a complete list of Don Diego’s printed books”. Nevertheless, Hobson
undertook this task and did so based on three different documentary sources that
he named A, B and C: A is an incomplete copy of the original inventory of Mendo-
za’s books from 1576 that was transcribed around 1646 and published by Gregorio de
Andrés4 (this source is useless for our specific purpose of identifying the printed edi-
tions in Greek because it only lists the books published in Latin); B is a post-mortem
inventory of books published for the first time by González Palencia and Mele;5 and C
is a small list of books of legal content compiled by Jean Matal.
Hobson also had to face the difficulty of the loss of some book covers with the
consequent disappearance of the ex libris added by Antonio Gracián, but he found,
on the other hand, other books with ex libris that did not appear in any of the three
sources that he had used. This made him predict that “a systematic search on the
shelves would no doubt bring more of his books to light”.6 The result of his fieldwork
is a list of 1,180 items, a huge print library in which, however, our attention is drawn
to the very scarce presence of printed books in Greek: Hobson could identify them
thanks perhaps to the indications included in the catalogue of Greek manuscripts
from de Andrés (although not all were included in his list), thanks to the ex libris D.
Dio de Ma and especially thanks to the Venetian bindings that some of these printed
editions have and which makes them easily recognizable during a visual inspection
of the shelves.
However, at the last moment Hobson made an important discovery, which he
added as a postscript to his catalogue of Mendoza’s printed books.7 He noted that
in 1769 Juan de Iriarte, librarian of the Royal Library – today the National Library –,
had managed to transfer to the Royal Library 34 printed books that were duplicated
2 de Andrés (1965–1967) vol. 3, 259–263.

3 Hobson (1999) 141–200.
4 de Andrés (1964) 292–323.
5 González Palencia/Mele (1941–1943) vol. 3, 481–557.
6 Evidently Hobson’s research was hampered by the absence in 1999 of a catalog of incunabula and
printed editions, which meant a patient search shelf by shelf, which in practice was unfeasible and de
facto impossible for a person who does not work permanently in the El Escorial library.
7 Hobson (1999) 200–201.
Towards the Reconstruction of a Little-Known Renaissance Library 165
in El Escorial, of which 30 were Greek. Of those 30 Greek printed editions 26 had

been published before 1546. With the inestimable help of Manuel Sánchez Mariana,
director of the National Library for several years, Hobson was able to identify nine
in the depths of the National Library: all of them with the note D. Dio de Ma written
by Antonio Gracián. So these nine Greek printed editions of Mendoza were added
by the British scholar to his catalogue and, together with those located in El Esco-
rial, modestly raised the total number of Greek editions of Hurtado de Mendoza that
Hobson came to know, a few dozen books, clearly a number too small for what would
be expected in the library of the ambassador of Charles V, which counted among his
Greek manuscripts almost three hundred codices.
Without wishing to throw away all the work carried out by Anthony Hobson in con-
ditions, which as we have just seen, were not particularly favourable for research, we
must say that in his inventory of Hurtado printed editions it is almost never clear to the
reader if a copy identified as the work of a Greek author is truly a Greek edition or is,
on the other hand, a Latin version of a Greek text. And not only that, but many times
El Escorial specimens have been identified in the entries of documentary sources and
inventories without there being any material evidence that they belonged to Hurtado
de Mendoza, specifically neither the note D. Dio de Ma nor the characteristic Venetian
binding. We will put forward a single example of this: in the documentary source which
Hobson called A – the incomplete copy of the inventory of Mendoza’s books from 1576,
which includes only the Latin editions – entry no. 1630 is Archimedis opera, Basileae,
1544, which undoubtedly corresponds to the edition of Johann Herwagen which
appeared in Basel in 1544, the princeps of Archimedes, where the Greek and Latin text
was printed at the same time. Hobson identified this entry as Scor. 82.VI.16, lacking an
ex libris and Venetian binding, although the Hurtado copy is not the one proposed by
the British scholar, but one of the two editions of 1544 that are preserved in El Escorial –
Scor. 114.II.34 and Scor. 177.III.5 – with these having the ex libris D. Dio de Ma.
On the other hand, if Hobson found copies of Hurtado in the National Library,
that were moved there by Juan de Iriarte precisely because they were copies that were
duplicated in El Escorial, we have sometimes been able to locate those duplicates.
Thus, to the Venetian edition of Ammonius of Alexandria of 1545 that Hobson found
in Madrid (BN 3/28129) we can now add the El Escorial duplicates 64.IV.4 and 64.IV.5,
which have the ex libris D. Dio de Ma; to the Venetian edition of Simplicius of 1527 that
Hobson located in the National Library (BN R/17976) we can add the duplicate of El
Escorial (118.II.14) also endowed with the mark of the previous owner.
More recently the historian Mercedes Agulló has reissued the inventory of Hur-
tado’s books that precedes his testament dictated on August 6, 1575. This is the list
of books that the former ambassador kept in his house in Madrid and whose ori-
ginal is kept in the Archivo Histórico de Protocolos in Madrid.8 Such an inventory
8 Agulló y Cobo (2010) 76–111.

includes exclusively printed matter, except for the mention of a manuscript from
Ptolemy (no. 218) and twelve other Greek codices (nos. 263–274) that remain unspe-
cified. For us this document has some interest insofar as it includes a few editions by
Greek authors, but it is almost purely testimonial.9
The recent appearance of the incunabulum catalogue and the print catalogue of
the library of El Escorial in 2013 and 2011 respectively10 allows us to overcome to a large
extent the pitfalls that Hobson had to face in the last years of the 20th century, since
in these two publications it is specified – although not always systematically – which
books currently have the note showing that they belonged to Hurtado de Mendoza.
Gathering together the catalogue numbers and content of all those incunabula and
printed editions will not only help to reconstruct as a whole the Greek library of one
of the great men of letters of the Spanish Renaissance, but also give us a more solid
basis for facing the question of the use that the ambassador gave to his books written
in the language of Homer and ultimately the subject of his humanistic education spe-
cifically with respect to the Greek.
Traditionally, Mendoza has been considered a great connoisseur of classical lan-
guages. Undoubtedly, his Spanish poetry is influenced by Latin and it is certain that
the ambassador read Latin fluently, the lingua franca of Humanism, but the case of
Greek is more problematic, mainly because no Greek manuscript shows Mendoza’s
written annotations and practically none of his printed editions, something which
makes one doubt that there was an authentic use on his part of the volumes available
to him in his library which were transcribed or printed in Greek characters. The most
evident proof of his mastery of Greek has always been considered his translation into
Spanish of the pseudo-Aristotelian Mechanics. This version, dedicated to the Duke of
Alba, is preserved in Scor. f.III.1511 and it was not published during the author’s life,
but only at the end of the 19th century.12 Scor. f.III.15 is a copy by a scribe with written
corrections by Mendoza, who in the dedication emphasizes having made the version
directly from the Greek (the editio princeps is the Aldine of 1497) and not from Latin
translations:
vinome en voluntad traduzir en castellano esta obra y embiarla a va. Sa. por que vea quan propia
y holgadamente se puede traduzir del griego en nuestra lengua sin passar por la latina,
9 In two cases – Aristotle, nos. 4 and 33 – the language of the printed edition is not specified in the
entry of the document, which Agulló considered without hesitation as printed in Greek. Two cases –
Salterio, no. 178, and Proclus, no. 190 – are Greco-Latin editions. And the last case is a Euclides in
Greek – no. 236 –. None of these five books could be located.
10 del Valle Merino/Fernández Rodríguez (2013); Girau Cabas/del Valle Merino (2011). About Hurta-
do’s Greek printed editions coming from Aldo’s press, see now Pérez Martín (2019) 251–268.
11 Zarco Cuevas (1924–1929) vol. 1, 142–143. Hobson (1999) 90, Pl. 39, reproduces fol. 1r of Scor. f.III.15.
A defective copy of this manuscript is Scor. f.III.27.
12 Foulché-Delbosc (1898).
I came to translate this work into Spanish and to send it to your lordship, so that you can see how
one can freely translate from Greek into our language without passing through the Latin.
Of the Mechanics, there are only two Latin versions from the 16th century, that of Vettor
Fausto of 1517 and that of Nicholas Leonicus Thomaeus of 1525 with commentary,
but precisely the Scor. 19.V.57 printed edition, which contains the works of Leonicus
Thomaeus including his version of the Mechanics, shows notes by Mendoza, which
allows us to deduce that the ambassador at least consulted Thomaeus’s humanistic
translation, and it cannot be ruled out that he also had to hand the Latin free version
of the mechanical problems that Alessandro Piccolomini, a close friend of Mendoza,
did in 1547.13 So without putting in doubt a priori that the ambassador translated
Mechanics from the Greek text, it may be considered that it relies at the same time on
these other contemporary Latin and free versions.
From an examination on our part of all the Greek editions of Hurtado de Mendoza
which we had heard to have written notes, we came to the following conclusions.
1. Until now, a single printed edition from the Mendoza’s collection had been
located with marks by his librarian Arnoldus Arlenius: Scor. 25.III.11, the second
volume of the Basel edition of Aristotle of 1531 by Erasmus of Rotterdam. It is at the
same time the only Mendoza printed edition with handwritten notes by the ambassa-
dor: his comments – added to Nicomachean Ethics and Politics – generally consist of
a few references to Thomas Aquinas and Cicero.14 These laconic commentaries coexist
spatially in the margins of the book with the much more interesting critical-textual
notes of Arlenius. Recall that the Flemish Arlenius, philologist and editor,15 not only
seems to have been responsible for the physical layout of the volumes in the ambas-
sador’s library, but also must have played a decisive role in the selection of texts that
were to be copied or bought for that library. His hand has been identified in a score
of recentiores manuscripts in El Escorial in which he systematically indicated in the
margins, and by means of a varied repertoire of signs of resending, the lectiones he
read in other Venetian codices or the textual improvements he proposed as a result of
that collation or an ope ingenii reflection.
In Scor. 25.III.11 printed edition the same happens: Arlenius patiently corrected
the printed text of Politics after having compared it with two manuscripts that he
found in the Venetian library of Sant’Antonio di Castello, an autograph by The-
odorus Gaza, which he refers to in his notes with the letter G(azae), and another
one of smaller size, which he names with the letter P(arvo).16 Therefore, the work
13 Piccolomini (1547). The article by Iommi Echeverría (2011) analyses precisely the Hurtado trans-
lation of the Aristotelian Mechanics in the context of the scientific-humanistic environment of the
middle of the 16th century.
14 Escobar (2015).
15 Cataldi Palau (2000a) 340–347.
16 Martínez Manzano (2018) 395.
of collation and correction by Arlenius was not limited to the manuscripts but also
encompassed the ambassador’s printed editions. And here we can offer another
example of this procedure: Scor. Mesa 10.I.21, with the Nuremberg edition of Novel
lae by Justinian of 1531, which shows the first 55 pages corrected by Arlenius.17 All
are critical-textual annotations for which Arlenius has consulted a manuscript copy,
if we take note of his caution on p. 14 (in antiquo codice), or rather two manuscripts
– according to his note on p. 41 (οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν ἑτέρῳ ἀντιγράφῳ) –. No doubt one was
in the St Mark’s Library from the legacy of Bessarion, Marc. gr. 179, and the other
in Florence, Laur. Plut. 80.4. Since it is known that Arlenius travelled to that city
between October 1544 and April 1545 to manage the copying of some texts kept there
for the Mendoza’s library it is possible to think that the castigationes that are in the
margins of this copy are the product of the successive consultation of two antigrapha
in two different cities. So Mendoza’s printed editions annotated by Arlenius have the
attraction of being critical editions in whose margins have been recorded the textual
variants that the Flemish philologist found in handwritten testimonies preserved in
Venetian or Florentine libraries.
2. On other occasions, the marginalia in Mendoza’s Greek printed editions display
an evident interest in the history of the transmission of the texts, although they are not
in Mendoza’s handwriting, nor that of Arnoldus Arlenius. This is the case of Ptolemy’s
Geography as preserved in Scor. 117.VII.19, the Basel edition of 1533: in its margins and
in the interline, notes and corrections by the pen of the copyist Nicolaus Murmuris of
Nauplia taken from the commentary by Nicephorus Gregoras and Isaac Argyros can
be read. As recently proposed by Paula Caballero, Murmuris took them from a manu-
script copy preserved before 1475 in the Vatican, Vat. gr. 176,18 so that the Mendoza
printed edition becomes a testimony, although partial, of the Byzantine exegesis. This
same procedure can be observed in Scor. 68.VII.23, which contains a comment by Sim-
plicius on Epictetus’s Handbook. This specimen is not only meticulously corrected
on all pages and always in Greek, but the annotator has added to some of them19 a
considerable amount of text, which may or may not be taken from another edition or
a manuscript. And this annotator is again, as in the Ptolemy edition, Nicolaus Mur-
muris.
Another of the ambassador’s printed editions shows a clear interest for the Text
überlieferung: Scor. 68.VI.12 contains the works of Theophrastus in the Basel edition
of 1541 by Oporinus. More than likely in the workshop of El Escorial two quires were
added at the end of this edition – datable to the middle of the 16th century – contain-
ing the handwritten treatise De sensibus by Theophrastus and which will have to be
17 Pérez Martín (2001) 301. Apparently the objective was that Antonio Agustín, expert jurisconsult,
could consult that collation made by Arlenius on his arrival in Venice, when he would have stayed in
the palace of the imperial ambassador.
18 Caballero Sánchez (2014) 231–254.
19 Cf. especially p. 99r, 100r, 101r.
studied from a critical point of view to insert them within the tradition of this text
delineated by McDiarmid, who does not know of the printed testimony of El Escorial
with its handwritten appendix.20
3. In the rest of Mendoza’s annotated editions we do not know the identity of
the authors of the notes, but it is certain that none of them is Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza and that they all predate Mendoza’s return to Spain. In some cases these
are corrections of textual criticism, in others of lemmatisation of the content,
and on other occasions the notes are in Latin. It is likely that in the future and
with the collaboration of experts in Renaissance philology the identification of
these hands, which for the moment have to remain anonymous, will come to be
known but which we will be able no doubt to place in a clearly Italian human-
istic environment. As Elisabetta Sciarra has pointed out, books with marginalia
passed to the second hand book market more easily than those that were clean.
Furthermore, the appearance of handwritten notes is given in the first instance to
be a sign on the part of the scholarly reader for the need to improve textually the
edition that is in hand (which had often been modelled on a single manuscript),
or to update it by marking in the margins the new lessons that have appeared in a
more modern edition.21
In the following list we have limited ourselves to highlighting the Greek edi-
tions – or Greco-Latin editions – owned by Mendoza,22 which means that we have
not taken into account the translations of Greek authors into Latin or Romance
languages, which the ambassador had many copies of (this is the case of Polybius
or Plutarch). We have included humanistic texts in Greek, such as the Graeco-
Roman dictionaries of Conrad Gesner or Guarino Favorino, the collection of epi-
grams by Arsenios of Monembasia or the Grammar by Manuel Chrysoloras. The
criterion for the indication of the entries is the appearance of the note D. Dio de
Ma by the hand of Gracián, an ex libris that has not always been rigorously indi-
cated by the authors of the recently published catalogues. The task of expurgat-
ing has been, although not unfeasible, somewhat thankless due to the absence
in the printed editions catalogue (but not in the incunabula) of an index of first
owners, and although there will never be a complete reconstruction of Mendo-
za’s library of Greek printed editions and in the future new copies owned by the
20 McDiarmid (1962) 2–5.

21 Sciarra (2011) 247–249.
22 The names of the authors appear latinized. The references in parentheses correspond to the fol-
lowing: Imp. = Girau Cabas/del Valle Merino (2011); Inc. = del Valle Merino/Fernández Rodríguez
(2013); Hob. = Hobson (1999). We have limited ourselves to the place and date of appearance of the
editions, ignoring details such as the printer, the editor or the type of binding. In the notes we make
reference to the appearance of handwritten marginalia. Except those printed editions marked with
the abbreviations B(iblioteca) N(acional) – National Library –, the rest are printed editions preserved
in El Escorial.
ambassador will certainly appear, a homogeneous group of more than 90 volumes

conserved between El Escorial and the National Library of Madrid has been gath-
ered together and they lay the foundations for taking advantage of the notes – in
their majority not by Mendoza, but in any case of humanistic origin – that adorn
quite a few of these editions. Represented in the identified volumes are rhetors,
philosophers, poets, mathematicians, historians, grammarians, geographers, lex-
icographers, medical texts and Fathers of the Church, the Bible and the law. And
there are duplicate copies: three volumes, for example, of the same edition of
Ammonius of Alexandria. As a whole they constitute a sample of the intellectual
universe of one of the most influential politicians and writers of his time, but also
of one of the greatest bibliophiles, whose main objective – at least with respect
to the Greek printed editions – seems to have been one of gathering the most
modern editions, especially those that appeared in Venice and Basel, of Greek
authors, and to which he surely could not dedicate the time necessary for reading
and studying.
Appendix23
List of Incunabula and Printed Editions
Aelianus, Claudius
1. 68.VII.7. Rome 1545 (Imp. 3574).
Aelius Aristides
2. 66.VI.20. Florence 1517 (Imp. 652).
Aesopus
3. 70.IV.6. Basel 1530 (Imp. 3713).
Aetius Amidenus
4. 67.VI.15. Venice 1534 (Imp. 59).23
Alexander Aphrodisiensis
5. 68.VII.17. Florence 1521 (Imp. 258).
6. 66.VI.6. Venice 1513 (Imp. 259).
23 Critical written notes by two hands, none of them being that of Hurtado de Mendoza. According
to Pérez Martín (2019) 260 the most numerous annotations are by the copyist Iohannes Mauromates.
Ammonius Alexandrinus
7. 64.IV.5. Venice 1545 (Imp. 405).
8. 64.IV.4. Venice 1545 (Imp. 407).
9. BN 3/28129. Venice 1545 (Hob. 63).
Anthologia Epigrammatum
10. 64.IV.25. Venice 1521 (Imp. 466).24
Antonius Melissa
11. 36.IV.13. Zurich 1546 (Imp. 508).
Archimedes
12. 177.III.5. Basel 1544 (Imp. 821).
13. 114.II.34. Basel 1544 (Imp. 829).
Aristoteles
14. 54.IV.3–8. Venice 1495–1498 (Inc. 34).
15. 69.VI.9. Venice 1526 (Imp. 679).
16. 25.III.11. Basel 1531 (Imp. 742).25
17. 68.VII.15. Florence 1527 (Imp. 743).
18. 69.VI.1–2. Basel 1539 (Imp. 752).26
19. 64.IV.28. Venice 1536 (Imp. 767).
20. 82.VII.19. Paris 1541 (Imp. 795).
21. 19.VI.26. Venice 1536 (Imp. 796).27
22. 68.V.6–9. Venice 1495–1498 (Inc. 34).
Arrianus
23. 116.V.73. Basel 1539 (Imp. 835).
24. 117.VII.32. Basel 1533 (Imp. 836).
25. BN 3/48634. Venice 1534 (Hob. 179).
Arsenius Monembasiensis
26. 64.IV.14. s.l., s.n. c. 1520 (Imp. 839).
24 Critical marginalia in Greek and Latin by two hands, none of them of Mendoza.
25 Marginalia by Mendoza and his librarian Arnoldus Arlenius, who has collated the text with two
manuscripts from the Library of Sant’Antonio di Castello in Venice: cf. Escobar (2015) and above 167–168.
26 It contains marginalia by Mendoza: cf. Escobar (2010a) 562.
27 Handwritten notes in Latin in the first eight pages, not by Mendoza.
Biblia
27. 58.IV.17–18. Strasbourg 1526 (Imp. 1317).
28. 54.IV.13. Venice 1518 (Imp. 1379).
29. 64.IV.23. Strasbourg 1526 (Imp. 1380).
30. 54.V.46. Haguenau 1521 (Imp. 1425).28
Chrysoloras, Manuel
31. BN R/1305. Alcalá 1514 (Hob. 345).29
Chrysostomus, Iohannes
32. 119.VII.1–2. Verona 1529 (Imp. 5757).
Commentaria anonyma in Aristotelem

33. 82.VII.3. Paris 1539 (Imp. 3559).
Constitutiones apostolicae
34. 32.V.30. Venice 1563 (Imp. 2597).
Corpus Iuris civilis. Novellae

35. Mesa 10.I.21. Nuremberg 1531 (Imp. 2739).30
Damascenus, Iohannes
36. 117.VII.31. Verona 1531 (Imp. 5767).
Demosthenes
37. 57.IV.9. Venice 1543 (Imp. 3123).
38. 68.V.16. Basel 1532 (Imp. 3127).
Diodorus Siculus
39. 120.VII.13. Basel 1539 (Imp. 3221).
Diogenes Laertius
40. 117.VII.29. Basel 1533 (Imp. 3231).
28 Marginalia of an anonymous reader. At the beginning of the book there are fourteen handwritten
folia with an index.
29 With handwritten comments of several scholary hands, none of them by Hurtado.
30 Many notes by Arnoldus Arlenius based on the collation of two manuscripts; see above 168.
Dioscorides
41. 68.VII.26. Venice 1518 (Imp. 3298).31
Epistolae philosophorum oratorum et rhetorum

42. 68.VII.27. Venice 1499 (Inc. 149).
Eusebius Caesariensis
43. BN 2/64320. Paris 1544.32
Eustathius Thessalonicensis
44. 67.V.16–19. Rome 1542–1550 (Imp. 3861).
Eustratius Nicaeus
45. 25.III.6. Venice 1536 (Imp. 3863).
46. BN R/73. Venice 1536 (Hob. 477).
Eutocius Ascalonites in Archimedem

47. 91.IX.12 (3°). Basel 1544 (Imp. 3871).
48. 58.IX.13. Basel 1544 (Imp. 826).
Exegeseis ab Oecumenio et Aretha collectae

49. 82.VI.8. Verona 1532 (Imp. 3879).
Favorinus, Guarinus
50. 67.VI.2. Rome 1523 (Imp. 3954).
Gesnerius, Conradius
51. 36.I.11. Basel 1545 (Imp. 4591).
Gregorius Nazianzenus
52. 117.VI.2. Venice 1504 (Imp. 4844).
Herodotus
53. 120.V.3. Venice 1502 (Imp. 5111).
31 No ex libris of Gracián, but the indication De Don Diego Hurtado De Mendoza, probably in Mendo-
za’s handwriting. Many textual-critical comments in Greek by an anonymous hand.
32 Hobson didn’t know this volume, that presents only two handwritten marginalia, by an anony-
mous reader, on p. 307.
Hesiodus
54. 68.VII.22 (1°). Venice 1537 (Imp. 5133).
Hesychius Alexandrinus
55. BN R/20134. Venice 1514 (Hob. 601).
Hippiatrica
56. 117.VII.20. Basel 1537 (Imp. 9944).
Homerus
57. 82.VI.13. Florence 1488 (Inc. 205).
58. 115.VII.104. Venice 1524 (Imp. 5239).
59. 177.III.2 Venice 1516 (imp. 5482).
Iosephus, Flavius
60. 82.V.4. Basel 1544 (Imp. 5725).
Isocrates
61. 106.III.12. Venice 1534 (Imp. 5544).
Lucianus
62. 67.VI.10. Venice 1522 (Imp. 6324).33
Nicander
63. 68.VII.24. Venice 1523 (Imp. 7169).
Nonnus
64. 68.VII.22 (2°). s.l., s.a. (Imp. 7256).
Paulus Aegineta
65. BN R/4382. Venice 1528 (Hob. 831).34
Philoponus, Ioannes
66. 66.VI.7 (2°). Venice 1527 (Imp. 5673).
67. 66.VI.7 (1°). Venice 1535 (Imp. 5682).
68. 67.VI.11. Venice 1534 (Imp. 5684).
33 Written annotations of an anonymous reader.

34 Critical-textual notes of Arlenius in p. 137 (Index), not of Juan Páez de Castro, as supposed by
Pérez Martín (2019) 260.
Pindarus
69. 68.VII.2. Rome 1515 (Imp. 8040).
Plato
70. 66.V.6 (1°). Basel 1534 (Imp. 8105).35
Plutarchus
71. BN R/64. Venice 1519 (Hob. 879).
72. 82.VII.8. Venice 1509 (Imp. 8161).
Pollux, Iulius
73. 66.VI.19 (1°). Venice 1502 (Imp. 8219).
74. 63.VI.8 (1°). Venice 1502 (Imp. 8220).36
Polybius
75. 117.IV.33. Großenhain 1530 (Imp. 8194).
Proclus
76. 66.V.6 (2°). Basel 1534 (Imp. 8105).37
Ptolemaeus, Claudius
77. 67.VI.7. Basel 1538 (Imp. 8375).
78. 117.VII.19. Basel 1533 (Imp. 8376).38
Rhetores graeci
79. 117.V.30. Venice 1513 (Imp. 6230).
80. 92.VI.15. Venice 1513 (Imp. 6230).
Simplicius
81. 67.VI.12. Venice 1499 (Inc. 400).
82. 118.II.14. Venice 1527 (Imp. 9306).
83. 118.II.12. Venice 1526 (Imp. 9308).
84. 118.II.13. Venice 1526 (Imp. 9308).
85. 68.VII.23. Venice 1528 (Imp. 9309).39
86. BN R/17976. Venice 1527 (Hob. 1008).
35 Critical-textual notes of an anonymous.

36 For the annotations of this book by Páez de Castro see Pérez Martín (2019) 255.
37 Proclus’ edition has no ex libris but is bound with Platos one, that has the ex libris. The book has
the Venetian binding alla greca characteristic of Mendoza’s library.
38 With corrections and additions by Nicolaus Murmuris; see above 168.
39 Marginalia in Greek by Nicolaus Murmuris; see above 168.
Stobaeus
87. 68.VII.18. Venice 1535 (Imp. 9509).
Strabo
88. 120.III.20. Venice 1516 (Imp. 3817).39
Suidas
89. 82.VI.14. Venice 1514 (Imp. 9571).
Theocritus
90. BN I/613. Venice 1495 (Hob. 1054).40
Theophrastus
91. 68.VI.12. Basel 1541 (Imp. 9702).41
Theophylactus
92. 82.VII.2. Rome 1542 (Imp. 9755).
Thesaurus cornucopiae et Horti Adonidis

93. 82.VII.1. Venice 1496 (Inc. 415).
Xenophon
94. 60.IV.15. Halle 1540 (Imp. 5627).
40 Critical-textual marginalia of an anonymous hand who has added in the last page of the book the
colophon τέλος τῶν Στραβώνος γεωγραφικῶν τοῦ ἑπτακαιδεκάτου βιβλίου. About the main annotator
of this book, see Pérez Martín (2019) 257.
41 Cf. Martín Abad (2010) vol. 1, 751.
42 It contains a handwritten section with Theophrastus’ De sensibus; see above 168–169.
Rosa Maria Piccione
The Greek Library of Guillaume Pellicier:
The Role of the Scribe Ioannes Katelos
The library of Guillaume Pellicier (c. 1490–1567), bishop of Montpellier and French
ambassador to Venice in the years 1539–1542, is a collection of remarkable histori-
cal and cultural interest, which so far has not received adequate consideration.1
Humanist and scholar of Pliny the Elder, Pellicier was likewise interested in natural
and mathematical sciences, theology and law. From 1527 until his death in 1567, the
bishop inspired a circle of intellectuals in Montpellier, including scholars such as
Rabelais.2 Entrusted by the King with the task of acquiring books in Venice for the
library of Fontainebleau, Pellicier exploited this opportunity to collect and commis-
sion books for his own library, putting together a huge collection. A rough inventory
of Pellicier’s books appears in cod. Par. gr. 3068 and records 252 Greek books (56 of
which printed books),3 which had quite a complex history after their owner’s death.
The collection was thought to be lost until the end of the nineteenth century. At this
time some clues leading to Pellicier’s books were retrieved within the library of the
Jesuit College of Clermont in Paris, which had acquired Pellicier’s collection after
1573.4 Following the abolition of the Jesuit order in 1763, the library of the College
of Clermont was put up for sale, and in 1764 the Dutch scholar Gerard Meermann
(1722–1771) acquired it. In 1824, Meermann’s library got scattered, as his heirs sold the
books to different purchasers, and most of the manuscripts passed into the hands of
the English antique and book collector Sir Thomas Phillipps (1782–1872). Eventually,
240 Greek manuscripts from the collection of Sir Phillipps – essentially the batch
from Meermann’s library – were bought by the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin (today
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz) in 1887–1888.5 A large part of
1 As of today, the landmark studies are those by Annaclara Cataldi Palau (1985; 1986a; 1986b). I pres-
ent here some significant findings of ongoing research into Pellicier’s Greek library, ultimately aiming
at an overall inquiry into the entire book collection.
2 Mallary Masters (1993); Menini (2013).
3 Omont (1885).
4 Förster (1885); Omont (1885; 1889). The purchase happened between 1573 and 1651, the year of the
death of the Jesuit Jacques Sirmond (1559–1651). His is the pinax we generally read on the verso of one
of the volume’s guard-leaves.
5 These are MSS Berol. Phill. 1405–1643 and 1991. See Studemund/Cohn (1890) I–XXXVI; Heydeck
(2014) 104–105.
Note: I would like to express my warm thanks to Federica Ciccolella and Teresa Martínez Manzano.
I am especially grateful to Paolo Eleuteri, Erika Elia and Stefano Valente, with whom I could discuss
in detail some challenging aspects of this inquiry. In addition, I would like to thank the State Library
in Berlin (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz) for its assistance and cooperation.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-008
the so-called Manuscripta Phillippsiana of the State Library in Berlin has been iden-
tified as coming from the private collection of Guillaume Pellicier. According to the
most recent studies, Pellicier’s library numbered 180 manuscripts, only 39 of which
were produced before 1539, i.e., before Pellicier’s stay in Venice. As has been demon-
strated, more than half of the manuscripts (precisely, 106 out of 180) belong to the
Manuscripta Phillippsiana in Berlin. One more manuscript, currently held at the Bi-
blioteka Jagiellońska of Kraków,6 should be added to this number. More manuscripts
ended up in other libraries, such as the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, the Biblio-
theek der Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, and the Oxford Bodleian Library.
Thanks to its peculiar genesis and articulated history of transmission, Pellici-
er’s book collection can now be defined with relative ease. This collection provides
the ideal grounding for a systematic and reasoned investigation and allows us to
reflect on the collection’s intellectual project. The first thing to note is the choice
of texts: Pellicier’s library is mostly composed of Greek and Byzantine literature,
with quite remarkable lacunae and some favourite texts, collected in different copies
and editions. Liturgical and church books are obviously also present: in addition to
the Holy Scriptures – of which there are only a few copies – and their commenta-
tors, the Church Fathers and later theologians are the most represented. There are
many secular works also, but poets do not feature prominently: there are, among
others, Homer and his commentators, Pindar, Sophocles and Aristophanes, while,
for example, Euripides is missing. The number of philosophical texts is notable:
Aristotle and his commentators, Theophrastus, Plato’s commentators and the Neo-
platonists are present, but there is no book by Plato.7 The collection included a
particularly relevant number of scientific and mathematical texts, as well as books
containing medical writings and, finally, texts by rhetoricians, grammarians, geog-
raphers, historians, as well as legal texts, military treatises, lexica, proverbs and
maxims. As Mallary Masters wrote,
Pellicier’s interest in all disciplines becomes immediately evident; he must have been an “abîme
de science” in the best Rabelaisian sense. Let us not forget that in collecting his library he
undoubtedly had in mind its utility for the intellectual community associated with the Univer-
sities of Medicine and Law at Montpellier for which he, as bishop, was personally responsible.8
If we consider that printed books were becoming increasingly available, and at ever
more affordable costs, the criteria that guided the acquisition of texts and the relation-
ships of the owner with his books become even worthier of reflection. A significant
clue is the occasional presence of Pellicier’s handwriting on the body of the text and
6 Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Berol. MS Graec. fol. 37. Cariou (2017) 262–263.
7 Mallary Masters (1993) 9: “If there are no manuscripts of Plato, one might well remember that
Ficino’s search would have made such works very rare indeed. The lack of codices is compensated by
the Latinized Plato, perhaps that of Ficino, and the works of Pico della Mirandola”.
8 Mallary Masters (1993) 8.
The Greek Library of Guillaume Pellicier: The Role of the Scribe Ioannes Katelos 179
at the margins, especially in manuscripts containing scientific or rhetorical material:

paginations, underlines with typically coiled marks (sometimes even disorderly and
almost invasively), glosses containing corrections, alternative readings derived from
other exemplars, and even explanations and references to Latin authors.9 Unlike
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza’s Bibliotheca ornatissima,10 for example, Pellicier’s books
appear to be meant not only for collecting, but also for reading and annotating. Some
of these books were occasionally of very mediocre quality and even contain codicolog-
ical units which clearly were work copies. There are no luxury bindings comparable
to those crafted by Andrea di Lorenzo, the Mendoza Binder, or to those of the books
gathered for Fontainebleau:11 the volumes are simply bound in yellowish parchment
with folded edges.12
The fact that Pellicier’s library can effectively be delimited allows for a structured
reflection on the practices of book production and the relational dynamics occur-
ring among the actors involved in this process. Pellicier’s library is actually a prime
example of those book collections grown through the patron’s requests to trusted ate
liers.13 The collection’s most significant feature is the fact that a very high number of
manuscripts were copied by contemporary scribes who were active in Venetian ate
liers and are already known from other collections. This means that, during his stay
in Venice, the bishop had his trusted scribes make manuscripts for him. At least 141
manuscripts were copied by these scribes, many of whom have already been identi-
fied. Among them, we may recognize a number of well-known professionals, some
of them also in the employ of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza: Greek émigrés as Ioannes
Mavromatis, Ioannes Katelos, Nikolaos and Georgios Kokolos, Nikolaos Malaxos,
Nikolaos Mourmouris, Andronikos Noukios – a figure of particular interest –,14 Niko-
laos Pachys, Georgios Basilikos, Demetrios Zenos, and Italian scribes such as Valeri-
ano Albini and Bartolomeo Zanetti, whose atelier was presumably hired for copying
some of the manuscripts. Zanetti himself certainly copied 17 of the manuscripts, either
wholly or partly; he usually worked in collaboration with other scribes of his team, for
whom he often merely set the work by writing only the first recto of the manuscript, as
a sort of modelpage.15 On the basis of their collaboration with Zanetti, we may trace
back to the same team the two Kokoloi, Valeriano Albini, Nikolaos Mourmouris and
Nikolaos Pachys. Handwritings of yet unidentified copyists recur quite often, among
9 See, e.g., the long gloss to the term χελωνάριον in Hero, Bel. 84.8 in MS Berol. Phill. 1548 fol. 17r.
10 Martínez Manzano (2018) 399.
11 Hobson (1982) and (1989) 172–213.
12 Cataldi Palau (1986a) 39–40.
13 See Annaclara Cataldi Palau’s contributions, particularly for what concerns the scribes working
for the ambassador and Bartolomeo Zanetti’s atelier (1986a; 1986b; 2000b; 1988; 1989; 2000a). See
also Irigoin (1977) esp. 400–406.
14 See above Carpinato, 18; Layton (1994) 421–423.
15 Harlfinger (1971) 293 and n. 4.
which we may especially recall the Scribe X, who was particularly active.16 Beyond
these few data, the present state of our knowledge remains rather incomplete.17 We
do not know how the scribes worked, which dynamics operated between Pellicier and
his trusted atelier(s), and which writing practices obtained within an atelier which we
suppose to have been domestic. Indeed, some of Pellicier’s letters mention the regular
presence of a varying number of scribes in his household, who were “journellement
à rescrutier et corriger bons aucteurs grecz avecques le plus d’exemplaires que l’on
peult trouver”.18
Some data recently gathered on the manuscripts of Pellicier’s collection lead us
to suppose that many more books and many more hands than previously thought
are to be traced back to Zanetti’s team, with Bartolomeo himself appearing as the
ambassador’s most trusted referent (possibly the only one?). The connection between
Zanetti and Pellicier, on the other hand, has been demonstrated, and it is also made
explicit in the dedication to Pellicier that appears in the Censura in Antidotarium,
a revised and corrected edition of a medieval pharmacopoeia text. Zanetti printed
the work in Venice in 1543, i.e., after he had retired from his printing activities and
Pellicier had left the city.19 On this basis, we may advance some reflections on the
dynamics at work in the production of books, on the scribes’ training and roles, and
on copying methods.
1 The Scribe Ioannes Katelos

An examination of the collection yields unexpected data on a number of scribes.
Among the most frequent handwritings we recognize that of Ioannes Katelos from
16 Cataldi Palau (2000b) 93–102 (esp. 100). Four more volumes of Pellicier’s collection can be traced
back to Zanetti’s printing house (ibid. 98 n. 74), all of which were printed in Venice for Giovanni Fran-
cesco Trincavelli: Ioannes Philoponus (1535) = Omont (1885) 602 no. 191; Flavius Arrianus (1535a) =
Omont 605 no. 208; Flavius Arrianus (1535b) = Omont 605 no. 209; Alexander Aphrodisiensis (1536) =
Omont 604 no. 201. See Layton (1994) 513–521; Castellani G. (1994) and (2008); Faraggiana di Sarzana
(2016), with a rich bibliography.
17 Irigoin (1977) 404–406 already stressed this lack of precise information.
18 From the letter dated 2 November 1540 (Omont [1885] 623). In the same letter, Pellicier also men-
tions Demetrios Zenos, as an editor and proofreader of manuscripts who was active in his household.
Layton (1994) 549–550. On this domestic atelier, Omont (1885) 47–49. See now Alonge (2019) 167–174.
19 Castellani G. (1994). After 1540, Zanetti’s work as a printer became very discontinuous, perhaps
because of the bankruptcy of his workshop; the copying activity of his atelier, on the other hand,
grew ever more lively. See Cataldi Palau (2000b). An overview of his printed volumes can be found
in Edit16.
Nauplia (Ἰωάννης Κατέλος ὁ Ναυπλιότης),20 who was certainly active in Venice

between January 1541 and 13 March 1543, as some subscriptions attest.21 This is prob-
ably the same person as nobilis Zuan Catello who, by deliberation of the senate of La
Serenissima on 16 March 1543, was assigned some land in Crete as a compensation for
the loss of his properties in the area of Nauplia after the Turkish conquest in 1540.22
Although so far this scribe has not been connected to Bartolomeo Zanetti’s atelier, he
certainly belonged to it, as signaled by his close collaboration with the well-known
Scribe X,23 with whom he copied MS Berol. Phill. 1610.24
1.1 Berol. Phill. 1513
Some elements provide useful information on the dynamics that obtained within the
atelier. Berol. Phill. 1513 is especially relevant in this respect: the large-size manuscript
(mm 314×240) consists of two codicological units, the first of which is written by the
so-called Scribe L (fols. 1r–179r), the second by Bartolomeo Zanetti (fols. 182r–281v).
Both bear the anonymous paraphrase of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics traditionally
attributed to Heliodorus of Prusa.25 The first codicological unit contains Books I–VIII
6, the second comprises Books VI–X, so that the two partly overlap. At the end of
Book VI (fol. 199v), Zanetti reproduces a subscription that appears in several other
manuscripts of this work and refers to a copy that was commissioned by emperor John
VI Kantakouzenos in 1366.26 Quite apart from the complex issues related to the para-
20 RGK II 220; III 278; VG 173–174. 213; Cataldi Palau (1986b) 205–207, 222, 226, Pl. 2. More recent-
ly, Hajdù (2005), who also specifies that the correct stress is Κατέλος instead of the commonly used
Κάτελος (52 n. 48). To this observation, we might add that the Italianized form of the name of this well-
known family, widely attested in the documentary sources of both Venice and the Greek Confraternity,
is Catello/Cathello: this confirms that the word must have been heard as paroxytone, due to the pres-
ence of a double consonant before the penultimate vowel.
21 1541: Lips. gr. 42 (January); 1542: Berol. Phill. 1522 (30 January), 1506 (29 May), 1420 (5 August),
Brux. IV 881 (= Phill. 3080; 28 November); 1543: Leid. BPG 67 B (13 March).
22 According to Cataldi Palau (1986b) 205–206 his name is attested in the documents of the Greek
Confraternity between 1553–1563. Contra Hajdù (2005) 64 n. 113.
23 Cataldi Palau (1986b) 219, 235, Pl. 12.
24 See below, 185–190. Scribe X and Katelos appear together also in MS Berol. Phill. 1536, which
contains the works of Ruphus of Ephesus; here, each copyist copied one of the two codicological
units that constitute the manuscript. The two sections are morphologically homogeneous to some
extent (e.g., they have the same page layout of 30 lines), yet no further evidence allows us to suppose
a collaboration between the two.
25 Heylbut (1889).
26 τὸ βιβλίον γέγονε δι᾿ ἐξόδου τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου καὶ φιλοχρίστου βασιλέως ἠμῶν, ἰωάσαφ μοναχοῦ
τοῦ καντακουζινοῦ [sic]· ἐν ἔτει ,ςωοε μηνὸς νοέμβριος [sic] κδ’. ἰνδ. ε’. See Nicol (1968); Mondrain
(2004). On this issue, see now Trizio (2013), who does not mention Berol. Phill. 1513. It is worth noting
here that another exemplar bearing the same paraphrase was produced in Zanetti atelier, namely MS
phrase and the repetition of parts of text within the same manuscript, the most crucial
aspect is the morphology of the first codicological unit. The text is written by Scribe
L,27 recognized in three more manuscripts belonging to Pellicier’s collection. These
are all small-size, simple and not very accurate; contractions and ligatures are almost
entirely absent. The manuscripts are Berol. Phill. 1601, where Scribe L wrote Eudocia’s
Homerocentones (fols. 32r–48v); Cheltenham, Phill. 6911 (Elshieshield, St Runciman
68), where L copied the first part of a miscellany of short devotional and linguistic
texts, possibly meant for spiritual and linguistic training (fols. 1r–72v); and Par. Suppl.
gr. 1148 (fols. 2r–195v, 202r–231v), a little handbook of astrology and divination. Com-
pared to these manuscripts, Berol. Phill. 1513 stands out not only for its size, but also
for the kind of text it contains: the presence of figures and diagrams requires the scribe
to have greater copying skills and a higher level of competence in managing the page
layout. The peculiarity of this exemplar lies in its generally poor refinement and in its
bearing a figurative apparatus which is but sketched (Figs. 1 and 13):
Fig. 1: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 75r (detail) © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Handschriftenabteilung.
The most evident feature, however, is the presence of very frequent traces of a differ-
ent hand, whose interventions in dark ink are spread all over the text block (Fig. 14).
Sometimes these interventions are limited to simple corrections of mistakes due to
iotacism or confusion of letters. More often, however, they concern the shapes of
Leid. BPG 18 copied by Zanetti’s son Camillo, whose hand can be recognized also in Laur. Plut. 80.3.
See Trizio (2013) 804 and 806.
27 Cataldi Palau (1986b) 234, Pl. 10.
letters, ligatures and contractions, and most frequently the form and the placing of
breathings and accents or the position of diagrams in the text (see esp. Figs. 2, 3).
The intervening hand also inserted some small decorative initials and in some cases
improved the design of already drawn initial letters (Fig. 9). While philological oper-
ations – such as erasures and integrations at the margins – are not missing, the cor-
rections are quite often of a graphic nature and concern shapes and strokes; in most
cases, they are both textual and graphic (Figs. 4–8).
Fig. 2: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 29r (detail) Fig. 3: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 29v (detail)
© Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin –
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Handschriftenabteilung. Handschriftenabteilung.
Fig. 5: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 30v (detail) Fig. 6: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 36v (detail)
© Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Kulturbesitz, Handschriftenabteilung.
Fig. 7: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 135v (detail) Fig. 8: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 150r (detail) ©
© Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer
Kulturbesitz, Handschriftenabteilung. Kulturbesitz, Handschriftenabteilung.
Fig. 9: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 174v (detail) © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
The hand that intervened on the text block and also marked the beginning of the
quires (e.g., fol. 56r) was undoubtedly Katelos’, who seems to be teaching a less expe-
rienced scribe how to write with greater clarity and elegance, as well as to confidently
manage the figurative apparatus. This is evident especially when his corrections
consist in rewriting with modern ligatures those letters that the trainee had merely
juxtaposed (Figs. 4 and 8), and in repositioning the diagrams’ constitutive elements
on the page (Figs. 2, 3 and Fig. 13). At the end of this first codicological unit (fol. 179r),
and so at the end of Scribe L’s copying enterprise, we read the well-known epigram
ὥσπερ ξένοι χαίροντες ἰδεῖν π(ατ)ρίδα, | καὶ οἱ θαλαττεύοντες ἰδεῖν λιμένα· | οὕτω καὶ
οἱ γράφοντες, βιβλίου τέλος (“as strangers rejoice at the sight of their homeland, | and
travellers by sea at the sight of the harbour, | so do scribes upon reaching the end of
the book”), written by Katelos, in all likelihood to celebrate the conclusion of the long
labour both scribes undertook (Fig. 15).28
The morphological features of the first codicological unit of Berol. Phill. 1513
thus lead us to hypothesize that we are dealing with a copying exercise, introduced
at a stage in scribal training in which the difficulty level has increased: the trainee
was required to tackle a larger-sized book, more complex in both content and page
set up, which needed to be rationally organized. It is an isolated case, of which
there seems to be no known parallels to date. The presence of this codicological
28 See Treu (1977) and DBBE: <https://www.dbbe.ugent.be/bookchapters/27291> (seen 10.6.2020).

unit within Pellicier’s library is another key element that must be taken into account
when assessing the owner’s relationship with his books, as well as with his trusted
scribes.
Other manuscripts feature Katelos in yet different roles. An interesting element

emerges from Berol. Phill. 1506, whose fols. 1r–319r according to the title contain
Proclus’ Commentary on Parmenides, copied by Katelos himself. At the end of the text,
the scribe wrote Multa opera Platonis, ut legere i(n) i(ntegrum) post ha(n)c | In Venetia
adi 29 mazo 1542 (Fig. 10):29
The Latin is poor and not entirely perspicuous. One may perhaps translate as
follows: “many are the works of Plato, as you (could?) read in full30 after this one”.
Such an interpretation assumes the accusative operam in relation to the feminine
hanc – despite the neuter plural multa opera appearing at the beginning of the sen-
tence –, with a morphological shift due to the influence of vernacular languages.
However, a further possibility would be to read “after this book”, as in the inner dicta-
tion the scribe may have superimposed the more familiar βίβλος. The annotation cer-
tainly sounds like an invitation to reading Plato directly, but one wonders whether it
is also a proposal to copy some of the philosopher’s work, especially considering that
Pellicier’s collection did not seem to include any of Plato’s writings, either as manu-
script or as print, but only works by his commentators.31 Be that as it may, the anno-
tation reveals a direct communication – one would almost say on an equal footing –
between the scribe Katelos and his patron.
The identification of Katelos’ hand in the Latin annotation in Berol. Phill. 1506 allows
us to gain a better understanding of an extremely significant section of another man-
uscript, Berol. Phill. 1610, a very peculiar exemplar. The artefact comprises four inde-
29 This annotation was attributed to Katelos already in the Studemund/Cohn’s catalogue (1890) 43
no. 102, but only the date was mentioned (In Venetia adi 29 majo [sic] 1542).
30 For this contraction, see Cappelli (19122) 176.
31 Cf. above, n. 7. See Omont (1885) nos. 102–104, 106. In Berol. Phill. 1506, the codicological unit
following the Commentary on Parmenides contains excerpta from Proclus’ scholia to the Cratylus,
copied by the Anonymus or Librarius Bruxellensis. See Cataldi Palau (1986b) 218, 232. Studemund/
Cohn (1890) 43 no. 103 attribute the unit to Ioannes Mavromatis. On the Librarius Bruxellensis, see
Cariou (2017) 257–268 and Plates 35–39.
pendent codicological units, two of which are the handwork of Scribe Ya, who often
appears in Pellicier’s collection.32 Unit I contains a number of Bessarion’s letters and
those of his contemporaries (fols. 1r–27v: three quaternions and one binion), while
unit IV bears a series of short chapters on astrological subjects (fols. 51r–66v: two
quaternions). The two central units are quite unique. Unit II is formed of two ternions,
bearing a rather disorderly collection of collation notes and scholia. Two hands
follow one another in the writing enterprise (fols. 28r–31v): the first is Bartolomeo
32 Cataldi Palau (1986b) 220, 236, Pl. 13. Scribe Ya can be recognized also, e.g., in Cheltenham, Phill.
6911 (Elshieshield, St Runciman 68), where Scribe L copied fols. 1r–72v (see above).
Zanetti’s, the second is that of Scribe D, another of Pellicier’s copyists.33 Unit III is
a seven-sheet quire (fols. 38r–50r), written by Scribe X, who, as already mentioned,
was one of Bartolomeo Zanetti’s closer collaborators. Introduced by the title Emenda
tiones in Hermogene(m) (fol. 37r) on the first leaf, the quire bears a long list of terms or
short sequences of words, organized over two columns and accompanied by numbers
(Fig. 16). In decoding this material, supplementary information comes from glosses
written by a different hand: e.g., fol. 43r, col. I 18, ad ἄγωνος: “così è nel testo antico.
29. a. 5.” (Fig. 11); fol. 44r, col. II 18–19, ad κατηγορεῖν: “così sta scritto nell’antico
volume. 27.”; fol. 47v, col. II 19–21, ἐν ἄλλοις οὐκ ἐστῒ τὸ ἐκ παραδείγματος capal
chiosa34: “cotal chiosa è nel testo antico sop(ra) a cio κ(αὶ) ἐργασία ἐκ παραδείγματος
81. b. 4.” (Fig. 12):
Fig. 11: Berol. Phill. 1610, fol. 43r (detail) © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin –
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Handschriftenabteilung.
Fig. 12: Berol. Phill. 1610, fol. 47v (detail) © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin –
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Handschriftenabteilung.
We are dealing here with a list of collations, in which the sequences of numbers provide
topographical indications that do not include, however, bibliographic references: 29.
a. 5. must be read as fol. 29r l. 5; 81. b. 4. must be read as fol. 81v l. 4, and so on. Where
there is only one figure, the reference is to the last recto or verso leaf mentioned in the
33 The identification is mine. On Scribe D, see Cataldi Palau (1986b) 233, Pl. 7. In this section, Cataldi
Palau ([1986b] 230) identifies only Bartolomeo Zanetti’s hand. I shall return to this codicological unit
elsewhere.
34 Still by the main hand.
preceding annotations. On fol. 41v, we find a long note by the same hand that inserted
the glosses, written in good Italian (Fig. 17):35
Oltre le varità davanti scritte, n’è etiandio alcun’altra differenza, la quale è questa, che le parole
interposte nel testo fiorentino segnate con caratteri maggiori, sono nel volume antico poste in
margine, et in alcuna parte stanno diversame(n)te. Et oltre a cciò anchora ve n’ha nell’antico più
assai, che i(n) quello di Firenze no(n) sono, sì come si vede per gli luoghi di sotto notati :~
In addition to the aforementioned variants, there is even another difference, as follows: the
words, which are interposed and marked with bigger types in the Florentin text, are placed in
the ancient volume within the margins, and occasionally they are located otherwise. Moreover,
they are more numerous in the ancient (book) than in that from Florence, as you can see from
the references listed below.
The comparison with the hand that composed the Latin note in Berol. Phill. 1506
allows us to identify Katelos indisputably as the author of the glosses in this codico-
logical unit,36 and to reconstruct the details of the operation of collation. In addition
to the variants that Scribe X reports with painstaking precision, Katelos notified his
patron of the discrepancies between the two collated exemplars: a “testo fiorentino”
(a “Florentine text”) and a “volume antico” (an “ancient volume”). The reference to
Hermogenes and the mention of the place-name permit us to identify the first as the
edition of Hermogenes’ Ars Rhetorica, printed in 1515 in Florence by Filippo Giunta’s
press, together with Aphthonius’s Progymnasmata,37 which does not appear in the
inventory of Pellicier’s library. The identification of the “volume antico”, on the other
hand, is more problematic. From a first check of the collation variants, we ascertain
concordances with two of the most ancient exemplars (10th–11th cent.): Par. gr. 1983
and Par. gr. 2977 (respectively Pa and Pc of the tradition of Aphthonius and Hermo-
genes). It is also likely that the “volume antico” belongs to this family, but not much
more can be said before a systematic examination of the variants is carried out.38
Whatever the “volume antico” might be, the operation of collation concerned not
only the text but also paratextual elements, and thus, one might say, editorial strategies.
Indeed, in the Giunta edition, “le parole interposte [...] segnate con caratteri maggiori”
are section titles, printed in bold types and placed within the body of the text, while in
ancient exemplars – like, e.g., Par. gr. 1983 and Par. gr. 2977 – these are located at the
35 My warmest thanks go to Francesca Geymonat, who fruitfully discussed this note with me and
helped me improve its transcription.
36 The identification is mine. Cataldi Palau ([1986b] 235) identifies only Scribe X’s handwriting.
37 Hermogenes (1515).
38 It should be noted that the book inventory of Pellicier’s library mentions as no. 169 an acephalous
manuscript bearing Hermogenes’ Rhetoric, which is included among the ancient books (Παλαιότατα
βιβλία καὶ διὰ παλαιότητος κατὰ πολλὰ ἠφανισμένα). Omont identified this with Clarom. 346: this
manuscript, subsequently incorporated into Meerman’s library (no. 303), is currently part of the
Bodleian Library’s collection (Oxon. Auct. T.1.15.). See Cataldi Palau (2011) 24–26. The two can hardly
be the same, however, given that Clarom. 346 was produced in the second half of sixteenth century.
margins. At the end of the note Katelos pointed out that the list that follows provided
indication of the text’s sections, which are more numerous in the “volume antico” than
in the “libro fiorentino”. Moreover, in closing this list of paratextual elements, at fol.
42v Katelos integrated to what Scribe X had already written (“Τὸ κεκλημένον ἐναντΐον
21. b. 22.”) by inserting “Medesimamente è né i dui luoghi seguenti 22. a. 11. 22. b. | 4.
λύσις 21. b. 24. non v’ha nell’antico volume | in questo luogo, ne anchora ne gli altri, che
seguono” (“the same goes for the two following references 22. a. 11. 22. b. | 4.; λύσις 21.
b. 24.: in the ancient volume it is located neither at that place nor at the others which
follow”). Immediately afterwards, Scribe X adds the last references “νόμϊνον 22. b. 26
| δΐκαιον 22. b. 26 | σϋμφέρον 23. a. 6.”. The examination of the edition confirms that
these last three titles are not present in the body of the printed text.
A closer look at the criteria adopted for referencing and locating reveals some
interesting details. Although organized as if they concerned foliation, the indi-
cations of leaf and line in the list of variations refer to the printed volume, which
is the reference point for the comparison, while the listed variants are those of the
“volume antico”. One example may clarify this issue: the indication “29. a. 5.” (see
above, Fig. 11), i.e., fol. 29r l. 5, in the Giunta edition corresponds to l. 5 of leaf 6r of
quire d. The text bears ἄγων, while in the manuscript it reads ἄγωνος, i.e., the variant
mentioned in the list. Evidently, the modern way of marking quires did not allow for
immediate orientation, or perhaps it was only less familiar,39 so that the volume’s
leaves, on which the check was carried out, were renumbered.
The content of this codicological unit, in sum, bears collations and indications of
paratextual elements relative to Aphthonius, distributed over two columns, i.e., fols.
39r–41r and fols. 41v–42v, respectively. Afterwards, we find the list of collation vari-
ants concerning Hermogenes’ text (fols. 43r–50r), which appears after Aphthonius in
the Giunta edition. Here and there, we note Katelos’ hand, intervening to integrate,
gloss and correct what Scribe X wrote, in a smooth and cooperative copying activity.
What is striking is the lack of bibliographic indications, suggesting that the recipient
of this operation did not need any further explanation. Nonetheless, the overall aim
of this collation of texts and paratexts still demands to be clarified: in particular, it
remains to be established whether Pellicier commissioned it for his personal interest
as a philologist and bibliophile, or to meet the request of others, perhaps in view of a
new edition of Aphthonius and Hermogenes. Pellicier was certainly close to the circle
of the Lyonnais printers:40 Sebastian Gryphius himself dedicated to him the edition of
Cicero’s Epistolae ad Atticum (Venetiis, apud Aldi filios, mense Augusto, 1540). While
Gryphius did not seem to have published Aphthonius and Hermogenes in Greek, in
1538 he had printed their Latin translation by Antonio Bonfini, and perhaps had an
39 It is worth recalling here that, over the previous decades, many efforts had been made to achieve a
consistent and functional way of numbering sheets in printed books. For Aldus’ circle and his printing
house, see Vecce (1998).
40 See Menini (2013).
interest in printing the text in the original language. Moreover, it cannot be excluded
that an edition of Aphthonius and Hermogenes in Greek were an editorial project
linked to the circle of scholars in Montpellier, and possibly to a local printing house.
This is certainly an issue that requires further investigation.
2 Preliminary Conclusions
With the current state of research, the picture remains very fragmentary. Nonetheless,
by following the red thread of Ioannes Katelos’ handwriting within the specific area of
Pellicier’s book collection, we have been able to glimpse the processes and dynamics
that took place in a still little-known environment. Katelos was a scribe capable of
adapting his writing to different needs and to master a range of graphic registers.41
His handwriting can often be recognized in the manuscripts, showing Katelos’ pre-
occupation with peculiarities and differences from the models; he also appeared to
be directly involved as a master scribe in the training of apprentices. It is reasona-
ble to think that Katelos had a role of responsibility within the atelier. His autonomy
shows through the long explanatory note on collation, as well as through the Latin
gloss, which we have interpreted as an invitation to reading Plato’s text and perhaps
also a subtle editorial proposal. Finally, we should note his fluent and competent use
of Italian: he probably acquired it as a vehicular language already in his homeland,
presumably as part of his training.42 These data tell us of roles and hierarchies, of
work practices and forms of collaboration, of scientific interests and perhaps even of
personal relationships.
41 This is evident, e.g., in the Commentary on Parmenides in Berol. Phill. 1506, where the lemmata
and the commentary on the text are written in different graphic registers.
42 Cf. above Papadaki, 116.
Fig. 13: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 30r © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Fig. 14: Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 32v © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Fig. 17: Berol. Phill. 1610, fol. 41v © Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Ciro Giacomelli
Greek Manuscripts in Padua: Some New
Evidence
Today Padua bears little (if any) importance for students of Greek manuscripts: its
libraries preserve 35 Greek codices, but only few of them date earlier than the 16th
century and, with some notable exceptions, they all have been considered worthy of
little attention (and, in most cases rightly so).1
In the 15th and 16th centuries the situation was quite different: the humanistic
circles gravitating around the medieval University attracted scholars from all-over
Europe, and a chair of Greek was instituted for Demetrius Chalcondyles already in
1463.2 Two of his opening lectures have been handed down to us in the recollectae
(class notes) of the German scholar Hartmann Schedel and these texts may be the
ideal starting point of our brief overview.3
Together with Venice – and maybe more than the capital itself – Padua became
one of the most important centres of Greek learning: scribes and scholars came from
1 See Richard/Olivier (19953) 632. The most part of the Greek MSS still preserved in Padua has been
described by Mioni (1965) vol. 1, 231–267. Only a handful of documents has escaped Mioni’s attention:
for a general overview, I’d like to refer the reader to Giacomelli (2018) 121–123.
2 The presence of the Florentine émigré Palla Strozzi in Padua (where he moved in 1434), who died in
that city in 1462, just a year before Chalcondyles appointment, is certainly worthy of mention: Palla
not only left a considerable amount of his Greek library to the monastery of St Giustina, which was
located near his Paduan house, but he was also the host and protector of the well-known byzantine
scholar John Argyropulos, who obtained his Paduan doctorate in 1444. On Palla’s Greek library and
the monastery of St Giustina we will briefly insist in the following pages; on Palla’s influence in Padua
see Cammelli (1954) 29: “Palla morì nonagenario nel 1462, un anno prima della nomina del Calcondi-
la, e non può dunque essere considerato come il promotore diretto e immediato della sua elezione allo
Studio; è certo però che vi cooperò indirettamente, ma non meno efficacemente; poiché è tutto suo
il merito di aver promosso in Padova gli studi del Greco e di aver preparato il terreno a un pubblico
insegnamento”.
3 A general overview of the subject was given by Ferrai (1876). Ferrai’s text is in itself interesting, at
least from an historical point of view, but it is now surpassed: a complete and up-to-date study on the
teaching of Greek in Padua is much needed, since a clear picture is still missing and too much of what
we know is uncertain. On Chalcondyles see most recently Gastgeber (2014) esp. 80–83 and the edition
of the texts 90–99, with previous bibliography; Gastgeber’s work replaces the unsatisfactory edition
provided by Geanakoplos (1974). The historical reconstruction by Geanakoplos (1962a), which used to
be a standard reference for Greek humanism in Renaissance Venice (and Padua), should be referred
to with some caution, since it relies only on pre-existing literature, for the most part now largely out-
dated: see the important review by Dionisotti (1965), reprinted in Dionisotti (1995) 67–76. The best infor-
mation on Greek humanism in Venice and, marginally, Padua (albeit not up-to-date or complete) is to
be found in Pertusi (1980). The more recent general picture provided by Wilson (2000) – I quote from
the Italian edition, since the original English text is marred by some faults, as shown by the review of
Pontani A. (1995) – is too concise, and now out-dated, to be of much use (on Padua, see 149–152).
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-009
198 Ciro Giacomelli
the East, bearing ancient manuscripts and ready to copy new ones, offering their
services to the Italian élites (the names of Musuros and Kallierges, who flourished
between Padua and Venice, being only the most notable).4
From the ideal starting point of 1463, up to 1509, and than again, from 1517 till
the mid of the 16th century,5 the Studium Patavinum was probably one of the most
attractive and intellectually fertile environments in Europe, and the wealth of Greek
and Latin manuscripts circulating in that city is but a shadow of its original splendor.6
When in 1639 Giacomo Filippo Tomasini, bishop of Udine, published his Bibliothe
cae Patavinae manuscriptae publicae et privatae, an ample catalogus bibliothecarum
comprising lists of manuscripts from 52 libraries in Padua (one of earliest and most
notable works of such a kind),7 it was already too late: much of what used to be pre-
served there – and, as we shall see, this is especially true in the case of Greek manu-
scripts – was already gone: bought, stolen or forever lost. At that time, the Studium,
about to enter a slow but inevitable decline just after the glorious years of Galileo, had
ceased to attract students from abroad.8
Tomasini was acutely aware of this circumstance and in the preface to his work –
which, despite its numerous faults, is still of paramount importance for the study of
book collections in Padua – he duly informs the reader of the dispersions occurred in
the previous century:9
4 The literature on the subject is vast and, sometimes, contradictory: for a general picture of Musuros’
life and works one may now refer to Ferreri (2014) and Speranzi (2013); on Kallierges see the recent
studies by Chatzopoulou (2009; 2010; 2012). Chatzopoulou’s still unpublished Parisian dissertation is
full or important details concerning the activity of the scribe. Some information on Kallierges is to be
found in Fogelmark (2015) 4–61. While the merits of these works are great, it is regrettable that no one
has yet attempted a serious biographical study, examining all the relevant documents and exploring
the local Archives, still rich of unpublished materials: too much of what we know is based on human-
istic blabber and a more critical approach to these sources would be most welcome.
5 The most troubled period for university life in Italy is the so-called season of the Italian wars: a clear
picture of the situation has been drawn by Del Negro (2002). On the temporary closing of the Studium
during the war against the League of Cambrai, see Piovan (2010). When the University was re-opened,
in 1517, its control was taken by the Venetian rulers: from this moment on the administration of the
Studium was given to the Riformatori, and the local aristocracy – deeply involved in the conflict – was
excluded from its organization. A general view on the history of the University is given by Grendler P.
(2001) 3–40; this work should be read with the review by Piovan (2003).
6 One couldn’t stress enough the importance of Padua in the propagation of Greek culture in Europe.
The case of Schedel is well known and the same is true for Johannes Cuno, who at the beginning of
the 16th century taught Greek to an entire generation of German humanists. On Cuno I shall refer the
reader to the seminal study by Sicherl (1978).
7 Cf. Kenney (1974) 89.
8 On the decline of university culture in Italy (and especially in Padua) see at least Grendler P. (2001)
477–508.
9 Tomasini (1639) b[3]v–b[4]r.
Priuatis hercle minorem longe diuturnitatis securitatem sibi polliceri licuit; quarum possessio saepe
ab unius heri arbitrio, saepe a fato pendebat. Quosdam enim ita faciles ac intempestiue verecundos
finxit natura, ut alienae petitioni obniti turpe suoque genio indignum arbitrentur; unde sua quoque
omnibus indulgent; alios ita duros invenies et suspicionum plenos, ut suo, si Diis placet, thesauro
vigilantius quam Draco incubantes non alia vi quam auri expugnentur. […] Vtroque hoc mortalium
genere temporis diuturnitate tantum profecit, ut sagacissimum erat, Illustriss. Vir Io. Vincentius
Pinellus, ut quidquid veterum Librorum in Vrbe nostra aut vicinis Oppidis esset rari precio preci
busque in amplissimam suam Bibliothecam accumularet. Verum, quemadmodum omnia in hoc
uniuerso varias experiuntur vicissitudines, ita cum ea defuncto Pinello ab haeredibus Neapolim
deveheretur a piratis intercepta, veluti exigui precii merx carthacea [sic], Neptuno sacrabatur.
Recuperata demum pars melior eximia Federici Borromei Archiepiscopi Mediolanensis liberalitate
Bibliothecam Ambrosianam optimorum librorum delectu ac numero celebrem amplificavit. Baro
cius etiam nobilis Venetus stupendi ingenii vir in conquirendis calamo scriptis voluminibus maxi
meque Graecis occupatus, non exiguum rariorum librorum numerum Patavii congessit, qui paucis
ab hinc annis Illustrissimi Comitis Thomae Arrundellii sumptibus Britanniae regno non parum
ornamenti attulerunt. […] Mitto quam nostra Bibliopolia quotidie excutiantur ab exteris, quorum
animos ea versat cura, ut peregrina et preciosioria undique conquirant, non ignari quantum intersit
libros possidere venerandae antiquitatis calamo scriptos maximeque Archetypos.
The perilous fate of Pinelli’s library – here only briefly recalled by Tomasini – is well
known, and it has been accurately illustrated in ancient and modern studies:10 what
is less well known is the fact that Pinelli’s library was actually the last refuge of the
scattered relics of many pre-existing private collections of manuscripts.
Let’s take a step back in time, in an attempt of reconstructing some of the most
notable (and less studied) collections of Greek manuscripts in Padua: this effort will
reveal not only the surprisingly large amount of Greek manuscripts preserved in that
city in the first half of the 16th century, but it will also lead to the conclusion that much
of what is preserved has been dispersed through a limited (and almost invariable)
number of channels, which is worth navigating à rebours, in search of lost libraries.
1 The Case of Niccolò Leonico Tomeo (1456–1531)

and His Learned Circle
The still little-known figure of Niccolò Leonico Tomeo has been recently brought in
full light in a series of papers devoted to his Greek library.11
10 Grendler M. (1980); Rodella (2003); Nuovo (2005a; 2005b; 2007a); Raugei (2018).
11 On Tomeo’s Greek library, see Cariou (2014) and Gamba (2014). Tomeo’s Greek handwriting was
almost unknown until the publication of the pioneering study of Vendruscolo (1996), who was able to
recognize Leonico among the anonymous scribes listed by Harlfinger (1971) 418 (no. 5). Too much of
what is known on Tomeo’s biography is based on Giovio’s biographical sketch and even if the recent
bibliography seems to accept it, his claim that Tomeo was of Greek origins remain suspicious: see
Pontani A. (2000) 346–348. Even the fact that Tomeo would have been a disciple of Demetrius Chal-
200 Ciro Giacomelli
The fruits of Tomeo’s scholarship are few, and even though he seems to have
owned an incredibly rich and select collection of Greek classics, he must have been
a quite reluctant writer.12 His name is associated to a chair at the Studium of Padua
(1497), where he was appointed lecturer on Aristotle’s natural philosophy, succeed-
ing the physician Francesco Cavalli from Brescia (in contrast with some bombastic
statements, to be found even in recent studies, Tomeo’s chair was actually a very
minor teaching appointment, strictly related to the cursus studiorum in medicine and
arts).13 In the same year he seems to have taken part in the preparation of the Aldine
Aristotle: this rumor, propagated by Martin Lowry without any documentation other
than the chronological coincidence, could actually be true, since one of the printer’s
copies employed for the third volume of this great enterprise was in all probability a
copy of Bernensis 402, one of the first manuscripts attributed to Tomeo;14 one may
condyles in Florence should be considered uncertain: by all means Tomeo got his degree in Padua, in
1485; his presence in Florence is inferred by the mention of his name in one letter of Chalcondyles to
Giovanni Lorenzi, published by Noiret (1887) 486–488 no. III. Since for this letter Noiret proposed the
date 1485–1487, there is no proof that Tomeo followed Chalcondyles in Florence when he moved there
from Padua in 1475 (on letter III see Cammelli [1954] 36 and 89 n. 6); see also De Bellis (1980) 38 and
n. 4, where it is stated that the mention of Tomeo in two letters documents his presence in Florence:
actually, in the second letter (no. IV Noiret, dated 1488) only Tomeo’s brother Bartholomew is remem-
bered, while from the first one we know that Leonico brought a letter to Chalcondyles in Florence,
with no further reference to the reasons of his presence there.
12 Tomeo’s published works are scarce and all were published late in his life (see Gamba [2014] 331–
333, with all the relevant bibliography). His main philological achievement seems to be the edition of
the Greek text of Aristotle’s natural treatises for the Giunta’s press (1527); in the frontispiece of this
edition, at the bottom of the general index, we read the statement Omnia ex exemplaribus. N. Leonici
Thomæi diligender emendata. The text itself, however, is a mere re-print of Aldus’ editio princeps.
13 I quote from the deliberation of the Venetian Senate (ASVe, Senato, Terra, reg. 12, fol. 200r), an
edition of the text was first provided by Heiberg (1896) 19, see also Ferriguto (1922) 211: Die XXI aprilis.
Venit in hanc urbem nostram Rector artistarum Gymnasii nostri Patavini, et inter cetera ab eo exposita,
petiit et supplicavit summa cum instantia nomine omnium illorum scolarium cupientium habere lec
torem in lingua greca et explanatorem textuum Aristotelicorum, maxime in philosophia et medicina, pro
coadiuvandis eorum studiis, ut ad talem lecturam constitueretur vir eruditissimus et doctor utriusque
linguę peritissimus Magister Nicolaus de Thomeis dictis omnibus scolaribus supra quam dici possit gra
tissimus et acceptissimus. Iccirco vadit pars quod ad dictam lecturam grecam auctoritate huius Consi
lii eligatur constituatur et deputetur et ex nunc constitutus et deputatus intelligatur prefatus magister
Nicolaus cum salario florenorum 100 in anno et ratione anni. 100 florins each year were not a rich
allowance: in 1492 Pietro Trapolin complained for his stipend of only 137 florins, obtaining a rise of 62
florins (200 each year), cf. Nardi (1958) 156–157. On Tomeo’s appointement see Facciolati (1757) 110–111
(with reference to the unreliable work of the Cretan historian Niccolò Comneno Papadopoli); De Bellis
(1975) 73–74; Schmitt (1983) 288–289 and Gallo D. (2017) 142, 260–261, with previous litterature.
14 Lowry (20002) 150–151. See the description of the Bern MS by Andrist (2007) 188–196. On the use of this
MS for the preparation of the Aldine edition see Burnikel (1974) 91 and Sicherl (1997) 89–98. I have colla-
ted the MS with the editio princeps for the text of the ps.-Aristotelian treatise De mirabilibus auscultationi
bus and I’m not only able to confirm that the Bern manuscript post correctionem was clearly the model of
the Aldine edition, but also that is bears the marks of a direct involvement in the printing process.
also observe that the order of the writings included in this edition owes much to Ca-
valli’s De numero et ordine partium ac librorum Physicae doctrinae Aristotelis, an essay
“verbose in extreme”, but surprisingly modern and “the first work written specifically
on the textual criticism of the corpus Aristotelicum”.15 We find no mention of Tomeo in
the preface of the Aldine edition and Cavalli is cited instead:
Consuluit labori nostro Franciscus Caballus, multi homo studii philosophusque doctissimus ac
excellens Venetiis medicus. Is enim libellum de ordine librorum Aristotelis in philosophia, accurate
quidem et erudite composuit, quem ipsi brevi excusum formis publicabimus.16
One may wonder if there has been a deeper relation between Tomeo and Cavalli:
nothing on this subject is to be found in the studies consecrated to the two scholars.
Tomeo’s influence in Europe, and particularly in the British Isles, was notable:
among his students were Thomas Latimer, Cuthbert Tunstall, Thomas Linacre, Richard
Peace and Reginald Pole. The teaching of the Paduan scholar deeply marked the tastes
of his former pupils, who seem to have remembered well his lessons while acquiring
their own libraries: even if it may seem a bald statement, it is quite clear that the cir-
culation of scientific and philosophical texts (mainly Neoplatonic commentators of
Aristotle and Plato) in Europe (and particularly in England)17 owes much to Tomeo
and his pupils, and any future history of Greek scholarship – or even of Renaissance
mathematical studies – should take in to account such evidence with due care.18
I’d like here to add some new evidence on Tomeo’s collection of Greek manu-
scripts: I have found marginalia written by him in Vat. Pal. gr. 57. This manuscript is a
15 Schmitt (1983) 296.

16 Dionisotti/Orlandi (1975) 14.
17 See Woolfson (1998) 90–93, 103–118; De Bellis (1980) 49–62; Papanicolau (2004) 234–235: in a
poem by Benedetto Lampridio (quoted by Papanicolau) it is stated that neque nunc | obtundit aures
nomine orbis | barbarus insolito | nostras. Repostos quam lubet | ultima terra Britannos | cingat […] illa
nunc volvit Platonem | insula volvit Aristotelem, | non hos rudi sermone versos, | atque notham faciem
| prae se ferentes, Attica | sed proprio ore sonantes | verba; tales namque legi jubet Ithomaeus. I’d like
here to add that Tomeo and his learned friends played a major role in the manuscript tradition of Pro-
clus’s commentary on the first book of Euclid’s Elements: on this point I shall refer the reader to the
brief and scattered notes collected in my previous essay Giacomelli (2016a) 134–136. Professor Carlos
Steel, who is now finishing a new edition of Proclus’ commentary, has clearly shown the tight rela-
tionship among the Renaissance MSS copied by Tomeo and his pupils. Interestingly enough, Marc.
gr. VI 11 (= 1409), a witness of Proclus’ commentary penned by <Matteo Macigni>, an apograph of Pa-
risinus gr. 1042, presents the very same garlands and marginalia which can be found in its model (for
the stemmatic relations between the two witnesses I shall refer to the forthcoming edition by C. Steel).
For the identification of Macigni’s hand see E. Sciarra’s description available at <https://marciana.
venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/75-macigni-matteo>. I intend to offer further details on Macigni’s
library in a forthcoming paper.
18 Cf. Wilson (2000) 152: “resta tuttora da dimostrare che il suo insegnamento abbia prodotto un
influsso sostanziale ed immediato”. It clearly did, and now we can prove it.
202 Ciro Giacomelli
witness of the Ethnika by Stephanus of Byzantium.19 The main text was written by the
well-known calligrapher and teacher <George Alexandrou>, who witnessed Tomeo’s
doctorate,20 while the margins of the manuscript have been annotated by several
hands. Tomeo’s handwriting is easily recognizable in many folios (see for instance
the garlands on fols. 44r, 45r, 93r; other clearly attributable marginalia are to be found
almost everywhere and particularly in the first hundred folios of the manuscript),
while a second, anonymous, annotator (most of his annotations are written in the first
quire, but this scribe has read the entire manuscript, since his notes – albeit scarce –
are to be found along the whole codex) seems to me identical to the one who revised
the text of Vat. Pal. gr. 66 (written by the Anonymus Harvardianus) and Vat. Pal. gr.
58.21 It is tempting to see in this manuscript a possible evidence pointing to the exist-
ence of a direct relation between Tomeo and Alexandrou.22
We can easily trace the history of the Palatine manuscript (it is not the only Pala-
tine manuscript once belonging to Tomeo, who also had in his collection Vat. Pal.
gr. 7723 and, with all probability the Joshua’s scroll)24 from Padua, where it was at
the beginnings of the 16th century, to the Vatican Library. The history of the Palatine
Library, once housed in Heidelberg, is well known:25 the most important contribution to
its formation came from Ulrich’s Fugger (1526–1584)26 collection of Greek manuscript,
which was acquired in the course of some decades in the mid of the 16th century.27
19 See most recently Billerbeck (2006) 13*. P3 (as correctly stated by D. Harlfinger, quoted at n. 25) is
indeed P1 (= Alexandrou). Gamba (2014) 352–353 (no. 71), has noticed that Tomeo knew of Stephanus’
work, but she wasn’t able to identify his copy (which she thought could have been the Aldine edition
published in 1502).
20 See Stefec (2014a) 181; but for the attribution see the previous footnote. On Alexandrou (RGK I 54,
II 72, III 89) see Saint-Guillain (2009). Thierry Ganchou and Eleftherios Despotakis are now working
on a monograph consecrated to this prolific scribe, who played a major role as teacher of Greek in
Padua in the third quarter of the 15th century (for all the relevant details we shall refer to the forth-
coming study).
21 On this point see Giacomelli (2016b) 576–577. On this annotator, now identifiable with the Paduan
professor Giovanni Calfurnio, I shall refer to Giacomelli (2020).
22 See Despotakis/Ganchou (2018) 257. Tomeo annotated two other manuscripts penned by George
Alexandrou: Par. gr. 1888 (Themistius) and Par. gr. 2727 (Apollonius Rhodius), see Cariou (2014) 74–75
and below n. 81.
23 On this MS, see Fortuna (2010) 324 n. 7. This MS was lent by Tomeo to Girolamo Roscio, a Paduan
doctor, who used it in the process of correction his edition of Dioscorides printed by the Aldine press
in 1518; see also Cataldi Palau (1998) 140.
24 For a short description of both MSS, see Gamba (2014) 341 nos. 8 and 9. On Vat. Pal. gr. 431, see at
least Kresten (2010).
25 See D’Aiuto/Vian (2011) 457–463 (esp. 458–459) and Montuschi (2014). The study by Biedl (1937)
remains quite useful.
26 See von Sachsen-Altenburg – Gering (1878). Cf. <https://www.deutsche-biographie.de/sfz87211.
html> (seen 15.2.2020).
27 See the magisterial reconstruction by Lehmann (1956) 73–192. The Palatine MS is easily recogniz-
able in the oldest inventory of Ulrich’s library (cf. below n. 33).
Ulrich Fugger, a devoted follower of John Calvin, was planning the institution of a great
public library in Geneva, aiming to the foundation of a new reformed academy. At some
point the project failed, and the great number of volumes already collected was incor-
porated in Ulrich’s private library.28 Once he was back in Augsburg, where his family
lived, Ulrich was forced to leave the town in 1567, due to his numerous debts (he was,
as it appears, incapable of successfully managing the immense wealth of his family).
Ulrich spent his last years in Heidelberg, at the court of the protestant Elector Palatine
Frederic the 3rd (also known as Frederic the Pious).29 At his death, in 1584, Ulrich’s rich
collection was donated to the Prince, and it became part of the Palatine Library, which
was later (1623) exported in Rome after the conquest of Heidelberg by the troops of the
Catholic League led by Tilly.30
Ulrich was not only a melancholic humanist but also a convinced protestant; he
kept himself in contact with the most influent reformed milieux: Henri Estienne was
in his circle, and the same is true for many great classical scholars. One of them was a
Scotsman named Henry Scrimger (1506–1572).31 The name of Scrimger32 is to be found
in the flyleaf of the Palatine manuscript we are now attributing to Tomeo’s library: 57.
Hen. Stephanus de Gentibus et Urbibus.33 Scrimger was not a simple book collector,
he was an eclectic scholar and a fine Hellenist; he was in contact with all the greatest
protestant intellectuals,34 and his competence in the field of Greek studies and Law
was publicly recognized when he was appointed with the chair of Greek, and then
28 Cf. Ganoczy (1969) 3 and Kaden (1959).

29 Gresswell (1833) 171 and Häberlein (2012) 168.
30 Lehmann (1956) 190–192.
31 Durkan (1978) 1–31 and Canfora (2008) 7–8. Scrimger acquired MSS from the well-known library
of the convent of St Giovanni di Verdara (on this library see below) and from the monastery of St
Giustina; a general overview of Scrimger’s travels is still missing and some data should be corrected:
Bernardinello (1976–1977) 110 n. 32 mistakenly believes that it was Edward Henryson the responsible
for the acquisition of books, the same error in Vitali (1982) 13. On Scrimger’s purchases in St Giustina
there is almost no bibliography, even if it is certain that the Plutarch now dismembered between
Padua and Heidelberg (Padua, Biblioteca Universitaria, 560 and Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek,
Pal. gr. 153) was acquired from the Paduan monastery (see below n. 56). On Scrimger expeditions in
Italy, see Durkan (1978) 6–7 and Marcotte (1985–1986) 64.
32 The interpretation of the different abbreviated names to be found in the Palatine MSS has been
long debated: for a general overview I shall refer the reader to the clear discussion by Lehmann (1956)
122–127. See also Marcotte (1985–1986) 63–65.
33 The MS is recorded with this very same title in the catalogues of the Fugger library: see Lehmann
(1960) 76 (Stephanus de gentibus et urbibus; bis. Entry in Vat. Pal. lat. 1925, Catalogus Graecorum
librorum manu scriptorum. Anno MDLV); 102 (Stephanus de gentibus et urbibus. char. 57. hen.); 211
(Stephanus de gentibus et urbibus. Uff papier geschrieben); 320 (Stephanus de urbibus).
34 The relation between Scrimger and Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614), described by Canfora (2008) 7,
given the large age-gap which separates the two, seems unlikely and it may have originated from the
fact that Scrimger’s collations were later used by the great protestant scholar: see Diller (1975) 167–169.
204 Ciro Giacomelli
Civil Law (1565), at the University of Geneva,35 where he published for the press of
Henri Estienne the Novellae of Justinian, with a dedicatory epistle to Ulrich Fugger.36
Even if we don’t know to which extent the manuscripts acquired by Scrimger were
collected on Ulrich’s behalf (we cannot rule out the possibility that Scrimger was also
assembling a personal library on his own right), it is certain that Scrimger was able
to form a more than respectable personal collection which, at his death, passed to his
son and to his well-known nephew Patrick Young (Patricius Junius), a notable scholar
and polymath himself, who served as royal librarian under James the First.37
Concerning Scrimger’s movements, we know with certainty that in 1548 he
escorted in Padua, “a city plunged in the controversies of the Italian reformation”,38
his pupil, the son of the influent lawman and State secretary Guillaume de Bochtel,39
Bernardin de Bochtel, who later became bishop elected of Rennes in 1561–1565.40
Later on, after having undertook the diplomatic career, Scrimger was able to
come back to Italy several times, and particularly in the Serenissima and its territo-
ries.41 Even if we can’t engage here in a detailed account of Scrimger’s life and travels,
it is perhaps worth mentioning the fact that he was more than a simple (and innoc-
uous) tourist in search of books. Not only he was counselor of the Natio Scota at the
Studium of Padua,42 but he was also deeply involved in the religious controversies of
the Reformation: he was one of the most remarkable personalities of the century and
certainly one of the most influential protestants in Padua at that time.43
35 Durkan (1978) 12–18.

36 Corpus iuris civilis. Novellae constitutiones (1558); cf. Durkan (1978) 15. The importance of Roman
law for the religious debate who animated the first half of the 16th century is well known. In Spey-
er – in the year 1529 – the Anabaptists were condemned to death according to Justinian’s codex, cf.
Prosperi (2009) 50. For this edition Scrimger used an ancient MS preserved in Venice (Marc. gr. Z 179).
A copy of this MS still survives: it is Vat. Pal. gr. 387; see the description by H. Görgemanns, in Mittler
(1986) 390–391. On Scrimger and Estienne, see at least Gresswell (1833) 170–174 and Häberlein (2012)
166–169.
37 On Patrick Yung (1584–1652), see Boran (2012). See also the detailed historical introduction to the
edition of his letters (which is not included in the bibliography quoted by Boran): Kemke (1898) V–
XXIX. See also Krafft (1975) 217–220.
38 Durkan (1978) 5.
39 One will find the different forms Bochetel/Bochtel and Bouchetel; on Guillaume, who also was a
translator of Euripides’ Hecuba, see Hoefer (1853) 879–880.
40 Van Gulik et al. (1923) 283. See also Raison (1937) and Aulotte (1965) 155–157.
41 Durkan (1978) 11.
42 In the list of students and members of the Natio Scota of 1564, published by Andrich (1892),
Scrimger’s name (D. Henricus Schrenzer scotus) appears twice: at p. 92 he is among the counsellors of
the Natio in the month of August, on the occasion of the elections for the academic year 1564–1565; the
29th of July, Scrimger is registered as a student (172) for the same year 1564–1565. On the Natio Scota,
see Piovan (2013).
43 Cf. Stella (1996; 2001).
In his first trip to Padua Scrimger witnessed the last troubled years of the famous
heretic from Cittadella Francesco Spiera.44 Such a man could hardly be considered
an emissary of Ulrich Fugger, or even a mercenary: his presence in Padua and his
involvement in the dispersion of a considerable number of Greek manuscripts is but
a fraction of his biography and a systematic exploration of the local Archives is still
a desideratum which needs to be filled as soon as possible. For the moment, let’s
examine a few of the Palatine (Greek) manuscripts bearing the notation Hen. (see
below): the number of codices that can be traced back to Padua is remarkable.45 The
results that will be presented here are by no means complete or exhaustive: too much
is still missing and the incredibly rich archives of some of the institutions from which
Scrimger acquired his manuscripts remain largely a virgin territory for Greek scholars
(this is particularly true in the case of St Giovanni di Verdara, as we will see later on).
***
The manuscripts once belonging to Tomeo are a small portion of the codices acquired
in Padua by Henry Scrimger: in the following paragraph we will try to give a brief
overview of the Palatine manuscripts which have been already traced back to Padua
with certainty; some other new additions will be offered in the following pages.
Among the Greek manuscripts purchased in Padua, there is the well-known MS
Heid. Pal. gr. 88, of the late 11th century, which, as Aubrey Diller has attempted to show,
was probably acquired from the library of the monastery of St Giustina in Padua,46
and it could be identical with an item (no. 15) mentioned in the will of the Florentine
humanist Palla Strozzi, who left part of his library to the Paduan monastery:47
un volumetto in membrana, lettera molto sottile non così bene leggibile, con asse mal legato nel
quale sono più orationi di Lisia optimo oratore greco, di fora cuoio nero.48
The identification of the Palatine manuscript with the codex belonging to St Giustina
has not yet been confirmed, but it is quite clear that the manuscript was in Padua
44 On Spiera, see at least Prosperi (2011) 123–190; on Scrimger, see 126 n. 13. On Spiera and Scrimger,
see also Hollway (2011) 114.
45 The first who noticed the Paduan origin of many Henricusshandschriften was Bield (1937) 32.
46 The identification was first proposed by Diller (1961) 314. See also Sosower (1987): on Scrimger and
the library of the Paduan monastery, see particularly 12–13, 25 and 92 n. 27.
47 On Palla Strozzi at Padua (cf. n. 2), see at least Fiocco (1953–1954). On Strozzi’s donation to St
Giustina, see the still important contribution of Fiocco (1954), who first published the text of the do-
nation (376–377), the list was later edited by Cantoni Alzati (1982) 184–186, with minor adjustments.
The text of the donation has been accurately studied by Aubrey Diller, Mark Sosower and Giuseppe De
Gregorio (see below). For a recent bio-bibliographical overview on Palla, see Tognetti (2009).
48 Cantoni Alzati (1982) 186 (no. 483).
206 Ciro Giacomelli
in the 16th century, since – as shown by David Speranzi – it bears annotations by

Niccolò Leonico Tomeo.49
Diller cautiously proposed to identify another manuscript from Palla’s bequest
(Just. 491, the works of Philo of Alexandria on paper)50 with Vat. Pal. gr. 248,51 but a
more fitting candidate would rather be Vat. Pal. gr. 152: Philonis Judaei aliquot opera.
bomb., another Hen.-manuscript coming from Scrimger.52
Another manuscript from Palla Strozzi’s library has been identified by Diller
(Just. 485, Xenophon, Paralipomena, in charta) with Par. gr. 1738, coming from the
collection of Colbert, or, in alternative, with Vat. Pal. gr. 140. Diller’s doubts are solved
just opening the Palatine manuscript, since on the upper margin of fol. 1r the ancient
shelf mark from St Giustina is still clearly readable.53
Another manuscript from St Giustina is Heid. Pal. gr. 153, an ancient witness
(11th century) of some of Plutarch’s Moralia.54 This codex is again a Hen.-manuscript
– the abbreviation, which is recorded in the Fugger inventory,55 is preserved on fol.
IVr in the more complete form Henric(us) –; that this manuscript once belonged to
St Giustina is proved by the fact that in its first half (with a πίναξ listing the content
of the entire manuscript), which is still in Padua (Biblioteca Universitaria, 560), on
fol. 3r, we can still read the ex libris from St Giustina.56
Still of Paduan origin, but this time from another religious institution, is Vat. Pal.
gr. 127, coming from the Convent of the Canons Regular of the Lateran, St Giovanni di
Verdara, where a large collection of manuscripts, later enriched by numerous dona-
tions, was housed since the mid of the 15th century.57 Unfortunately we cannot say
with enough certainty which manuscripts were preserved in St Giovanni di Verdara
when Scrimger was in Padua. Some details are to be found in the wills of a notable
49 Gamba (2014) 329 n. *.

50 Liber Philonis Iudei, in greco, littera satis bona, in papiro, tabulis et corio nigro innexus, cf. Cantoni
Alzati (1982) 114 (see also 185: “un volume in bombicina, cioè Philone giudeo, in Greco, coperto d’asse
cum corio nero”).
51 Doubts on this identification have been voiced by De Gregorio (2002) 110 n. 237.
52 Lehmann (1960) 98.
53 Sosower (1986) 141 and 149; see also De Gregorio (2002) 110 n. 237.
54 A short description in Stevenson (1885) 82–83. On this MS see also Irigoin (1958) 213. An informa-
tive overview in Flacelière/Irigoin (1987) CCLIV–CCLV.
55 Lehmann (1960) 99.
56 Cf. Mioni (1965) 254–255 (no. 144). The relation between the two MSS – on which see Paton et al.
(19742) XXIV–XXV – has been questioned by Manfredini (2003) but his argument should be rejected:
see briefly Giacomelli (2016a) 77 n. 145. All the evidence concerning the Plutarchean manuscript has
been fully reviewed in Giacomelli/Zanon (2020).
57 On the library of St Giovanni di Verdara, see Sambin (1955–1956). Sambin intended to further
develop his research and publish a monograph on the subject (277 n. 31), but he never completed his
project and the rich archival documentation on St Giovanni is still unexplored. The overview by Vitali
(1982) is nothing more than a bibliographical sketch. See also the brief contribution by Piovan (1997).
A more accurate reconstruction in Gamba (2016a) 192–197.
number of teachers and doctores of the Studium, who decided to donate their books to
the Convent: the most important donations (at least in reference to Greek manuscripts)
were those of Giovanni Marcanova,58 Pietro da Montagnana59 and Giovanni Calfurnio.60
The chronology of these donations, the most recent of which dates back to 1503, does
not allow us to know exactly the actual content of the library in the following century:
the first printed catalogue was published by Tomasini only in 1639, when much of what
was preserved in St Giovanni had already been dispersed and naturally no one of the
manuscripts taken by Scrimger can be identified in the extant catalogues.61
Vat. Pal. gr. 127, which contains some grammatical treatises,62 belonged to the
learned priest Pietro da Montagnana,63 who gifted it to the Library of St Giovanni di
Verdara a few months before his death; the dedication is preserved on fol. 101v:
Hunc librum donavit venerabilis presbiter et eximius grammatice doctor scilicet latinae ac hebra
icae Dominus Petrus de Montagnana congregationi canonicorum regularium lateranensium S.
Augustini, ita ut sit tantum ad usum dictorum canonicorum in monasterio S. Iohannis in Viridario
Paduae commorantium 1479.
Another Greek manuscript from St Giovanni di Verdara bought by Scrimger has been
traced down by Didier Marcotte: it is Vat. Pal. gr. 142, a manuscript known to classi-
cal scholars as a witness of the so-called Geographi minores (the Minor Greek Geogra-
phers) and Demosthenes Olynthiacs.64 This codex was included in Calphurnius’ dona-
tion65 and its identification is proved by a Latin ex libris on fol. 133v – the text has been
hidden under few heavy strikes of ink, but it has been surely deciphered by Marcotte:66
Io. Calphurnius oratoriam artem grece latineque Patavj gloriose docens librum hunc cancis res. s. Io.
in viridario devotus legavit: ut inde proficiens lector sis gratus· MCCCCC. III
The name of Scrimger is clearly readable on the upper margin of fol. 1r and it is listed
as an Hen.-manuscript in the catalogue of 1555.67
58 On Marcanova, medical doctor and philosopher, see Barile (2011). Barile’s work is in many ways
a direct prosecution of Sambin’s research on the Library of St Giovanni di Verdara and Marcanova.
59 Cf. Sambin (1972–1973); all the documents concerning Pietro’s life and library are now fully exam-
ined by Gamba (2016b); see also Gamba (2016a).
60 Cian (1910); see also Marcotte (1987), Pellegrini (2001) and Laneri (2003–2005).
61 Cf. Sambin (1955–1956) 266.
62 For a full description of the MS, see Gamba (2016b) 299–300, with all the relevant literature.
63 Montagnana also owned Vat. Pal. lat. 1516 (Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes), which was also ac-
quired by Scrimger: see Gamba (2016b) 300–302.
64 The text of the Geographers was copied from Par. Suppl. gr. 443: see Marcotte (1985–1986) 57–73
and Canfora (2008) 6–7.
65 Marcotte (1987) 207; it is no. 164 in Calfurnio’s inventory: Item Olintericha [sic] Demosthenis greca
scripta calamo cum fundelo rubeo.
66 Cf. Marcotte (1985–1986) Pl. II.
67 Lehmann (1960) 85.
208 Ciro Giacomelli
Many other Paduan Greek manuscripts are to be found in the Palatine Library and
it is certain that a systematic study of that fonds will shed new light on the humanistic
collections preserved in Padua until the middle of the 16th century.
***
Some other traces of Tomeo’s readings are to be found in the Marciana Library, in
Venice: since the two cases I will describe bear a quite significant contribution to the
right understanding of Paduan Aristotelian Tradition and the role played by Tomeo’s
teaching, I’d like to indulge briefly in some more general observations.68
Tomeo is well known as borrower from the Marciana Library (he actually had
access to the cases where Bessarion’s library was stored before the public opening
of the Library of St Mark).69 The fate of the huge commentary of Proclus to Plato’s
Parmenides (now Ambrosiani A 168 sup., B 165 sup., P 206 sup., R 125 sup., D 166
inf.),70 once belonging to Bessarion’s collection and later borrowed to Tomeo, who
never returned it, has been illustrated by Lotte Labowsky.71
Another manuscript borrowed by Tomeo was Marcianus gr. 225 (copied by the
same anonymous scribe who transcribed parts of Laur. Plut. 85.1 and Par. gr. 1917),72 a
bulky witness of Aristotelian commentators (Ammonius, Eustratius, Simplicius, Phi-
loponus and several anonymous texts).73 On the verso of fol. IV Pietro Bembo, then
librarian of the Serenissima, annotated:
68 The Paduan Aristotelianism is a well-known and much studied subject (at least from the Latin
and Averroistic side) and it is impossible to mention here but the most important studies on this
topic, among which Nardi’s monograph (1958) still is of some use; see also Marangon (1977), the short
introduction by Poppi (1991), and the papers collected by Piaia (2002). The Greek element of Paduan
Aristotelianism seems to have escaped the attention of philosophers and scholars while a complete
and up-to-date study on the subject (with reference to all the scattered evidence taken from MSS and
printed editions) is still a desideratum.
69 See the useful historical guide by Zorzi M. (1987) 87–119. For further information I refer the reader
to Coggiola (1908). On borrowings at the Marciana Library (in a different and later phase) see O. Maz-
zon’s contribution in this volume.
70 All these MSS once formed a single volume, which later came into possession of Gian Vincenzo
Pinelli. A significant number of Leonico’s MSS and printed editions are now preserved in the Ambro-
siana, with the rest of Pinelli’s collection: see Pontani A. (2000) 348 and Gamba (2014) 337.
71 See Labowsky (1961) 118–123 and Gamba (2014) 342 (no. 12).
72 Scribe A in Cacouros (2000). The identification is mine, more details on this point will be offered
in a forthcoming paper (which has been presented at the IXe Colloque International de Paléographie
grecque, Paris, 10–15 september 2018). In the mean time, a new description of the MS (which I have
completed for the project Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina [CAGB]) has been pub-
lished on-line (<https://cagb-db.bbaw.de>).
73 For further details see the description by Mioni (1981a) 338–339.
Ammonii et Simplicii et Philoponi super logicam Aristotelis liber cardinalis Niceni redditus mihi a
Nicolao Leonico Patavii ante diem tertium nonarum Martium MDXXXI, apud quem triginta totos
annos fuerat. Petrus Bembus.
Tomeo, as we can see, must have been one of the worst costumers of the Marciana
Library: in this case he actually handed back the precious manuscript only after 30
years and on his death bed, since he would have died at the end of the month.74 Con-
trary to what is usually stated, Marc. gr. 225 bears some notes written by Tomeo (the
typical garland on the mg. of fol. 122v and few short notes on fols. 261r, 262r, 266r,
269r). This circumstance is hardly surprising, but what is striking is the presence of
another humanistic Greek hand in the very same manuscript: on fols. 230r (text),
307r–307v, 309r (l. 8), 311r (introduced by the mention ἐν ἄλλῳ), 311v, 386v, 389v
(text), I have recognize the handwriting of the scribe and printer Zacharias Kallierges
(Fig. 1).75 This paleographical evidence must be considered with some care, since the
Venetian manuscript seems to have served as model for the Aldine editio princeps of
1504 (Philoponus):76 Kallierges, as shown by recent studies, was well involved in the
activity of Aldus’ atelier,77 and our little attribution helps us in better understanding
the ties between the Paduan milieu (Tomeo lived only few blocs away from Kallierges
residence in Padua) and Aldus’ printing press.78
Let’s add another relevant element: Marcianus gr. 230, another bulky Aristotelian
manuscript of the late 13th century, written by no less than 23 different scribes (an
ἑκατόγχειρ βίβλος indeed)79 is known to have been the Druckvorlage for the publica-
tion of another Aldine edition of Philoponus (1535).80 Here again, I have found some
74 See Pontani A. (2000) 353–354 and Gamba (2014) 349 (no. 42).
75 The scribe working alongside Tomeo and one of his disciples in Par. gr. 1874 (fol. 9v, upper margin
etc.) – see Giacomelli (2016a) 146 – should be identified with Kallierges as well, as shown by Chatzo-
poulou (2012) 34 (with further details in n. 122).
76 Gamba (2014) 349. See also Kalbfleisch (1907) XII. The MS may have served in the preparation of
the printed edition, but it doesn’t bear any trace of an actual use in the press.
77 On this point I shall refer to Chatzopoulou (2010) and (2012) 34–36.
78 Kallierges moved to Padua at the beginning of the 16th century, on his residence see the remarks
by Geanakoplos (1962a) 135 n. 90, who quotes a letter of Kallierges to John Gregoropulos – ed. by
Firmin-Didot (1875) 525–526 = BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 297–298 – where the Cretan printer asks for his letters
to be sent to his new address, the Borgo Zucco (εἰς τὸ Βούργῳ Τζόκον [sic]), now via Aristide Gabelli:
cf. Saggiori (1972) 410–411: “Zucco – borgo, via”. On Tomeo’s house, who lived in the contrada Ponte-
corvo, not far from the church of St Francis – called San Francesco grande, in order to distinguish it
form the homonymous church of St Francis, now St Gaetano: see Conte (2009) – where he is buried, I
refer to Pontani A. (2000) 337. The relation between Tomeo and Kallierges is not only of a merely geo-
graphical nature: several MSS written by Kallierges belonged to Tomeo and his friends, see Giacomelli
(2018) 123–127.
79 I have described this MS for the CAGB; in referring the reader to the description published by
Mioni (1981a) 344–346, I’m bound to inform of its limits.
80 Vitelli (1888) XV; see also Sicherl (1993) V, 48–49, 64, 82–83.
210 Ciro Giacomelli
Fig. 1: Marc. gr. Z 225, fol. 307v © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
marginalia written by Tomeo: I’d like to ascribe to his hand the garland on fol. 145r and
the several shorter notes to be found on fols. 18v, 32v, 33r, 34r, 128v, 129v–130r (Fig. 2).
In this latter case we can’t associate the presence of Tomeo’s marginalia with
the printing process, but the circumstance is again of some importance for a deeper
understanding of his Aristotelian teaching and of his influence on the later genera-
tion of scholars.81
81 Even if they do not bear the typical garlands – cf. Bandini (2007) 483 – I wish to attribute to Tomeo
a handful of marginalia I have found in two other Aristotelian MSS: 1) Par. gr. 2088 (Ammonius and
Philoponus, early 14th century), see for instance fols. 53v–54r, 55v–56r and 66r: for a concise descrip-
tion of the manuscript, which once belonged to Francesco d’Asola, see Cataldi Palau (1998) 496–497;
2) Par. gr. 1852 (Aristotle, De anima and Nicomachean Ethics, 15th century), cf. fols. 43v, 44v, 48v, 51r,
Fig. 2: Marc. gr. Z 230, fol. 145r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Tomeo had acces to a large number of codices in Venice: his hand can be traced in
the margins of Marcianus gr. 222 (see fols. 15v, 21v, 25r, 27v, 37v, 82v, 90r, 103v, 209r), a
luxury copy of Simplicius’ commentary to the De caelo and De anima produced by the
Cretan scribe George Tribizias togheter with George Alexandrou.82 In this manuscript
I have found a note by Giovanni Battista da Lion (see § 3), on fols. 63v and 68v (Fig. 3),
and several marginalia (139r, 141v, 149r, 191r, 193r, 196v, 203v, 206v–208r) by an anon-
ymous third hand (Fig. 4), which can be found also in the margins of a Venetian copy
of the Aldine edition of Alexander of Aphrodisias (Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,
Aldine 41).83
2 Niccolò Passeri Genova

If Tomeo is still a shadowy figure, the name of Niccolò Passeri Genova, an interesting
humanist on his own merit, will be even less familiar to students of Greek manu-
scripts.84
Before adding any new evidence, we shall begin whit a short reprisal of what is
known of his scribal activity. There is only one manuscript which can be attributed
with certainty to Passeri’s hand: it is Rehdigeranus 35 (preserved in Wroklaw, Biblio-
teka Uniwersytecka), brought to Poland by Thomas Rehdiger, who spent some years
at Padua in the mid of the 16th century.85 The manuscript is a well-known witness of
Apollonius Rhodius and the Orphic Argonautics and it bears an annotation written by
Marcantonio Passeri Genova (the son of Niccolò, 1491–1563), which informs us on the
scribe of the manuscript.86 On the flyleaf of the Rehdigeranus, Marcantonio wrote:
53r–54r, 56v, 62v. This second manuscript also bears annotations by Palla Strozzi and George Alexan-
drou: cf. De Gregorio (2002) 175 n. 24.
82 Liakou-Kropp (2002) 265–267 and Pl. 43.
83 See the entry in Archivio dei possessori: <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/
131-non-identificati>.
84 Cf. Pesenti (1984) 165 and Wilson (2000) 151, with the remarks of Pontani A. (1995) 115–116.
85 On Rehdiger see Markgraf (1888) and Killy/Vierhaus (1998) 190. On Rehdiger’s collection see also
the brief overview by Ulrich Victor (on Rehdig. 15) in Moraux et al. (1976) 74–76.
86 On Marcantonio, see at least Vedova (1832) 457–460.
212 Ciro Giacomelli
Hunc librum scripsit Pater meus nicolaus Passera de ianua Patauus philosophus ac medicus
excelentissim’ Anno aetatis suę XXXIII Currente Anno MCCCCLXXXVIII. Es est mei marci antonij
De passeris ianuensis, patauini et amicorum.87
Thanks to a plate published from this codex by Silvio Bernardinello,88 we were able
to find another example of Niccolò Passeri’s handwriting (Fig. 5) in Par. gr. 2955
(Lucian), fols. 108v l. 18 (μετά ξένων [sic])–109r l. 21 (παρά σοί). The Parisian manu-
87 Cf. Catalogus (1889) 46.

88 Bernardinello (1979) no. 41.
214 Ciro Giacomelli
Fig. 5: Par. gr. 2955, fol. 180v © BnF.
script has been copied for the most part by Tomeo and we are therefore able to infer a
close relation between the Venetian humanist and Passeri Genova, who penned only
few lines of text, taking turns with Tomeo and his collaborators.89
89 See the careful description by Cariou (2014) 69–70.

3 Giovanni Battista da Lion: Some Additions

Another name associated with Tomeo is the one of Giovanni Battista da Lion (c.
1489–1528), a little known scholar (again a physician and philosopher) whose
biography and Greek library I had the chance to study recently. The collection
acquired by Lion included up to this point 6 Palatine manuscripts (all of them pur-
chased by Scrimger), 6 Ambrosiani (from Pinelli’s collection), 3 codices preserved
in Vienna, where they where brought by Johannes Sambucus,90 and a manuscript
in Wroklaw, which belonged to Thomas Rehdiger: as one can easily see, the disper-
sion of Lion’s collection is somewhat paradigmatic. Since I have already written
extensively on this subject, I will limit myself to a handful of new additions, com-
pleting the picture given in my previous paper, to which I shall refer the reader for
any further detail.
First of all, I was able to find another manuscript bearing the ex libris of Gio-
vanni Battista da Lion: Vat. Pal. gr. 92, a Schedography written in southern Italy which
can be dated to the late 13th century.91 The ex libris has not been recorded by Ste-
venson and apparently no one has ever noticed it. On the upper margin of fol. 1r we
can clearly read the name of the Paduan humanist: Joh. bapta posthumus de leone.
The handwriting is the same found in other manuscripts belonging to his collection.
The codex was obviously among the manuscripts purchased by Scrimger and we can
easily find it in the 1555 inventory: Moscopuli schede de examinatione grammatices
[sic?], liber plura continens quam reliqui.92
I can add two more Palatine manuscripts bearing annotations in Greek, penned
by the hand I’d like to ascribe to Lion. The first one is Vat. Pal. gr. 74 (Aristotle’s
Organon; marginalia by Lion are almost everywhere: see e.g. fols. 37r, 42r, 44r, 177v–
178v, 179v–186r, 227v–228r, etc.). Vat. Pal. gr. 74 is a Cretan manuscript, copied by
Michael Apostoles and Antonius Damilas.93 The numerous scholia in Latin seems to
me written by at least two different scribes, and, if I’m not mistaken, no one of them
can be identified with Giovanni Battista da Lion, whose Latin script is well known
from several archival sources.94 The second manuscript is Vat. Pal. gr. 128, with mar-
ginalia by Lion on fols. 3r, 45r–84v. In this manuscript (Galen, Pindar and several epi-
grams taken from the Palatine Anthology) we find not only a large number of scholia
by Lion, but also a smaller number of annotations by Tomeo himself (garlands and
shorter paratexts: see for instance fol. 54v. Not all the garlands are in Tomeo’s hand)
90 A brief profile of Sambucus in Padua has been traced by Bevilacqua (2015).

91 A description in Silvano (2015) 127 n. 17 (with a plate).
92 Lehmann (1960) 74. The same title is to be read on fol. Ir of the Palatine manuscript: 92. Hen.
Moscopuli Schede de examinatione grammatica Liber plura continens quam reliqui.
93 See RGK III.
94 Giacomelli (2016a) Pll. 1–2.
216 Ciro Giacomelli
and scholia of at least one different hand. These manuscripts do not bear Lion’s ex
libris, but both are included in the lot of codices bought by Henry Scrimger in the mid
of the 16th century.95
4 Luca Bonfio
Finally, I’d like to introduce another collection of manuscripts coming from Padua:
the collection of the learned prelate Luca Bonfio (c. 1470–1540).96 This group of
codices still requires a complete codicological and paleographical study, I will there-
fore present here only few details – the result of an ongoing investigation –, since I
intend to consecrate an individual paper to this little collection.
Luca Bonfio was a Paduan clergyman, an intimate friend of Pietro Bembo,
Niccolò Leonico Tomeo and Giovanni Battista da Lion: he is mentioned among the
participants to one of Tomeo’s dialogues and his connection to the learned circle of
Pietro Bembo is certain.97 Elpidio Mioni, the author of a short biography of Bonfio,98
knew of only two manuscripts bearing Bonfio’s ex libris: Oxford, Bodleian Library,
Canonicianus gr. 86 (Theocritus, Euripides and Sophocles) and Bologna, Biblioteca
dell’Archiginnasio, A I 2 (catenae on the Book of Job).99 It is worth noting that in the
Oxford manuscript one can also find marginalia attributed to Tomeo.100
To the two manuscripts known to Mioni we can add five codices now in Milan:
according to the catalogue of the Ambrosian Library,101 these manuscripts were
acquired in Padua in 1603 (the exact origin of this lot of manuscripts is unclear, but it
is likely they were acquired in view of the inauguration of the Ambrosiana, which was
officially opened to the public in 1609).
– A 78 sup. (Martini/Bassi no. 15): Julius Pollux, Onomasticon.
– B 12 sup. (Martini/Bassi no. 83): Pseudo-Cyril, Lexicon.102
– E 39 sup. (Martini/Bassi no. 283): Orphic Argonautics, Hesiod’s Scutum and The
ogonia (cf. the above mentioned MS Rhedigeranus 35).
95 Lehmann (1960) 81: Aristotelis organum. char. 74. hen. (there are at least 3 manuscripts with a
matching description in the 1555 list), and 71: Galeni ars parva et Hippocratis aphorismi et Pindari
Olympica cum scholiis et Aristophanis comoediae aliquot (clearly referring to Vat. Pal. gr. 128).
96 On Bonfio’s life see Mioni (1971) and, most recently, Benucci (2015) 66–67.
97 On Bonfio and his relation with Tomeo and Bembo’s circle see Giacomelli (2016a) 74 n. 137, with
literature.
98 Mioni (1971).
99 On the Bologna MS, see Losacco (2005–2006) 47–48 and (2006) 17–18.
100 See Gamba (2014) 329 n. * (attribution by D. Speranzi).
101 Martini/Bassi (1906).
102 Cf. Vendruscolo (2018) 248.
– L 116 sup. (olim O 44; Martini/Bassi no. 502): Homer, Iliad.

– A 200 inf. (Martini/Bassi no. 819): Lycophrones.103
According to Martini and Bassi, two other manuscripts now in Milan were acquired
in Padua in the very same year, but they don’t bear Bonfio’s ex libris: they are Ambro-
siani G 27 sup. (Martini/Bassi no. 389, a collection of grammatical texts) and H 104
sup. (Martini/Bassi no. 445, a collection of sacred and liturgical texts). Given the
nature of Bonfio’s interests, it is likely that those too once belonged to his collection.
Mioni overlooked another manuscript, still preserved in Veneto: the codex
Rovigo, Biblioteca Concordiana, 48, a liturgical manuscript still bearing the Greek ex
libris Τοῦ Λουκᾶ τοῦ Βωμφίου καὶ τῶν φίλων.104
The above mentioned manuscripts give us a clear picture of Bonfio’s Greek library:
even if a couple of titles may figure in a humanistic library (the Orphic Argonautics
clearly knew a wide circulation in Padua between the end of the 15th century and the
early 16th), unlike many of his companions, Bonfio seems to have been keenly inter-
ested in sacred and patristic texts as well, and one is tempted to relate this passion
with his personal involvement in the ecclesiastical matters of his times.
5 Some Other Minor Attributions

1. Vat. Pal. gr. 343 was entirely copied by John Gregoropoulos. On this scribe, missing
from RGK, see most recently Kaklamanis (2016) and Chatzopoulou (2016).
2. The πίναξ written at the end of the well-known MS Vat. Pal. gr. 173 (fol. 163r),
coming from the collection of Giannozzo Manetti, was penned by John Scutario-
tes. I can’t find any trace of this MS in the recent surveys by Martinelli Tempesta
(2010) and (2012). On Scutariotes see also the rich study by Rollo (2014). On the
Palatine MS see Menchelli (1991).
3. Par. gr. 1935, an early 14th century witness of the Aristotelian paraphrases by
Theodore Metochites, was heavily annotated by the humanist <Lauro Quirini>.
The first half of this very same codex (Par. gr. 1866) does not seem to bear any
sign of Quirini’s handwriting. Other MSS annotated by Quirini are Par. gr. 1977
(Porphyrius, Albinus and Origen) and Vat. Pal. gr. 214 (cf. fol. 101v). Vat. Pal. gr.
214 is a Cretan MS, copied by Michael Apostoles, Antonius Damilas and partly by
Ἐμμανουὴλ Ἀτραμυττινός (cf. fols. 6v l. 8; 23r l. 9–end; 32v ll. 1–15; 48r l. 3–48v l. 2;
103 The MS was copied by George Alexandrou – attribution by Harlfinger (1977) 340 – and later came
into possession of Francesco Bernardo, who penned an ex libris in Verona (1491). On Bernardo see
Eleuteri/Canart (1991) 162–164 (no. LXVI) and RGK II 517.
104 For short description of the MS (with an erroneous transcription of the ex libris: τοῦ δοῦκα [sic])
see Mioni (1965) vol. 2, 394.
218 Ciro Giacomelli
a couple of marginalia at 125r; 134v ll. 1–3; 145v ll. 1–6 θεωρουμένους; 163r ll. 1–5;
193v ll. 1–9; 204r). The attribution to Ἀτραμυττινός is not recorded in RGK, while
Damilas subscribed the second part of the MS: cf. Canart (2008b) 43. It is worth
noting that Quirini and Atramyttenos, both related to Apostoles, are shamed and
accused of engaging in homosexual practices in a violent pamphlet written by
their former friend: see Stefec (2014b). On Atramyttenos see Giacomelli (2016a)
117 n. 281. On Quirini and his Greek MSS see Rashed (2001) 259–265; Speranzi
(2010) 322–329; Cronier (2013). I wonder if Parisinus gr. 1935, which bears the
traces of restoration (the same is true for Par. gr. 1866 as well), was actually refur-
bished by Quirini himself. We are informed on his activity as instaurator by a
letter of Michael Apostoles: see Pontani A. (1991) 564 n. 25. We shall remark that
Quirini also owned and annotated Par. gr. 2003, another early witness of Meto-
chites’ works: Rashed (2001) 259; on this MS see also Bianconi (2005) 414 no. 22.
4. Bernensis 662, Maximus of Tyre, was copied by <Paolo Canal>. On this scribe,
not listed in RGK, see Eleuteri/Canart (1991) 74 no. XXIV. On the MS see Andrist
(2007) 282–286. I base my attribution on the plate published at p. 27 of Andrist’s
catalogue.
5. The annotator (fol. 5r, lower margin) of the MS London, British Library, Addi-
tional 18494, copied by the scribe Nikolaos (see RGK I, no. 330 for the attribu-
tion), is <Raffaele Regio> (RGK I 356, II 485, III 566), who taught rhetoric in Padua
and Venice. For his handwriting and a short bibliographical profile see Eleuteri/
Canart (1991) 164 no. LXVII.
6. The page reproduced from the Toletanus ABC 51–5 (p. 3) and published by Pérez
Martín (2010) Pl. 7 (937) was doubtlessly penned by the well-known prelate and
scribe <Jacob Aurel Questenberg> (RGK II 193). On the MS see most recently
Ibañez-Chacón (2016) 34–39 (in this paper, which only recently came to my atten-
tion, a detailed palaeographical exam comes to the conclusion that the MS could
have been written by Questenberg: “No se debería descartar, por tanto, la posibi-
lidad de que Questenberg fuera el copista del Toletanus”. The identification of
the scribe, however, is quite straightforward).
7. Fols. 115r–154v of Vat. gr. 1949 – a composite MS on which see the full description
by Canart (1970b) 734–762 – were penned by Giovanni Puccini (RGK III 295), while
fol. 182rv was written by <Jacob Aurel Questenberg> (see above). Both attribu-
tions are not registered in the catalogue nor in RGK.
8. Fols. 1r–40v of Vat. Pal. gr. 213 are penned by the hand of <John Plousiadenos>
(RGK I 176, II 234, III 294). A large portion of the marginalia in this MS, if I am not
mistaken, should be attributed to <Scipio Forteguerri> (Carteromachos: RGK II
493, III 576).
Addenda
While this paper was already in the process of being prepared for publication, I was
able to gather some palaeographical evidence which should be included in my survey,
even if in a summary fashion.
1. Rehdiger MS 34 (a philosophical and astronomical miscellany once belonging to
the Cretan scribe Antonius Damilas) was annotated by both Niccolò Leonico Tomeo
and Giovanni Battista da Lion, who in his collection had at least another manuscript
coming from Damilas personal library (Giacomelli [2016a] 138–145). See the full dig-
itisation of the MS at <http://www.bibliotekacyfrowa.pl/dlibra/publication/39281/
edition/54894/content?ref=desc>: cf. fols. 90r–107v and 135v, 137v, 140r, etc. In these
very same codicological units we also find traces of Lauro Quirini’s hand.
2. Par. Suppl. gr. 306, Alexander of Aphrodisias, (fols. 1r–7v of the first codicological
unit copied by George Alexandrou) was annotated by Giovanni Battista da Lion
(see § 3).
3. Par. gr. 2278, Galen, (last codicological unit): the medical manuscript of which a
small part is now preserved in this miscellaneous codex was copied by the same
anonymous scribe who penned the MS Padua, Biblioteca Civica, C.M. 644, on
which see Giacomelli (2018).
4. Par. gr. 1947, <Pachymeres> (fols. 88–end), bears a considerable number of mar-
ginalia by Lauro Quirini. This new identification allows us to correct the chronol-
ogy of the manuscript wrongly placed in the early 16th century by Cataldi Palau
(1998) 537. See also Giacomelli (2016a) 95 with n. 200. The marginalia by Quirini
place the manuscript in Crete, which fits conveniently with the Cretan origin of
most of the manuscripts belonging to the branch of the manuscript tradition of
Pachymeres’ commentary on Physics witnessed by this Parisian manuscript.
Erika Elia
A Book Journey. About an Henri II Estienne’s
Greek Manuscript in Turin
The National University Library (Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria [BNU]) in Turin
holds over 300 Greek manuscripts. This collection has had a troubled history, since
fire damaged it in 1667 and again in 1904.1 The 1904 fire was particularly destructive
in that one hundred of the 405 manuscripts originally preserved in the Greek collec-
tion of the BNU were lost.2 Most of the remaining books were also severely damaged.
The fire also destroyed archive records pertaining to the Turin Library and its acqui-
sitions. For this reason, little is currently known about the origins of the Greek man-
uscript collection. Recently, however, new evidence has shed light on a collection
which, although relatively unknown, is of great historical-cultural interest, for the
cultural history of the Piedmontese milieu and for the Venetian book culture span-
ning the 16th and 17th centuries.
The Turin collection is noteworthy in that it preserves a considerable part3 of the
library of Gabriel Severos (ante 1540–1616), the first metropolitan of Philadelphia
residing in Venice, an Orthodox bishop who led the largest Greek community in the
West after the fall of Byzantium.4 Severos, a man of vast culture, owned an impressive
private library,5 which was considered an outstanding collection at the time.6 A few
years after his death, in 1619, the former Biblioteca Ducale of Turin, under the Duchy of
1 About the fire see Gorrini (1904), Giaccaria (1984), Gulmini (1989) 14, Sebastiani (2003), Giaccaria
(2011a) 157.
2 See Eleuteri (1990); Elia (2014) 5.
3 About 30 Greek manuscripts now in the Ambrosiana Library which were acquired by Federico Bor-
romeo in Venice from Severos in 1603, see Martini/Bassi (1906) vol. 1, XIII–XIV; Serventi (2008); Pic-
cione (2017b) 205. Books of the metropolitan (printed as well) can also be found in other collections;
see Piccione (2017b) 205–206 with footnotes and bibliography.
4 On Severos’ figure and the Greek Confraternity see, among others, with bibliography, BH xv-xvi,
vol. 2, 144–151; Stergellis (1969); Manussakas (1973) 69–87; Podskalsky (1988) 118 ff.; Farrugia (2000)
692; Birtachas (2002) 105–110; Apostolopulos (2004); Gallo E. (2013); Piccione (2017a; 2017b). See also
Beck et al. (1977).
5 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 151.
6 A reference to the richness of Severos’ library is contained, e.g., in a letter of the Venetian scholar
Alvise Lollino to Alexander Synkletikos; see Canart (1970a) 561 and n. 43.
Note: Research for this work was funded by a research grant by the Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici,
Università degli Studi di Torino, within the framework of the project I libri greci della BNU di Torino
e la biblioteca di Gabriel Seviros (dir. R. M. Piccione), with co-financing by the Biblioteca Nazionale
Universitaria of Turin. I wish to thank the Department of Rare books and special collections as well as
the staff of the manuscripts reading room of the BNU for their kind assistance.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-010
222 Erika Elia
Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy (1562–1630), purchased some Greek books from Severos’
collection.7 Until recently, the exact number of volumes which arrived in Turin from
Venice on this occasion was not known;8 but recent research by R. M. Piccione9 has
ascertained that the majority of the more than 300 codices currently preserved in the
BNU of Turin come from Severos’ book collection. As many as 308 codices of the orig-
inal collection came from Severos’ holdings; that is, almost all of the Greek collection
of the BNU, which amounted to 405 manuscripts before the fire of 1904 struck.
The fact that a fair part of Severos’ manuscript collection is preserved in the BNU
provides us with a unique opportunity to study and contextualize a large private
library from the 16th–17th century, preserved almost entirely under one roof.10 While
this constitutes fundamental data for piecing together the history of the constitution
of the Turin Greek collection, it does not reassemble it completely. It is now known
that 308 Greek manuscripts out of the original 405 arrived in Turin from Venice, but
there exists almost no information about the provenance of the remaining 97.11
Most of the nonSeverian Greek codices presumably arrived in Turin between
1563,12 when Emmanuel Philibert instituted the Biblioteca Ducale,13 and 1713, the year
when Filiberto Maria Machet compiled the Index alphabétique des livres qui se trou
vent en la Bibliothèque Royale de Turin, where as many as 378 Greek manuscripts are
listed,14 almost the whole collection.
Data regarding the books’ origins are at present patchy. Some Greek manuscripts
entered the Turin library at the beginning of its history in the form of presents for the
Duke Emmanuel Philibert.15 These are the codices Taur. B.III.19, donated to the Duke
around 156016 by the French scholar and professor of medicine Jacques Goupyl from
7 Stergellis (1969) 195; Gulmini (1989) 13–14; Messina (1994) 223–224; Bava (1995) 328 and n. 136.
8 Only 36 manuscripts had been identified as coming from this purchase (for details see Elia [2014] 2–3
with footnotes and bibliography). The studies by Elena Gallo (2013) in the context of the project Greek
Books in Turin Libraries Sources and Documents for a New Inquiry of the Classical Background of the
Piedmontese Elites – XV–XIX century (dir. E. V. Maltese) have shown that the number of Turin codices
originally owned by Gabriel Severos was much larger; she has identified more than 140 manuscripts.
9 See Piccione (2017a; 2017b); see also above, Elia/Piccione, 33–82.
10 On this aspect see in particular Piccione (2017b).
11 The numbers mentioned here should be considered approximative, as the books acquired in 1619
may have included a few exemplars of a different nature (e.g. printed books). See Piccione (2017b)
208–209.
12 For the history of the National University Library in Turin see, with bibliography, Bassi (1980);
Giaccaria (1984); Gulmini (1989) 13–17; Porticelli (2011a; 2011b).
13 As far as we know, prior to his duchy there were no Greek manuscripts in the Savoy collections;
Gulmini (1989) 13; Edmunds (1970; 1971; 1972).
14 Machet (1713).
15 On the Greek manuscripts donated to Emmanuel Philibert, see Gulmini (1986) and (1989) 13.
16 Dain (1930) 84–87, particularly 87.
Poitiers;17 Taur. C.IV.14,18 copied and donated by the scribe Angelos Bergikios,19 who
signed it in Paris on 8th June, 1559;20 the Vat. Urb. gr. 149, donated by Angelos Ber-
gikios as well, who signed it in 1560 in Paris;21 Taur. C.II.8, donated by Felice Paciotto
of Urbino.22 Also, one of the most beautiful illuminated manuscripts in the BNU, Taur.
B.II.423 (12th-13th century),24 does not originate from Severos’ collection and probably
reached the library during the time of Emmanuel Philibert. It contains the lives of the
five martyrs of Sebaste together with a large number of miniatures,25 and was owned
by the Marruchi family of Poirino, Piedmont, from 143726 until at least 1561. The
latter date appears in a cancelled annotation, deciphered by Gulmini,27 containing
the name of Camillo Marruchi, an assistant to Emmanuel Philibert in the prefecture
of Savigliano. The codex must have entered the Savoy collection after this date but
before 1667, since it is mentioned in the catalogues referring to the books’ rearrange-
ment after the fire which damaged the library in the same year.28
17 The dedicatory letter to the Duke is written at fols. 1r–2v. See also Gulmini (1986) 147 and 146–147 n.
16; Pasini G. et al. (1749) 153. About Jacques Goupyl, see Omont (1894) 184–185; Bonnet (1951); Cranz/
Kristeller (1980) 184–185 with bibliography; Tetry (1985); Vons (2012) 11–12.
18 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 312–313 no. 223; the manuscript contains Georgios Pachymeres, Harmonica
(from his Quadrivium, see Jonker [1970] 21), not the treatise by Manuel Bryennius, as erroneously
indicated in Elia (2014) 2.
19 About Bergikios see, with bibliography, RGK I 3; RGK II 3; RGK III 3.
20 The codex bore Emmanuel Philibert’s emblem, now lost because of the damages suffered by the ar-
tefact in the fire of 1904, and a dedication from the scribe to the Duke, lost as well but transcribed in the
catalogue by Pasini G. et al. (1749) 312–313 no. 223. See moreover Gulmini (1986) 147 and 147–148 no. 17.
21 The manuscript is illuminated; the dedication with colophon can be read at fol. 60r. The digit-
ised codex may be consulted online on the website DigiVatLib: <https://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Urb.
gr.149> (accessed 10.6.2020); see moreover Stornajolo (1895) 284–285 no. 149. On the donation, see
Gulmini (1986) 148 no. 18; (1989) 13. A frieze at fol. 1r, which shows at its centre Emmanuel Philibert’s
emblem, attests furthermore that the manuscript was a gift for the Duke of Savoy.
22 The dedication by Felice Paciotto to the Duke is found at fol. IIIr. The MS C.II.8, lost after having
been given as a loan to the French government in 1865, was later acquired by the Regione Toscana
and is now preserved in the Turin BNU. Concerning the manuscript and its history, see Eleuteri/Elia
(2019b).
23 On the manuscript see in particular Gulmini (1986) and (1989) 37–38 no. 22 with cited bibliogra-
phy; see also Segre Montel (2011).
24 Weitzmann (1979) places the codex in the 12th century, while Gulmini assigns it to the 13th; see
Gulmini (1986) 143–144 and (1989) 37–38 no. 22. Cf. also Segre Montel (2011).
25 On the cycle of illustrations Weitzmann (1979), Gulmini (1986) and (1989) 37–38 no. 22 with cited
bibliography; Eleuteri (1998b); Rigo (2008) CVII–CVIII.
26 At fol. 4r, under the Marruchi family’s emblem, there is the following recording written by a
sixteenth-century hand on an earlier, cancelled note: Dum ego Gabriel Marruchi de anno | 1437 redirem
de Alexandria in Suria | incidi forte in quodam turco qui | habebat librum hunc de martirio | quinq(ue)
sanctor(um), et illum redemi | soluto precio flor(enorum) duor(um) auri.
27 Gulmini (1986) 146.
28 Gulmini (1986) 146–147.
224 Erika Elia
Moreover, some acquisitions that made their way into the collection subsequent
to the purchase of Severos’ books can be identified. Four Greek codices entered the
Turin library between 1809 and 1815 as part of the legacy of Tommaso Valperga of
Caluso’s library:29 the manuscripts Taur. B.I.19, B.VII.34 (now lost), C.V.9 (now lost),
and C.II.11. Taur. B.VI.37 (now lost) must have been a gift as well, since the 1896 cat-
alogue by Zuretti preserves an annotation that was written on its guard-leaf: Manu
scrit donné par l’abbé Melarède;30 Amédée Philibert de Mellarède (1682–1780) was a
learned Savoy clergyman, rector of the Turin University (1725). Taur. C.VI.30,31 mean-
while, was purchased in 1893: this manuscript, which was badly damaged in the
fire of 1904,32 was acquired from the Turin librarian Risso on the 13th of November.33
There are finally some very late codices that cannot have belonged to Severos’ collec-
tion and therefore entered the library at a later date: the manuscripts B.IV.24–2934 and
B.IV.32–3335 were both copied at the end of the 18th century by a certain Gerbino,36
who in all probability can be identified as the priest who worked as a collaborator of
Francesco Ludovico Berta, when he was prefect of the Turin Library.37 Taur. B.VII.31
was also certainly not a possession of Gabriel Severos, as it was signed in Toulouse
in 1704 by Johannes Saguensius (Jean Saguens),38 theologian of the Order of Minims,
pupil of the physician and mathematician Emmanuel Maignan;39 moreover, Zuretti
attests that the manuscript had the ex libris of a religious order in Turin,40 making
29 Peyron (1820) 22–23; Gulmini (1989) 15.

30 Zuretti (1896) 209 no. 13.
31 Zuretti (1896) 218–219 no. 26.
32 Presently only 78 fols. remain, identified by Giaccaria (2007) 439 and restored.
33 A leaf of the codex (now bound together with the fragments of the Hebrew manuscript Taur.
A.III.6) preserves a part of the – incomplete – annotation relating to the purchase: […] Bibliotheca per
L. 10 | [… ]so 13 Novembre 1893. The librarian’s name is mentioned in the catalogue by Zuretti (1896)
219, where the content of the purchase note is indicated as: Emptus a Risso Taurinensi bibliopola anno
MDCCCLXXXXIIII [sic].
34 Zuretti (1896) 203 no. 4.
35 Zuretti (1896) 203–204 no. 5. At present the manuscript is identified by the shelfmark B.IV.32; the
leaves, severely damaged on the margins by the fire, have been re-margined with paper strips and
preserved unbound in two boxes (part I, part II).
36 See also Zuretti (1896) 203–204 nos. 4–5, who, however, did not know who Gerbino was, as he
states (203): In libro quodam memoriali B. Peyron cura descripto […] hunc Photii codicem [scil. Taur.
B.IV.24–29] a Gerbino quodam, mihi plane ignoto, descriptum esse invenio.
37 Porticelli (2011b) 165.
38 Zuretti (1896) 216 no. 18.
39 About Jean Saguens see Schmutz (2008) and Whitmore (1967) 163, 299.
40 Zuretti (1896) 216: In scheda operculo adglutinata habemus “ex bibliotheca PP. MM. Tau[rinensi
um]. N. A. 15.8”. It was probably the ex libris of the Turin monastery of the friars Minor Riformati
(church of Madonna degli Angeli), as testified by the identical ex libris recurring on printed books
traceable to this monastery in the BNU, for which see De Pasquale (2002) 506.
it likely that the book entered the library after the abolition of the religious orders
(1801).41 Taur. B.VII.31 is in all likelihood now lost.42
With the exception of the aforementioned 14 manuscripts, owing to the lack of
archival evidence, it is still not possible to understand how the hundred Greek books
that did not belong to Gabriel Severos found their way to Turin.
When no further information is available, studying the books themselves can
provide us with useful indications as to their movements; take for example the cod.
Taur. B.I.3,43 and a possession note which indicates that it once belonged to the well-
known French printer and scholar Henri II Estienne. While this manuscript does not
contain any features that suggest that it could have belonged to Severos, it does tell a
story and describe a journey, whose steps we will attempt to trace here.
1 Venice
Some features of cod. Taur. B.I.3 indicate that the history of this artefact starts in Venice.
Taur. B.I.3 is a foliocodex (about 350×235 mm) of 361 paper leaves44 (V, 352, IV´)
in a good state of preservation, except for some water stains along the margins. It
contains Sextus Empiricus’ Hypotyposeis (fols. 2v–89v), Adversus Mathematicos (fols.
90r–165v), and Adversus dogmaticos (fols. 166r–349v), preceded by definitions and
extracts on philosophical and medical topics (fol. 1rv) and followed by the so-called
Dialexeis45 (or Dissoi logoi), incomplete46 (fols. 349v–351r).
41 See De Pasquale (2002); see also Giaccaria (2011b); De Pasquale (2014) 7–8.
42 In the BNU a codex with shelfmark B.VII.31 does exist, but it does not match the description of
the manuscript with this shelfmark in the old catalogues. The catalogue by Zuretti reports that the
manuscript contains Nonnus’ Paraphrase of the Gospel of John and Christus Patiens, that it is about
147×97 mm, and that it was signed in 1704. The present Taur. B.VII.31 does not match this description:
the leaves of the codex, which have been partially burnt by the fire on the side and upper margins,
measure about 190×136 mm, meaning that they are bigger, though reduced by the action of the fire,
than the leaves of cod. B.VII.31 as described by the catalogue; the handwriting is a minuscule that can
be attributed to the 2nd half of the 17th century; finally, the present manuscript contains a Homeric
Cento. On this topic see Elia (forthcoming).
43 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 85 no. 11; De Sanctis (1904) 398; Cosentini (1922) 13 no. 81; Gulmini (1989) 55
no. 50.
44 The information found in Pasini G. et al. (1749) 85, according to which the codex is a parchment
one, must be corrected.
45 It was Henri Estienne himself who named the text in this way when he published it for the first
time in his edition of Diogenes Laertius in 1570 (Diogenes Laertius [1570]).
46 Diels (19123) 334–345 no. 83. About the text see Untersteiner (1980) 137–138 with bibliography. The
question of the text of the Dissoi logoi in Taur. B.I.3 and its relationship to Estienne’s edition of the
text (in his 1570 edition of Diogenes Laertius) will not be examined here: its complexity would need
further analysis and fall beyond the limits of this study.
226 Erika Elia
Two watermarks traceable to Venice can be identified in the manuscript’s leaves.

Most of the folios (fols. V–333) contain a watermark of a rampant lion, with a counter-
mark 3d: it is identical to Lion 13 Harlfinger, which recurs in codices Mon. gr. 49 (1548)
and Mon. gr. 104 (1552), both manufactured in Venice. Moreover, in the initial guard-
leaves and in the last part of the manuscript (fols. I–IV, 344–347, 350–351, I´–IV´) there
is a mark composed of the letters PB surmounted by a clover, very similar to Lettres 75
Harlfinger, which recurs in the already mentioned Mon. gr. 49 and in the Mon. gr. 75
(1550). The presence of these two watermarks suggests that Taur. B.I.3 was produced
in Venice around the middle of the 16th century (c. 1543–1557).
The hands that copied and reviewed the manuscript as well as its binding can be
traced to the Lagoon city and that period of time.
The text was copied by a single scribe (Fig. 1) who can be identified as Μιχαήλ, active
in the middle of the 16th century in Venice.47 In addition to the presence of letter forms
and features typical of Michael’s writing,48 the identification can be confirmed by pecu-
liar practices the scribe adopted. As can be observed, for instance, in the cod. Mon. gr.
72,49 he writes quite short vertical catchwords, and Greek signatures in the lower margin
of the first recto of the quires; above the Greek letters there is an undulated bar, longi-
tudinally cut by the dash that indicates the numerals. These same characteristics are
found in the Turin codex. Moreover, in Taur. B.I.3 the scribe concludes the texts with a
culdelampe, with three red points on the sides of each text line (for instance at fol. 27r),
a layout that recurs in some of his other products, such as Mon. gr. 55, fol. 244v.50
47 About him see RGK III 475. See also Mondrain (1991–1992) who identifies the scribe as Main 1
Monac. 41. This hand has been identified by Mondrain in codices Mon. gr. 41, 46, 51, 55, 65, 72, 82, 84,
102, 121.
48 The script in the Turin manuscript shows all the principal letter forms and features of Michael’s
as described by Hunger in RGK IIIB 475, as majuscule β with vertical stroke stretched downward, ζ,
a very thin closed θ, ξ traced with very nervous counter-clockwise strokes, σ at the end of the words
in a bolt form, the ligature φι from below, στα from below as well, μεν with ε reduced to a loop; the
scribe uses ι subscript and trema over ι and υ. In addition, we may mention the seldom use of bilobed
β, open ε in ligatures, the ligature σεω with a lying σ that is linked to loop ε that lies on ω. In com-
parison with the characters of Michael’s writing as described in the RGK, Taur. B.I.3 doesn’t show the
abbreviation for καί. Given the coincidence of all other characteristics, however, this absence does
not seem to problematize the identification of the hand and could indicate that it isn’t a constant fea-
ture of the scribe’s writing. This assumption is supported by the fact that this form doesn’t appear in
other codices written by Michael, like, e.g., Mon. gr. 72 (a digital copy of this manuscript is available
online: <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0006/bsb00068443/images/index.html> (seen
10.6.2020).
49 See the link to the online digital copy above, n. 48. In the manuscript Michael’s work is found in
the fols. 113r–189v l. 6, 190r–201v, 204r–208r, 209rv. See Molin Pradel (2013) 143.
50 See the online digital copy of the manuscript: <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0006/
bsb00069251/images/index.html> (seen 10.6.2020). Michael writes fols. 1r–244v. See Mondrain (1991–
1992) 368; Tiftixoglu (2004) 329.
Fig. 1: Michael, Taur. B.I.3, fol. 2v © MiBACT, BNUTo.

228 Erika Elia
Michael belonged to a group of scribes51 who were active mainly in Venice in the middle
of the 16th century. Often copying together, they produced books which exhibit recur-
ring codicological characteristics. These manuscripts were chiefly acquired by western
clients such as, e.g., Johann Jakob Fugger, whose extensive library is now preserved in
the Bavarian State Library (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) in Munich,52 or Francisco de
Mendoza, Cardinal of Burgos,53 or the Cardinal Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle.54
It is not only the identity of the main scribe that enables us to associate Taur. B.I.3
with Venice and the group of scribes mentioned above: in Taur. B.I.3 two other hands can
be identified. These were responsible for two separate revisions. One scribe, a contem-
porary of Michael, performed an initial revision of the text, making some corrections.
Mondrain recognized this scribe’s hand in some of the Greek manuscripts in Munich
owned by Fugger, calling him Correcteur A.55 In Taur. B.I.3 Correcteur A reviewed and
corrected the text by Michael, adding in the margins passages of various lengths forgot-
ten by the scribe, who often made sauts du même au même, marking them with a vertical
stroke that forks downward, often slanting to the right (Fig. 2).56 Such interventions are,
however, infrequent.57 In a few cases he quotes a variant with ἴσ(ως).58 His revisions can
be found throughout the whole codex; in the lower part of the last leaf (fol. 351r), he
wrote (Fig. 3): ἐξισώθ(η) κ(αὶ) τοῦτο ὡς ἦν δυνατόν. This expression, involving the rather
uncommon use of the verb ἐξισόω to indicate the work of revision, also appears, albeit
with some variations, in some of the Monacenses codices that belonged to Fugger.59
51 The individuation of this group of scribes, the study of the characteristics of their products and of
their work are due to Mondrain (1991–1992), who studied in particular the Greek manuscript collection
of Johann Jakob Fugger. Among the identified scribes can be mentioned at least Antonios Eparchos,
Arnoldus Arlenius, Bartolomeo and Camillo Zanetti, Kornelios Mourmouris, Emmanouel Bembaines,
Georgios Tryphon, Ioannes Chonianos, Ioannes Mauromates, Ioannes Mourmouris, Andreas Darma-
rios, Michael Maleas, Michael Sophianos, Petros Karneades, Demetrios Hyialeas. The same group of
scribes is mentioned by Cataldi Palau with regard to the period Ioannes Mauromates spent in Venice
(1541–1547), who was himself a part of it, see Cataldi Palau (2000a) 373–372.
52 Mondrain (1991–1992); see also Hajdú (2002) 44.
53 Mondrain (1991–1992) 381; see also Cataldi Palau (2000a) 383 concerning, in particular, Ioannes
Mauromates.
54 Mondrain (1991–1992) 381; see also Cataldi Palau (2000a) 383–384 concerning, in particular, Io-
annes Mauromates.
55 Mondrain (1991–1992) 364–366, 373; see also Tiftixoglu (2004) Pl. 59–60.
56 The Correcteur A seems to use this sign constantly: cf., e.g., Mon. gr. 72, fol. 269v.
57 Regarding the Hypotyposeis, e.g., the corrector intervenes at fols. 6r, 8r, 12v, 17r, 24v, 28v, 36v, 44v,
47v, 49r, 69r, 73r, 75rv, 84v, 87r.
58 See, e.g., fol. 17r (P. I 146), where he rectifies the incorrect reading μὴ δοσία with μὴ δημοσία.
59 See, e.g., cod. Mon. gr. 72, fol. 277v (link to the digital copy of the manuscript above, n. 48) where
Michael is also involved, copying fols. 113–189, 190–201, 204–208, 209. See Molin Pradel (2013) 143.
On the phrasing, see Mondrain (1991–1992) 373 and n. 12; see also Gardthausen (19132) 427, where the
formulation is found only in manuscripts of Munich.
Fig. 2: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 6r (detail), in black ink Correcteur A, all around annotations by Henri Estienne
© MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 3: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 351r (detail), Correcteur A © MiBACT, BNUTo.
Moreover, the text underwent a further revision by another contemporary hand.

The script is very regular, from a non-Greek hand. It is the hand of Arnoldus Arlenius
(Arnout van Eynthouts),60 a well-known Flemish bibliophile, librarian,61 and trader in
manuscripts. He belonged to the same group of copyists to which the scribe Michael and
the Correcteur A belonged62 and, more especially, he was one of the reviewers.63 In Taur.
B.I.3 Arlenius corrects single words, usually by crossing out the wrong one and writing
the right one supra lineam, and adds some passages in the margins that the main scribe
60 On Arlenius, see (among others) Mercati G. (1927); RGK I 28, II 39, III 48 (with bibliography);
Harlfinger (1971) 196–202 and Fig. 15; Graux/de Andrés (1982) 198–200; Hobson (1999) 72–73; Cataldi
Palau (2000a) 340–354.
61 In the years 1542–1547 he was the librarian of Charles V’s ambassador in Venice, Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza. See in particular Hobson (1999) 72–73.
62 Mondrain (1991–1992) 357–360, 373.
63 On his reviewing of texts copied by others, see also RGK IA 28; Harlfinger (1971) Taf. 15; Cataldi
Palau (2000a) 339–340, 350–351, concerning the manuscripts copied by Ioannes Mauromates.
230 Erika Elia
forgot, guiding the reader’s attention to them with the aid of reference signs, usually a
simple triangular stroke without a base (Fig. 4).64
Fig. 4: Taur. B.I.3. fol. 45v (detail), in the margin Arnoldus Arlenius © MiBACT, BNUTo.
The binding of Taur. B.I.3 is likewise traceable to Venice; it is a sixteenth-century

Greek-style binding, with wooden boards coated with red leather decorated with
gilt geometric patterns, two rectangular frames with a undulating lozenge (Fig. 5);
it appears to have been produced in the workshop of Andrea di Lorenzo,65 known as
Wanderbuchbinder or Mendoza Binder.66 He was active in Venice from 1530 to 1555.67
Andrea di Lorenzo’s bindings can be found in the Greek manuscript collections of
various contemporaries, such as Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,68 Johann Jakob Fugger,69
Francesco Barozzi,70 and cardinal Marcello Cervini.71
64 The same can be seen, for instance, in cod. Mon. gr. 81 fol. 224r (in this manuscript Arlenius worked
as a reviewer on the fols. 223–241, 402–442v, 461v–479; see Mondrain [1991–1992] 359): the codex is
available online at <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0008/bsb00083419/images/index.html>
(seen 10.6.2020).
65 See, for instance, the binding of Par. gr. 1337, with the characteristic pattern of the undulating
lozenge; Hobson (1999) 112 Fig. 62.
66 The identification of the binder with Andrea di Lorenzo is due to Hobson, according to docu-
ments; see Hobson (1999) 119. He is a controversial and slippery figure. I. Schunke gave him the name
Wanderbuchbinder, since, although he became one of the most prolific Venetian bookbinders, he is
supposed to have arrived in the Lagoon city from Pavia; see Schunke (1964) 163–169 and in particular
163. Hobson prefers to call him Mendoza Binder due to the large number of books of Diego Hurtado
de Mendoza that were bound by him; see Hobson (1999) 97–119 and 244–251. On the Mendoza Binder/
Wanderbuchbinder, see also Hajdú (2002) 53–55, in particular 55 and n. 171 with cited bibliography.
67 Hobson (1999).
68 Hobson (1999) 233–243, Appendix 4.
69 Hobson (1999) 250; Molin Pradel (2013) 11–12.
70 Hobson (1999) 250.
71 Cardinali (2017).
Fig. 5: Taur. B.I.3, binding, front board © MiBACT, BNUTo.

232 Erika Elia
2 In margine
The identity of the principal scribe of cod. Taur. B.I.3, Michael together with the
binding and the watermarks link the book’s production to the city of Venice in the
middle of the 16th century. Moreover, the same characteristics,72 together with
the presence of the hand of Correcteur A and that of Arlenius, as has been said, link
the manuscript of Turin with various codices produced around the middle of the 16th
century, mostly in Venice.73 These codices were copied by a large group of scribes,74
who often worked together to produce books75 – some of them seem to have special
ized in the revision of texts, such as Correcteur A and Arlenius76 – and show common
codicological features found in Taur. B.I.3 as well: the in-folio format, a similar kind
of paper with recurrent watermarks, a fairly regular mise en page comprising 30 lines
with wide margins. These artefacts often seem to have been produced hastily, necessi-
tating revision, or even more. This is the case with Taur. B.I.3, for example. They also
seem to have been produced almost in series.77 As has been mentioned, these scribes
generally reproduced the same works several times,78 so that they could be sold to
various buyers,79 a common practice among 16th century scribes.80
72 Bindings identical with that of Taur. B.I.3 (with the only variation being the name of the author and
of the work) recur in some manuscripts in this group, such as cod. Mon. gr. 39; see Tiftixoglu (2004) Pl.
4. MSS Mon. gr. 20 and 21, that belonged to Fugger, also have the same binding, but they date back to
the 11th century. See respectively Tiftixoglu (2004) 113–117 and the digital image at <http://daten.digitale-
sammlungen.de/~db/0006/bsb00069244/images/index.html> (seen 10.6.2020); ibid. 117–122 with Pl. 3 and
the digital image at <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0006/bsb00061409/images/index.html>
(seen 10.6.2020). MS Mon. gr. 84, of the 16th century also bears this type of binding; see Molin Pradel (2013)
192–199.
73 Mondrain (1991–1992) 374, 382–384. Some codices were also copied in Florence, from exemplars
preserved in this city, Mondrain (1991–1992) 375, 384; Molin-Pradel (2013) 11.
74 Mondrain identifies c. 40 scribes in the case of the Fugger’s collection; see Mondrain (1991–1992)
355–372.
75 Mondrain (1991–1992) 356. It is certainly difficult to imagine these scribes collaborating on a perma-
nent basis, so as to form an atelier: some of the scribes involved in the realization of these artefacts were
professional scribes, whose activities spread further afield, such as, e.g., Andreas Darmarios (on him see
Elia [2014] with cited bibliography), who travelled all over Europe copying and selling Greek manuscripts,
as far as is currently known, on his own behalf; and Bartolomeo Zanetti, who was also a printer (about him
see Cessi [1925] 178; Harlfinger [1971] 291–293; RGK IA 31; Cataldi Palau [1989] 54–56; [2000b]). We should
therefore imagine fluid forms of collaboration that could vary over time. Understanding how Greek man-
uscripts were reproduced in the 16th century is an interesting topic that still has to be further explored.
76 Mondrain (1991–1992) 357–360; Molin Pradel (2013) 11–12.
77 Mondrain talks of a “travail à la chaîne”, Mondrain (1991–1992) 381.
78 Mondrain (1991–1992) 380–381.
79 Mondrain ([1991–1992] 381) also believes “on est invité à penser que ces textes ont pu être repro-
duits aussi pour d’autres collectionneurs, contemporains de Johann Jakob Fugger”.
80 A clear case is provided by Andreas Darmarios; on this aspect of his production, see Elia (2014)
101–117.
Taur. B.I.3 is a prime example of this aspect of their work. As has been said, the
codex contains Sextus Empiricus’ Hypotyposeis and Adversus mathematicos and the
so-called Dissoi logoi.81 There are two other manuscripts with the same texts pro-
duced in the same Venetian milieu: codd. Mon. gr. 7982 and Vesont. gr. 409.83 As with
the manuscript in Turin, they contain Sextus Empiricus and the Dissoi logoi84 and are
closely connected in terms of textual tradition;85 they also contain an identical set of
small texts of a philosophical and medical nature, arranged in the same schematic
form before the Hypotyposeis. Strong similarities also exist from a material point of
view: all three codices were produced in the same in-folio format and are very similar
in size (345×240 mm for Vesont. gr. 409;86 343×235 mm for Mon. gr. 79;87 350×235 mm
for Taur. B.I.3); the scribes who produced these codices all belonged to the aforemen-
tioned group active in Venice at the middle of the 16th century: Taur. B.I.3, as has been
said, is the work of Michael; cod. Mon. gr. 79 was copied almost entirely by Petros
Karneades,88 as was, in my opinion, Vesont. gr. 409.89 The page design is similar in
all three codices: the same proportions are employed between the written and the
blank parts; there are 30 lines in Taur. B.I.3 and Vesont. gr. 409, and 29 in Mon. gr. 79.
Furthermore, the decoration has strong similarities: at the beginning of the Hypotypo
seis all three manuscripts show a frieze in red ink. Whereas in Taur. B.I.3 it is a frieze
with a volute and vine motif in a rectangular frame, with vine leaves in the corners,
topped with a cross-shaped knot, the other two codices have a similar frieze, formed
by a pattern of interlaced knots. The paper has the same type of watermarks: codices
81 See above, 225.

82 The codex is available online at <http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0008/bsb00086056/
images/> (seen 10.6.2020). For the description, see Molin Pradel (2013) 170–172.
83 The codex can be consulted online at <http://memoirevive.besancon.fr/ark:/48565/a011324049290j
XpyWn/1/1> (seen 10.6.2020).
84 For the contents of cod. Vesont. gr. 409 see the online record at <http://memoirevive.besancon.fr/
ark:/48565/a011324049290jXpyWn> and <http://memoirevive.besancon.fr/download.cgi?filename=
accounts/mnesys_besancon/datas/cms/Ms%20409%20collation%20en%20grec.pdf> (seen 10.6.2020)
on the site Mémoire vive Besançon.
85 According to Weber (1898) 87, who studied the Dissoi logoi, Taur. B.I.3 should be a copy of Mon. gr.
79; Mutschmann (1909), with regard instead to Sextus Empiricus’ texts, identifies MS Vesont. gr. 409
as the exemplar of Mon. gr. 79; finally, Davidson Greaves (1986), who deals only with Sextus Empiricus’
Contra musicos, argues that Mon. gr. 79 is a copy of Vesont. gr. 409 and the exemplar of Taur. B.I.3.
86 The data about the manuscript of Besançon are drawn from the online-description, see link at
n. 84.
87 The data about the manuscript of Munich are drawn from the description of the catalogue of the
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Molin Pradel (2013) 170–172.
88 For the identification, see Mondrain (1991–1992) 365 and cf. Molin Pradel (2013) 171.
89 The observation reported here is made on the basis of a sample of leaves from the digital copy of
the manuscript. Not all of the codex’s folios have been examined; therefore, it is possible that other
hands worked on the codex, as is often the case in the manuscripts produced by this group of scribes.
See Mondrain (1991–1992) 355–356.
234 Erika Elia
Taur. B.I.390 and Mon. gr. 7991 contain the same watermark, identical to Lettres 75
Harlfinger, while Taur. B.I.3 and Vesont. gr. 409 both have a watermark formed by two
crossed arrows and a star.92
These common characteristics allow us to add cod. Vesont. gr. 409 to those
produced by the group of scribes working out of Venice.93 These scribes therefore
reproduced – at least – three times not only a text, but also a book that brought
together the Sextus Empiricus texts and the Dissoi logoi, following a quite common94
association in the text tradition of the philosopher, adding, at the beginning of Sextus’
Hypotyposeis, a small set of definitions and excerpts. The book was reproduced not
only in terms of content, but also materially: the three manuscripts indeed look like
three volumes of a series, a sort of standardized product. Essentially, the copies were
the same, although created for different readers with different needs, rather like a
printed book. Now, while codices Mon. gr. 79 and Vesont. gr. 409 entered the impres-
sive libraries of two contemporary men, Johann Jakob Fugger95 and cardinal Antoine
de Granvelle,96 it appears they were used rather little, judging from their wide, empty
margins. Taur. B.I.3 enjoyed an altogether different destiny. The many annotations on
its pages are a sign that its owner was more actively interested in his book.
3 Florence?
Taur. B.I.3 was therefore more than likely produced by a group of scribes active in
Venice at the middle of the 16th century who produced books with a standard look.
Entirely copied by the scribe Michael, this manuscript was revised twice: by Correc-
teur A and by Arnoldus Arlenius. While nothing is known about Correcteur A, in those
same years Arlenius was employed as the librarian of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, the
90 At fols. I–IV, 344–347, 350–351, I´–IV´.

91 At fols. 176–347. See Molin Pradel (2013) 171.
92 For Taur. B.I.3, at fols. 334–343, 348–349, crossed arrows topped by a six-rayed star, countermark
3M topped by a voided cross, similar to Flèche 24a Harlfinger (1542, Venice) and 24b (1542, Venice)
and to Flèche 26 Sosower (c. 1542, <Venice>) and 27 (c. 1542, <Venice>). For MS Vesont. gr. 409, the
description (see link above, n. 84) mentions “Filigranes aux fol. 1, 81 et 322 : flèches croisées en bas
avec un trait portant une étoile, type Briquet 6290 et 6301”. The two suggested references, however,
are not equivalent. The first (6290) does not have a countermark. The second (6301), on the con-
trary, shows a countermark 3M surmounted by a cross; moreover, it belongs to the type which has
been identified in Taur. B.I.3 and which, as indicated by the references in the repertoires, is found
in manuscripts produced in Venice in the middle of the 16th century in the milieu of the scribes
mentioned here.
93 See Mondrain (1991–1992).
94 See at least Weber (1898) and Mutschmann (1909).
95 About the use of the manuscripts by Fugger, see Mondrain (1991–1992) 380–381.
96 For the history of the manuscript, see the description at the link cited above, n. 84.
Spanish ambassador in Venice. Arlenius searched for texts to be added to his employ-
er’s library and had copies of some of them made,97 occasionally keeping some books
for himself.98
The codex of Turin, produced in Venice around the middle of the 16th cent.,
passed through Arlenius’s hands, who made corrections to the text; it may even have
belonged to the Scotsman. In any case, he cannot have held onto the codex for long:
his annotations show revisions to the text, but no signs of study that would have left
traces in the margins. Therefore this hypothesis is scarcely plausible.
Then, in 1555, the manuscript was acquired by Henri Estienne while in Flor-
ence, as attested by his possession note99 in the upper margin of fol. 1r (84): Ex libris
He(n)rici Stefani | Flore(n)t(iae) e(m)ptus 1555. Estienne travelled to Italy on numerous
occasions from 1552 to 1555. When the Turin manuscript changed hands, he was on his
second visit.100 The connection between Venice, where the codex was produced, and
Florence, where it was purchased, could possibly be Arnoldus Arlenius, who was in
the Tuscan city around the year 1555.101 It is possible that Estienne received the codex
from him, especially since Arlenius also sold other codices in Florence, including
three manuscripts to Ioannes Sambucus: codd. Vind. phil. gr. 83 and 166 and Vind.
hist. gr. 104.102 It is possible that the book passed from Arlenius to Estienne because
both scholars were acquaintances and were in touch around 1555, the year when Taur.
B.I.3 was bought. In the preface to the editio princeps of his historical anthology of
1557,103 Estienne states that he used a manuscript borrowed from Arnoldus Arlenius
97 Mercati G. (1927) 364; Harlfinger (1971) 199; Hobson (1999) 73; Cataldi Palau (2000a) 343–345; Car-
dinali (2017) 59–63. Books for Diego Hurtado de Mendoza were often produced, also by means of
collaboration, by scribes active in Venice, such as Andronikos Nukkios (see Hobson [1999] 73: in his
subscriptions Nukkios states that he copied “for the Emperor’s ambassador, Diego Hurtado de Men-
doza”), Nikolaos Mourmouris, Petros Karnabakas, Georgios Bembaines, Ioannes Mauromates, see
Hobson (1999) 73; Harlfinger (1971) 199; Jenny (1964) 22–23; Cataldi Palau (2000a) 339–340.
98 Harlfinger mentions, e.g., the case of MS Vat. Ottob. gr. 45. See Harlfinger (1971) 200.
99 See a similar possession note in the cod. Lond. Harley 5591, also owned by Henri Estienne: <http://
www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_5591_f001r> (seen 10.6.2020).
100 Mutschmann (1909) 282 n. 1; Neefs (1975).
101 Arlenius moved to Florence after 1547, when Diego Hurtado de Mendoza was named ambassa-
dor in Rome; in the Tuscan city he worked in the printing shop of Lorenzo Torrentino; see Mercati G.
(1927) 116, Graux/de Andrés (1982) 199, Cataldi Palau (2000a) 346–347. He was certainly in Florence in
1554; Arlenius is also known to have visited Bologna in 1555. He appears to have travelled frequently
in those years, see Cataldi Palau (2000a) 347, 350–352 with bibliography. In 1564, he moved instead to
Piedmont, and to the Court of Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy. He travelled there to help in the printing
business of Leonardo Torrentino, Lorenzo’s son, who had died in 1563. See Duroselle-Melish (2013);
Cataldi Palau (2000a) 341–342, 347, 353–354. About Leonardo Torrentino, Vernazza (1964) 377–394 (s.v.
“Torrentino Leonardo, di Lorenzo. Mondovì 1564”).
102 See respectively Hunger (1961) 110–111 no. 104; 196 no. 83; 269–270 no. 166. See also Gerstinger
(1926) passim, and Mercati G. (1927) 369.
103 Ctesias et al. (1557).
236 Erika Elia
for the texts of Appian.104 Moreover, he dedicated his Maximus of Tyre editio princeps,
printed in 1557, to Arlenius, thanking him for having lent him the exemplar brought to
Italy from the East by Janus Laskaris.105
Fig. 6: Taur. B.I.3, f. 1r (detail), Henri II Estienne’s ex libris © MiBACT, BNUTo.
4 Geneva
Besides the cited possession note, numerous annotations testify to the fact that the
Turin codex ended up in Estienne’s hands. The new owner wrote jumbled references
to particular passages in the text on the guard-leaves at the beginning and end of the
codex, as well as numerous marginalia alongside the text (see, e.g., Fig. 1). All these
annotations are evidence that the scholar worked intensively on the text, work which
could only have been carried out in Geneva.
Henri II Estienne (1528106–1598), the son of Robert I,107 is perhaps the most prom-
inent figure in the well-known dynasty of French printers and was one of the most
important personalities in the philological milieu in the second half of the 16th cen-
tury.108 From an early age, he assisted his father in the printing of Greek texts. From
1547–1555 he travelled to Italy, the Netherlands, and England in search of Greek man-
uscripts.109 He used one of the manuscripts he had acquired during his journeys to
print his first book, the Anacreontea’s editio princeps (1554). In 1555, he went to join
his father in Geneva, who had moved there because of constant disagreements with
104 Kecskeméti et al. (2003) 17–21 no. 7, particularly 19.

105 See the dedication in Kecskeméti et al. (2003) 44–47, particularly 44–45.
106 On Estienne’s date of birth, see Renouard (1843) 367–369.
107 On Robert Estienne, see Armstrong (1954) with bibliography
108 On Henri Estienne, see among others, with bibliography, Neefs (1975); Renouard (1843) 364–477;
Gaullieur (1855) 185–204; Widmann (1970); Cranz/Kristeller (1976) 48–49; Reverdin (1978); Reverdin
(1980) 212–230; Schreiber (1982) 127–183; Reverdin (2000) 45–47.
109 Schreiber (1982) 127.
the Paris Faculty of Theology.110 Henri started a printing house of his own, and when
his father died in 1559 he took over the reins of the entire family business in Geneva.
At the same time he gained the support of Ulrich Fugger, a member of the prominent
family of bankers from Augsburg.111 Among Henri Estienne’s greatest achievements
were his Greek editions (e.g. his capital Plato-edition in three in-folio volumes and the
numerous editiones principes),112 which combined his comprehensive knowledge of
the language and his philological skills, and his Thesaurus Linguae Graecae;113 ironi-
cally, this work was the cause of Estienne’s the financial ruin. He died in Lyon in 1598.
Henri Estienne made intensive use of the codex Taur. B.I.3, as revealed by the
numerous Greek and Latin annotations in his own hand that fill the guard-leaves and
the margins, particularly alongside the Hypotyposeis text. These annotations caught
the attention of David Colville,114 a Scottish scholar who worked on cataloguing the
Arabic and Greek manuscripts in the El Escorial Library from 1617 until 1627.115 From
1628–1629116 he sojourned at the Court of Savoy in Turin, where he possibly held the
office of translator from Arabic.117 Latin annotations by his hand in various codices,
including Greek ones,118 testify to his having examined manuscripts belonging to the
Ducal Library. A long annotation about the book content is present in Taur. B.I.3, at
fol. IIr, and it ends with these words:
Codex iste dicitur fuisse Henrici Stephani A. D. cuius etiam videntur esse quae videmus in ante
paginis et in marginalibus memoriae causa aut variaru(m) lectionu(m) vestigia praeseferentia, et
a quocu(m)q(ue) profecta, satis indicant om(n)ia ab illo cum sum(m)a diligentia recensita esse.
The presence of the ex libris and his annotations in the manuscript led some research-
ers, like Pasini and Mutchmann,119 to suggest that Estienne could have used Taur.
B.I.3 for his Latin translation of the Hypotyposeis, which he published in 1562120 (the
Greek text was not printed until 1621).121 Now one of Estienne’s rarest editions, at the
110 Schreiber (1982) 45–46.

111 While under Fugger’s protection (1558–1568), Henri Estienne referred to himself in his editions as
Huldrici Fuggeri Typographus. See Schreiber (1982) 127.
112 Renouard (1843) 457–458; Schreiber (1982) 128 and n. 201, 169–170 and 129–183; Reverdin (2000)
52–90; Neefs (1975).
113 Schreiber (1982) 128 and 156–159 no. 181.
114 About him see Pormann (2009); Mercati G. (1898) 1221–1229; Revilla (1936) CXIV–CXXII.
115 Revilla (1936) CXIV–CXX; Gulmini (1989) 14.
116 Colville is known to have been in the city in 1628, since the date is mentioned in an annotation
in his hand in the Italian MS Taur. O.IV.1, now lost; see Gulmini (1989) 14; see also Pormann (2009).
117 Mercati G. (1898) 1225–1226 and 1226 n. 2; Gulmini (1989) 14; Pormann (2009).
118 See a list, though not complete, in Elia (2014) 3 n. 33.
119 Pasini G. et al. (1749) 86; Mutschmann (1909) 281–282. See also Floridi (1995) 70 and Floridi
(2002) 76.
120 Sextus Empiricus (1562). On Estienne as a translator, see Castro de Castro (1999).
121 See below, 246.
238 Erika Elia
time it was one of his most popular, which played a fundamental role in introducing a
knowledge of Scepticism and particularly of Pyrrhonism in France.122 The content of
Estienne’s annotations not only corroborates this assumption, but also reveals how
the codex was used on many levels.
In most cases Estienne quotes in Greek loci paralleli in Sextus Empiricus’ work,
indicating the page where they can be found in the codex. In addition to the 18th
century library foliation, the manuscript contains a pagination by Estienne’s hand:
this should be understood as a tool to make the book easier to consult.
Sometimes Estienne also writes in the margins the Latin translation of a word
or of a sentence, which can be found in his printed translation of the text, as in the
following examples:
– at fol. 2v l. 15 (first section of the first book) Estienne underlines the word
ὑποτυπωτικῶς. In the margin he cites a locus parallelus, “συντόμ(ως) κ(αὶ) ὑπο-
τυπωτικ(ῶς)/51”, referring to p. 51, where indeed the corresponding passage has
been underlined in Taur. B.I.3 (fol. 27v ll. 25–26). Similarly, under the marginal
annotation of fol. 2v he writes sum(m)a tantu(m) capita ob oculos ponentes, an
explanation in Latin of the term, which matches Estienne’s translation of the
passage (Sextus Empiricus [1562] 9): in the edition he prints the adverb ὑποτυ-
πωτικῶς in Greek and adds in brackets the same explanation: id est, breviter
sum(m)a reru(m) ob oculos pone(n)tes capita. The Greek and Latin annotations
are written in a different ink, brown and grey respectively: this means that Esti-
enne returned at least twice to this same passage;
– at fol. 4v he writes in the margin the Latin translation of a passage of the text (Sext.
Emp. P. I 22), singled out by a stroke under the first word (fol. 4v ll. 19–20): the
passage, (τὸ φαινόμενον) δυνάμει τὴν φαντασίαν οὗτω καλοῦντες, is translated
as quod perinde est ac si phantasiam dicamus; this same translation is printed in
his edition of 1562, at p. 14 l. 28;
– at fol. 4v, at the same level of the passage of the text ἔοικε δὲ αὕτη ἡ βιωτικὴ (post
corr.) τήρησις τετραμερὴς εἶναι (Sext. Emp. P. I 23), he writes the Latin trans-
lation observatio eorum quae ad vitam communem spectant; in the 1562 edition
(15, ll. 2–3) we find the same translation of the passage read Videtur autem haec
observatio eorum quae ad vitam communem spectant, triplex esse;
– at fol. 5r, in the margin, near the passage οὐκ ἀνενέργητοί ἐσμεν ἐν αἷς παραλαμ-
βάνομεν τέχναις (fol. 5r ll. 3–4, Sext. Emp. P. I 24), Estienne writes in iis quae nobis
traduntur artibus; in his printed translation (Sextus Empiricus [1562] 15 l. 12) we
read indeed non inutiles et otiosi sumus in iis quae nobis traduntur artibus;
– at fol. 24r l. 3 he underlines the word συμμέτρως and indicates the Latin version
quantum satis sit nearby, which can be found in his translation (Sextus Empiricus
[1562] 57).
122 Dumont (1972) 33 e 38–40; Schreiber (1983) 136–137 no. 149; Joukovsky (1988) 130; Floridi (1995)
70; Floridi (2002) 38, 72–77.
Sometimes Estienne emends the Greek text: at fol. 24r l. 20 (= Sext. Emp. P. I 219) the codex
reads ἀδήλων ὄντων καὶ ἡμῖν ἐφικτῶν (Fig. 7); Estienne corrects this to ἴσ(ως) ἐφεκτῶν
in the margin. When he suggests an emendation, he uses ἴσ(ως), as has been just seen,
or sometimes lego, as, for instance, at fol. 49v, where by means of the marginal note lego
συνημμένον, ἐκ τούτου συνάγεται he suggests an emendation to the manuscript text, that
reads διὰ δὲ τοῦ συνημμένου τούτου συνάγεται τὸ ὅτι ἡμέρας οὔσης φῶς ἔστιν (Fig. 8).
Fig. 7: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 24r © MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 8: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 49v © MiBACT, BNUTo.
On the lower edge of the leaves there are passim indications in Estienne’s hand
regarding the content: see, e.g., fol. 7r σαρκοφανῆ ζῷα where he indicates one of
the discussed subjects; fol. 16r est octavum πρὸς τὸ πρ(ός) τι where he mentions the
subject of the section, beginning in this leaf, dedicated to the eighth mode of Scep-
ticism (Sext. Emp. P. I 135), defined in Sextus’ text τρόπος, ὁ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρός τι, “the
one deriving from relativity”.123 These annotations can also denote the presence of
123 Translation by Annas/Barnes (2000).

240 Erika Elia
errors in the text: see, e.g., fol. 9r where Estienne writes error in πέμπτῳ on the lower
end of the leaf, referring to a passage at l. 19 in the text, φησὶ γοῦν αὐτὸν ὁ προειρη-
μένος ἀνὴρ ἐπιβάλλειν τῷ πέμπτῳ διὰ πλειόνων ἀναποδείκτῳ (= Sext. Emp. P. I 69),
marked by a cross in the left margin. In his translation, indeed, the passage differs
from the Greek text of the manuscript, ait enim eu(m) hic vir tertii noticiam per multa
anapodicta consequi,124 since Estienne changed τῷ πέμπτῳ to tertii (in this case, he
made an error, since reference is made to the five Stoic improvable syllogisms in the
passage).125 As for the pagination added to the manuscript, it seems to be a way of
speeding up the process of consulting the book.
Finally, there are cases where the scholar integrates missing parts of the text. This
occurs several times for the texts of Sextus Empiricus’ Adversus Mathematicos and
Adversus Dogmaticos. For example, he adds passages, indicating their position in the
text by means of reference signs, at fols. 140v (Sext. Emp. M. III 56),126 169r (Sext. Emp.
M. VI 39),127 173v (Sext. Emp. M. VII 81).128 It has to be supposed that Estienne collated
the text of the Turin manuscript with another exemplar. Davidson Greaves identifies
this exemplar for the text of Sextus’ In musicos with Laur. Plut. 85.11 or Rehding. 45, or
a close relative.129 Estienne made additions to the text of the introductory material to
the Hypotyposeis’ text (fols. 1r–2r).130 A comparison with this material in the cod. Laur.
Plut. 85.11 (fols. 1v–2r)131 confirms that he could have copied them by this codex or a
close relative, as Davidson Greaves has assumed for the In musicos.132
Annotations such as the ones cited above133 at fols. 2v, 4v, 5r and 24r, which bear
witness to Estienne’s work as a translator from Greek and are reflected in his Latin
translation, corroborate the theory that he used the codex when translating Sextus
Empiricus’ Hypotyposeis, published in 1562. Although Estienne does not explicitly
indicate which manuscript he used, the few indications he does give in this respect
in the 1562 edition support the thesis that it was Taur. B.I.3. In this edition Estienne
places a series of Annotationes134 at the end of the Hypotyposeis text, where he gives
124 Sextus Empiricus (1562) 24.

125 On the same subject also P. II 158.
126 Mau (1954) 118, ll. 25–28 οὐκέτι ἐστὶ σάρξ […] ὅθεν καὶ τὸ νοούμενον.
127 Mau (1954) 171, l. 20 καὶ ἤδη γεύσεως […] αἰσθάνεσθαι.
128 Mutschmann (1914) 19, l. 21 καὶ οὐ τὰ μὲν ὁρατὰ […] οὐκ ἀκούεται. For the integrations by Esti-
enne on the In musicos text, see Davidson Greaves (1986) 81, 104 and n. 159.
129 Davidson Greaves (1986) 104.
130 See above, Fig. 6.
131 The codex is available online at <http://mss.bmlonline.it/Catalogo.aspx?Shelfmark=Plut.85.11>
(seen 10.6.2020).
132 The assumption needs of course a closer investigation, which would go beyond the boundaries
of the present paper.
133 See above, 238.
134 In Sexti philosophi Pyrrhon. hypotip. libros III, annotationes Henrici Stephani […], Sextus Empiri-
cus (1562) 229–285.
accounts of choices he made when producing his translation and, in particular,

how he rendered the philosophical terms.135 These annotations, however, come to
an abrupt end in Book III, chap. 24 (= Sextus Empiricus [1562] 183 fures]) with these
words:136
Hic finem hisce annotationibus imponere me cogunt quae passim occurrunt in Graeco exemplari
menda, quae etiam in causa fuerunt cur et in praecedentibus multos locos intactos reliquerim, in
quos alioqui annotasse aliquid oportuerat. In mea quidem certe interpretatione me cum depra
vatione illius exemplaris luctantem, in eruendo ex quibusdam locis sensu multum laborasse fateor:
nunc autem, non consulto meliore quopiam codice, aliquid in illos annotare, incerta incertis addere,
et iudicium meum non satis prudenter periclitari esset.
Because of the errors, which recurred in his manuscript, Estienne decided to stop
producing his annotations. Although he struggled against his exemplar’s depravatio,
and since he could not consult a better witness, the scholar refrained from going on in
order to prevent any further inaccuracy. The presence of several errors is a character-
istic of Taur. B.I.3: as seen, the manuscript was the object of various revisions, carried
out by the so-called Correcteur A, by Arlenius, by Estienne himself and, finally, by an
anonymous later reviser.137 In the Annotationes there are further passages, in addition
to the cited cases,138 which confirm that Taur. B.I.3 is precisely the codex used by Esti-
enne; here we cite only two examples:
– Sextus Empiricus (1562) 273:

p. 47. v. tiss. (= P. I 180): sequutus quide(m) sum Graecu(m) meum exemplar, in quo Ονησίδημος [sic]
scriptum est, sed ha(n)c scripturam refellunt alii eiusdem exemplaris loci, in quibus Αἰνησίδημος
legitur, quae lectio Aristoclis, Diogenis Laertii, aliorumque testimonio comprobatur. [...] Porro
sciendum est pagina quoque 54 Onesidemum pro Aenesidemo legitur.
Estienne discusses a reading of his graecum exemplar which reads Ὀνησίδημος,

while he – correctly – assumes that the name should be corrected to Αἰνησίδημος:
in the passage a reference is made to the philosopher Aenesidemus of Cnossos. In
the corresponding passage of Taur. B.I.3 we read Ὀνησίδημος (fol. 19v l. 22); in Esti-
enne’s translation there is Onesidemus and, as has been seen, the scholar says in
his annotation that sequutus quide(m) sum Graecu(m) meum exemplar. Moreover,
in the left margin of the same leaf, we see the annotation Αἰνησίδημος vita Diogenis
in Estienne’s hand. This is a reference to Diogenes Laertius’ work on Pyrrho’s life,
one of the most cited sources for the content of Estienne’s Annotationes. Estienne
prints it in the 1562 edition, after his translation139 of the Hypotyposeis, where, in
135 On Estienne’s annotations, see Joukovsky (1988) 132–133.

136 Sextus Empiricus (1562) 285.
137 See below, 246–251.
138 See above, 238.
139 Sextus Empiricus (1562) 200–217.
242 Erika Elia
contrast to the text by Sextus Empiricus, we find Aenesidemus used several times.
At the end of the annotation transcribed above, Estienne states that Porro sciendum
est pagina quoque 54 Onesidemum pro Aenesidemo legitur. This is a reference to page
54 of his translation edition; where this passage recurs in the manuscript (fol. 23r l.
2), Estienne writes in the margin i(nfra) voc(atur) Αἰνησίδημος vita Diogenis, s(upr)a
videlicet voc(atur) Ὀνησίδημος. As can be seen here, Estienne’s reflections on his
translation, as recorded in the Annotationes, correspond closely with the annotations
in the margins of the manuscript.
– Sextus Empiricus (1562) 276 (= P. I 207):

Verba Sexti sunt οὔτε γὰρ πρέπει τῷ σκεπτικῷ φωνομαχεῖν sed pro φωνομαχεῖν mendose
legitur in exemplaribus φαινομαχεῖν. Sic & supra πάλιν δὲ ἐνταῦθα οὐ μονομαχοῦμεν, pro οὐ
φωνομαχοῦμεν.
The passage cited in this annotation in cod. Taur. B.I.3 (fol. 22v l. 15 = p. 41) actu-
ally reads οὔτε γὰρ πρέπει τῷ σκεπτικῷ φαινομαχεῖν. Someone (Estienne himself, it
seems) corrected the erroneous verb supra lineam to φωνομαχεῖν (Fig. 9). Above the
word a symbol formed by two oblique parallel dashes was drawn. This is reported
in the margin with the number 38, referring to Estienne’s pagination of the manu-
script. In fact, on p. 38 of the manuscript (= fol. 21r) the passage Estienne uses to
support his correction of φαινομαχεῖν to φωνομαχεῖν in the printed annotation is indi-
cated with the same symbol cited before: πάλιν δὲ ἐνταῦθα οὐ μονομαχοῦμεν, pro οὐ
φωνομαχοῦμεν (= P. I 195). In the manuscript text we find, in fact, μονομαχοῦμεν
corrected in the margin to φωνομαχοῦμεν together with a reference to page 41 (see
Fig. 10), where we find the passage we have just examined and the starting point of
the annotation. This double reference to connect passages in the text reflects Esti-
enne’s working method. When he comes across a problem in the Greek text, having
found a solution, Estienne amends his manuscript, carrying out all the necessary
adjustments, so as not to forget what he has determined and to avoid further occur-
rences of such a problem.
Fig. 9: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 22v (= p. 41) © MiBACT, BNUTo</FIG.>
Fig. 10: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 21r (= p. 38) © MiBACT, .BNUTo

Estienne’s marginalia in cod. Taur. B.I.3 enable us to follow the scholar’s reason-
ing with regard to the Greek text, which he subsequently converged in the Annota
tiones in his translation.
It seems that Estienne returned to the Greek text on different occasions; the mar-
ginal notes do not actually seem to have been written at the same time: most of them
are written in a sepia coloured ink, others in grey or in black ink. Evidently Estienne
returned repeatedly to the text, which was the object of intensive study.
In addition to the references to various passages in the text, which can be found
in both the margins and in the Annotations to the printed edition of the translation,
the scholar’s intense and continuous use of the Turin manuscript is further evi-
denced by marks he leaves next to the Greek text that correspond with pages in the
first edition of his Latin translation (1562). The numbers are generally quite large in
size and framed (Fig. 11) in the section of the text from Book I until the first chapter of
Book II (on the codex fols. 2v–28r), corresponding to pp. 1–65 of his translation; later
on some numbers are missing and are written slightly smaller (Fig. 12). The fact that
Estienne writes in the manuscript the corresponding page numbers in the printed
edition of his Latin translation is evidence that the scholar perhaps returned to the
Greek text repeatedly even after publication. These numbers would serve as precise
Fig. 11: Taur. B.I.3 f. 13v, reference to p. 34 © MiBACT, BNUTo.
Fig. 12: Taur. B.I.3 f. 47r, reference to p. 106 © MiBACT, BNUTo.

244 Erika Elia
reference points in a kind of book, the manuscript, which, as it was conceived, could
hardly be read differently than from cover to cover.140 This method of providing refer-
ences alongside the text in a manuscript to the pagination of a printed edition is also
found in other manuscripts used by Henri Estienne: for example, he left references in
the margins of the Iliad manuscript Genev. gr. 44, identified by Erbse141 as the vetus
exemplar used by Estienne when working on the edition of the Greek epic poets;142
these references refer to page numbers in the Basel edition of 1535.143
During his intense engagement with the text, which he consulted repeatedly,
Estienne made it easier to identify passages of interest in the manuscript by way of a
series of adjustments. We have already mentioned the system of pagination conceived
by him, the notes in the margins of the manuscripts he used that refer to pages in
the printed edition of his Latin translation, and the cross references to loci paralleli
in the margins; in addition, he also produced an index of the cited authors in Sextus
Empiricus’ texts on the blank guard-leaves at the end of the manuscript (fol. IV´r),
which indicate the pages where the corresponding quotations can be found. These
are sometimes marked by maniculae and quotation signs in the margins.144
The index of authors could be related to Estienne’s work on the Sextus Empiricus
manuscript while realizing another publication, his Ποίησις φιλόσοφος (Poesis Philo
sophica, PPh) printed in Geneva in 1573.145 This is a philosophical anthology contain-
ing fragments of writings by the presocratic philosophers that Estienne collected in the
course of his readings. In the dedication to Richard Strein, Baron of Schwarzenau, he
declares that the text he is publishing comes principally from the works of Aristotle and
Sextus Empiricus.146 In fact, the Turin codex, in a manner of speaking the Sextus Empi-
ricus belonging to Henri Estienne, contains quotations that were printed in the Poesis
Philosophica. These passages taken from the work of the skeptic philosopher are often,
but not systematically, marked by a manicula or quotation marks in the margins. The fact
that Estienne used MS Taur. B.I.3 to compile a part of the anthology and not another book
is proven by the fact that some corrections Estienne made to the text in the Turin codex
appear in the printed edition of the Poesis Philosophica. Hereafter are some examples.147
140 The scribes of Greek manuscripts did not usually create a foliation or a pagination in the codices: the
numerations which we see today in the manuscripts are normally later additions. See Agati (2009) 285.
141 Erbse (1891).
142 Poetae Graeci (1566).
143 Erbse (1891) XI. The codex is available online at <http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/en/list/one/bge/
gr0044> (seen 10.6.2020).
144 See a quotation from Protagoras at fol. 263r (= p. 522) or Critias at fol. 262v (= p. 521).
145 Poesis Philosophica (1573). On this work, see Reverdin (1999) and (2000) 72; Schreiber (1982) 161
no. 187.
146 Kecskeméti et al. (2003) 316–323 no. 85, particularly 319.
147 The discussed terms are underlined. In the transcriptions accents and punctuation are reported
as found in the originals.
– PPh p. 35, quotation from Xenophanes:

Ἐν τούτοις δέ εἰσι καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς σκέψεως, ὧν Ξενοφάνης μὲν κατά τινας, εἰπὼν πάντα
ἀκατάληπτα, ἐπὶ ταύτης ἔστη τῆς φορᾶς, ἐν οἷς γράφει, Καὶ τὸ μὲν οὖν σαφὲς οὔτις ἀνὴρ ἴδεν,
οὐδέ τις ἔσται Εἰδὼς ἀμφὶ θεῶν τε καὶ ἅσσα λέγω περὶ πάντων, Εἰ γὰρ καὶ ταμάλιστα τύχοι
τετελεσμένον εἰπὼν, Αὐτὸς ὅμως οὐκ οἶδε: δόκος δ’ ἐπὶ πᾶσι τέτυκται.
This passage is shown on the manuscripts at fol. 170v ll. 11–29 (= p. 237), marked in
the margin by citation signs; and it is indicated at fol. IV´r in the cited authors’ index
with reference to p. 237. The text in the manuscript is:
Ξενοφάνης μὲν εἰπὼν κατά τινας πάντα ἀκατάληπτα, ἐπὶ ταύτης ἔστη τῆς φορᾶς ἐν οἷς γράφει:
καὶ τὸ μὲν οὖν σαφὲς, οὔτις ἀνὴρ ἴδεν: οὐδέ τις ἔσται εἰδὼς ἀμφιθέων τὲ καὶ ἅσσα λέγω περὶ
πάντων: εἰ γὰρ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα τύχοι τετελεσμένον εἰπὼν, αὐτὸς ὅμως οὐκ οἶδε: δόκος δ’ ἐπὶ πᾶσι
τὲ τυκται.
There are corrections in Estienne’s hand, which can be found in the printed text of PPh:
a. Estienne shows the dislocation of the participle εἰπών after κατά τινας, with a
line, changing εἰπὼν κατά τινας (MS) to κατά τινας εἰπών (PPh);
b. he draws a reference sign above the word ἀμφιθέων (which he then printed in PPh
as ἀμφὶ θεῶν), but the manuscript does not contain the correction, which seems
to have been written in the margin, because the leaf has been trimmed: on the
edge of the leaf in the left margin we can see the reference sign, but the correction
has been cut off. Indeed PPh contains ἀμφὶ θεῶν and not the wrong reading ἀμφι-
θέων, which appears in the manuscript;
c. he deletes the accent above τα with a line and connects it to μάλιστα with a stroke
to obtain ταμάλιστα;
d. he modifies the grave accent of τε into an acute one and connects the particle
with τύκται to obtain τέτυκται;
e. he adds the commas, which appear on the printed text.
– PPh p. 36, quotation from Xenophanes:

ἔνθεν καὶ ὁ Ξενοφάνης διελέγχων τοὺς περὶ Ὅμηρον καὶ Ἡσίοδον, φησὶ, πάντα θεοῖς ἀνέθηκαν
Ὅμηρος θ’ Ἡσίοδός τε ὅσσα παρ’ ἀνθρώποισιν ὀνείδεα καὶ ψόγος ἐστὶ, κλέπτειν, μοιχεύειν τε, καὶ
ἀλλήλοις ἀπατεύειν.
This passage is given in the manuscript at fol. 274v ll. 21–24 (= p. 546) and indicated
in the margin with some sort of manicula; moreover, it is indicated at fol. IV´r in the
cited authors’ index with reference to p. 546. The text is:
ἔνθεν καὶ ὁ Ξενοφάνης διελέγχων τοὺς περὶ Ὅμηρον καὶ Ἡσίοδον, φησὶ, πάντα θεοῖς ἀνέθηκεν
Ὅμηρος θ’ Ἡσίοδός τε· ὅσσα παρ’ ἀνθρώποισιν ὀνείδεα καὶ ψόγος ἐστὶ, κλέπτειν, μοιχεύειν τὲ,
καὶ ἀλλήλοις ἀπατεύειν.
In this case, there is only one correction supra lineam in Estienne’s hand, which
amends ἀνέθηκεν to ἀνέθηκαν, the reading which appears in the printed text.
246 Erika Elia
In short, Taur. B.I.3 looks like a genuine work copy that the French scholar pored
over at intervals for a long time and studied intensively. This is apparent if we con-
sider Estienne’s handwriting in both the Greek148 and Latin variants. These rapid,
nervous, hastily scribbled annotations were evidently not designed to be read by
others, and sometimes, particularly the Latin parts, are hard to decipher. It is a far
cry from the elegant handwriting Estienne used when he addressed others.149 We are
evidently dealing with reading and study annotations made for personal use.150 So,
the pagination, the notes in the margins that refer to the pagination in the printed
edition of his Latin translation, as well as the index of the quotations together seem
designed to make it easier to consult the book. They infer that the user skipped from
one passage to another to make comparisons, find parallel cases, both when trans-
lating and revising the often corrupted Greek text in the Turin manuscript, as can be
seen from the Annotationes printed with the translation.
5 Still Geneva
Some editorial indications and corrections in the margins reveal that the Turin codex
was used also for another printed edition: the editio princeps of Sextus Empiricus’ Greek
text, published in Geneva in 1621 by the brothers Jacques151 and Pierre152 Chouet.153
To this edition can be ascribed some annotations of a western hand, written in
the margins of Taur. B.I.3 using a broad-nibbed writing tool and black ink. Next to
passages in Hypotyposeis, in Adversus Mathematicos, and in Adversus dogmaticos are
signs indicating the corresponding pages where the same text appears in the Chouet
edition (Fig. 11, reference to p. 23). Moreover, some marginalia, suggesting corrections
to the manuscript text, have been written in the same black ink. These are usually
introduced with the siglum Int. (= Integro). Since these corrections are accepted in
the text printed by the brothers Chouet, the black ink annotations – corrections and
references to page numbers – may be related to preparatory work carried out before
148 On Estienne’s Greek handwriting, see Bernardinello (1979) 74–75 no. 90; RGK I 116bis, II 148, III 192.
149 See, for instance, the reproduction of a letter from Henri Estienne published by Renouard (1843)
in a not-numbered page between 368 and 369.
150 See the annotations, which Estienne wrote in the MSS Lond. Harley 5591 (e.g. fol. 252v), which
he owned (see RGK I 116bis), and 5592 (e.g. fol. 3v), copied by himself (fols. 1r–113v, 121v–127v, see
RGK I 116bis), in which the script, in comparison with the one used for the text, becomes rapid
and quite rough, as in Taur. B.I.3. See <http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_
5591_f001r> and <http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_5592_f001r> (seen
10.6.2020).
151 See Mellot/Queval (2004) 138 no. 1154 (s.v. “Chouet, Jacques III”), with cited bibliography.
152 See Mellot/Queval (2004) 138 no. 1158 (s.v. “Chouet, Pierre II”), with cited bibliography.
153 Sextus Empiricus (1621).
publication of 1621 edition of the text. This work also involved comparing the Greek
text with Estienne’s Latin translation, which was also printed in the 1621 edition next
to the Greek text. Sometimes the black ink annotations refer directly to it: at fol. 95v,
for example, where the indication haec desunt in Lat. refers to a short passage under-
lined in the text, not actually present in Estienne’s translation. Davidson Greaves154
has already shown that the manuscript Taur. B.I.3 was used to produce this edition,
pointing out that the variae lectiones, which the editors printed with the Greek text,155
correspond with parts in the manuscript, as we will see.
For a better understanding of the work done on Taur. B.I.3 by the author of the
annotations it is useful to examine a leaf from the manuscript. On fol. 154v (Fig. 13)
there are some short marginalia Henri Estienne added in a light coloured ink; there are
also two other annotations: the page number of the Chouet edition (118), and the anno-
tation Int. μὴ δ. next to the last line of text. Both are written with thick lines in black ink.
Whoever made the annotations wrote the page number where the corresponding
text can be found in the printed edition, next to the relevant text on fol. 154v, and
underlined the first word of the text that appears on the printed page (ἐπὶ). In the
margin, near line 30, the word δυναμένου is underlined (in the manuscript it is the
passage of the text εἰς ἕνα τόπον συνάγεσθαι δυναμένου, Sext. Emp. M. V 58) and he
wrote Int. μὴ δ. (= δυναμένου) in the margin. In the printed text (Sextus Empiricus
[1621], p. 118 D, 8–9, see Fig. 14) we find the passage with the corresponding correc-
tion: εἰς ἕνα τόπον συνάγεσθαι μὴ δυναμένου.
In addition to the black ink annotations in the margins of Taur. B.I.3, the Variae
lectiones et coniecturae ad marginem ms. nostri codicis repertae,156 which the Chouet
brothers printed on the pages before the Greek text, provide further proof that the
manuscript was used by them when preparing their edition. A comparison with the
Turin codex shows that the annotations are generally made up of variants transcribed
in the margins of Taur. B.I.3, mostly written by Henri Estienne. If we consider the
variae lectiones referring to p. 118 of the printed edition (Fig. 15), it is immediately
evident that they contain the same marginalia Estienne wrote on the corresponding
fol. 154v (Fig. 13; the passages are indicated as in the Chouet edition):
– p. 118 A, 4–5: the Chouets printed ἐπὶ τὴν ἐπίσκεψιν πιπτόντων. In the variae lec
tiones they indicate that the manuscript reads τὴν σκέψιν: “ms. item τὴν σκέψιν”.
In the manuscript there is indeed ἐπὶ τὴν σκέψιν πιπτόντων (fol. 154v l. 4). In
the left margin of the manuscript Estienne noted ἐπίσκεψιν. The brothers Chouet
therefore accepted the variant in the marginal annotation in their edition, indi-
cating thus the different reading of the manuscript in the variae lectiones;
154 On the identification of Taur. B.I.3 as the base manuscript for Sextus Empiricus’ editio princeps,
see Davidson Greaves (1986) 111–113 (the author deals in particular with the text of In musicos).
155 Sextus Empiricus (1621).
156 Sextus Empiricus (1621). For a list of the marginal variants indicated by the editors for the text of
In musicos, see Davidson Greaves (1986) 111–113.
248 Erika Elia
Fig. 13: Taur. B.I.3, fol. 154v © MiBACT, BNUTo.

Fig. 14: Sextus Empiricus (1621) 118 (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma, 14.4.R.14).
250 Erika Elia
Fig. 15: Sextus Empiricus (1621) Variae lectiones (detail) (Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma,
14.4.R.14).
– p. 118 A, 9: the Chouets printed λέγομεν δὲ. In the variae lectiones they indicate
“alter λέγομεν δὴ”. In the manuscript we read λέγομεν δὲ (fol. 154v l. 8), but supra
lineam the variant γρ. (= γράφε/γράφεται) δὴ is indicated (probably of Estienne’s
hand). The Chouets therefore indicate a varia lectio present in the codex;
– p. 118 B, 1–2: they printed ὑπὸ τὴν ἐπίσκεψιν πεσουμένων. In the variae lectiones
they indicate that the manuscript reads τὴν σκέψιν: “ms. item τὴν σκέψιν”. In the
manuscript we indeed read: ὑπὸ τὴν σκέψιν πεσουμένων (fol. 154v ll. 8–9). In the
right margin of the manuscript Estienne noted ἐπίσκ. (= ἐπίσκεψιν). The Chouet
brothers therefore accepted the variant of the marginal note in their edition, indi-
cating thus the different reading in the manuscript text;
– p. 118 C, 1: they printed τῶν κλιβάνων στέαρ. In the variae lectiones they indicate
that the manuscript has στέας in the margin: “in marg. στέας”. In the manuscript
text we indeed find τῶν κλιβάνων στέαρ and in the left margin στέας (fol. 154v l.
17), written by Estienne. This time the Chouet brothers printed the text as it appears
in the manuscript, but they also mention the varia lectio written in the margin;
– p. 118 D, 1: they printed οἱ δὲ τοῦτο ἀγνοοῦντες. In the variae lectiones they indicate
that the manuscript has εἰ δὲ in the margin: “in marg. εἰ δὲ”. In the manuscript we
see οἱ δὲ τοῦτο ἀγνοοῦντες, while in the left margin Estienne noted the variant
εἰ δὲ (fol. 154v l. 24). Once again, the Chouets printed the text as it appears in the
manuscript, but draw attention to the varia lectio written in the margin;
p. 118 D, 8–9: they printed συνάγεσθαι μὴ δυναμένου. In the variae lectiones they
indicate that the manuscript reads συνάγεσθαι δυναμένου: “ms. συνάγεσθαι δυνα-
μένου”. In the manuscript we read συνάγεσθαι δυναμένου and in the left margin
handwriting which, as we have seen,157 has to be linked with the preparation of
the Chouet edition, who noted the correction Int. μὴ δ. (= δυναμένου) (fol. 154v
l. 30). In this case the Chouets did not accept the text as it appears in the manu-
script, but amended it and wrote the correction in the margin.
The editors do not specify which manuscript they used, but, as we have seen, it was
undoubtedly Taur. B.I.3. Moreover, their work on the manuscript is recognisable
157 See above, 247.

owing to the frequent annotations in black ink. In our current state of knowledge,
however, it is impossible to know whether these annotations were carried out by one
of the Chouet brothers or a collaborator, also because of the limited extant informa-
tion regarding Jacques and Pierre Chouet.
It is known, however, that they had in their hands Taur. B.I.3, which had once
belonged to Estienne and was used by him when translating Sextus Empiricus’ Hypo
typoseis (1562) and again, in part, when compiling his Poesis Philosophica (1573), and
that they used it when working on a printed edition published in 1621, twenty-three
years after the scholar’s death. We do not have any records of how ownership of the
manuscript switched from Estienne to the Chouet brothers. In his Stephanorum hi
storia (1709), Maittaire reports that Henri Estienne158 allegedly sold materials from his
printing workshop to the Chouet brothers,159 who sometimes used Henri Estienne’s
motto Noli altum sapere in their editions.160 But at present there is no further evidence
in support of this claim. It is known, however, that after Estienne’s death, his posses-
sions – including the manuscripts161 – and his printing workshop were inherited by
his son Paul Estienne,162 who for some time continued publishing.163 Following his
imprisonment in 1605, during the Escalade conspiracy, he fled the city. He would not
return until 1620 to sort out the business of the Greek matrices,164 brought to Geneva
from Paris by Robert Estienne and pawned by his father Henri to obtain a loan of
400 gold scudi from Nicolas Le Clerc, which were to be returned after the death of
Henri II.165 The Chouet brothers bought the corresponding credit in 1613, which was
later liquidated.166 Paul eventually sold them his typefaces and, very likely, his entire
printing workshop and library between 1626–1627.167 Since the Chouets’ edition of
Sextus Empiricus dates back to 1621, we can surmise that the manuscript arrived in
their hands before the sale in 1626, maybe on the occasion of the liquidation of the
above credit from the Estienne family. But there is no firm evidence to support this
theory. That Paul Estienne and the Chouets knew each other is undisputed; simi-
larly we are aware that the two brothers had their eye on Henri Estienne’s printing
158 So Theodor Jansson ab Almeloveen in his De vitis Stephanorum, celebrium typographorum disser
tatio epistolica of 1683 (79). See Maittaire (1709) vol. 1, 462; Renouard (1843) VIII–IX.
159 Maittaire (1709) vol.1, 462.
160 Mellot-Queval (2004) 138 no. 1158 (s.v. “Chouet, Pierre II”).
161 Estienne’s manuscripts went to his son Paul, also thanks to the concern of Henri’s well-known
son-in-law, Isaac Casaubon. See Renouard (1843) 443–444, 499; Reverdin (1978) 195.
162 Renouard (1843) 443; Reverdin (1978) 195. On Paul Estienne, see Renouard (1843) 496–509.
163 Renouard (1843) 499–500; Gaullieur (1855) 204–205; Reverdin (1978) 195–197; Schreiber (1982) 217.
164 Renouard (1843) 503; Reverdin (1978) 197 and n. 31; on the affair of the Greek matrices, see Re-
nouard (1843) 332, 502–505.
165 Renouard (1843) 502.
166 Renouard (1843) 503.
167 Renouard (1843) 508; Gaullieur (1855) 205.
252 Erika Elia
workshop in Geneva. Given these circumstances, it appears probable that the book
changed hands before the sale of the workshop, although it is not possible to deter-
mine the exact date.
6 And Turin?
Careful study has enabled us to determine some stages of the journey made by codex
Taur. B.I.3, one of the hundred or so manuscripts currently held in the BNU in Turin
which did not formerly belong to Gabriel Severos’ collection. The codex was produced
in Venice in the middle of the 16th century by a group of professional scribes, whose
activities remain to be further investigated. They often worked together to produce
manuscripts that looked alike: a recurrent in-folio format, on paper with similar
watermarks, a mise en page of 30 lines, and sometimes, as we have seen, in series
productions mostly for customers from the West.
After Florence, where it was purchased by the printer and scholar Henri II Esti-
enne, the manuscript travelled to Geneva, where it was used for the first edition
of Sextus Empiricus’ works published in the West, Estienne’s Latin translation of
1562. Subsequently, the Chouet brothers made use of the manuscript when working
on the first printed edition of the Greek text, published in 1621. The codex arrived
at Turin in the former Biblioteca Ducale not later than 1628, as corroborated by the
presence of the cited annotation by David Colville.168 At this stage, it is not possible
to determine how the book travelled from Geneva to Turin. Since the 16th century,
close ties link the Genevan librarians to Italian cities, and to Turin in particular.169
Cursory research into the collection of printed books held in the BNU in Turin shows
that the library owns a fair number of cinquecentine and printed books from the 17th
century by the Chouet printing house. One hypothesis which could be considered is
that the Turin library acquired printed books from one of the Geneva printing work-
shops and that some manuscripts arrived on the same occasion. The short period of
time that elapsed between the printing of the Sextus Empiricus’ edition of 1621, for
which the manuscript Taur. B.I.3 was used by the Chouets, and 1628, when it was
certainly in Turin,170 suggests that it could have passed directly from the Chouets to
the Dukes of Savoy.
168 See above, 237.

169 Braida (1995) 141–142, see also 141–219; Libreria ginevrina (1966) 7–8. Direct contact between the
Turin Library and Geneva printing houses for books acquisitions are attested for the 18th century. See
Braida (1995) 142–143; Bonnant (1966), in particular 476.
170 See below, 255.
At this stage, it is not possible to confirm this assumption, nor to decide if it

is really conceivable.171 Being able to determine that one Greek manuscript proba-
bly made its way into the Turin library via Geneva is in any case an important step
towards understanding the history of how the former Ducal Library put together its
Greek collection: it could also indicate a possible new trail to follow for other books.
Therefore, finding possible similarities with other manuscripts in the collection not
attributable to Severos would help us understand whether groups of manuscripts
have the same origins and could possibly have arrived in Turin together, since – with
the exception of artefacts of particular value – it is not likely that the Dukes acquired
the manuscripts one at a time.
A number of codices with the same material characteristics exhibited by Taur.
B.I.3, can be found in the collection in Turin (the in-folio format, the same recurring
hands, the same set of recurring watermarks dating back to the middle of the 16th
century in Venice), and were produced in the same Venetian milieu: these include
codices Taur. B.I.6, B.I.7, B.I.12, B.I.13, B.I.23, B.II.27, C.I.3, C.I.5, C.I.13. None of these
manuscripts can be traced back to Severos.172
Identifying and analysing a group of manuscripts deriving from the same Vene-
tian milieu in the BNU is an interesting line of research to follow up so as to uncover
further clues. One element, in particular, that could also be of interest in this research
is the binding. It is a material feature of a different kind compared with a manuscript’s
codicological features tout court, as regards the artefact’s contextualization. As a
rule, the binding of Greek manuscripts produced in the West was not performed by
scribes, but by specific professionals.173 Sometimes the presence of a particular kind
of binding helps us to attribute the manuscripts in question to a particular collec-
tion,174 to an owner who may have entrusted the binding of his codices to a specific
workshop.175 This is the case, for instance, with the codices owned by Johann Jakob
171 There is no extensive and precise information about the acquisitions of printed books by the
Turin library in the 16th and 17th centuries; for the incunabula, see De Pasquale (2014) and Vere fenici
(2014).
172 As indicated by an autoptic examination, they neither contain the possession note nor other
signs which could be attributed to the metropolitan, such as marginalia of his own hand, words-
underlining in a red pencil (they are very often to be seen in his books), or texts copied by hands
linked with the Greek Confraternity of Venice.
173 On book binding in the 15th-16th centuries, among others see Hobson (1989; 1999); Agati
(2009) 388.
174 On this matter, see for example Malaguzzi (1999).
175 For the 15th-16th-century-Europe, see, e.g., the examples presented by Cataldi Palau in the case
of manuscript production by Ioannes Mauromates, whose products can also be attributable to differ-
ent owners on the basis of the bindings. See Cataldi Palau (2000a) 379–385.
254 Erika Elia
Fugger,176 whose bindings are the work of the Fugger Binder,177 Anthoni Lodewikj,178
Andrea di Lorenzo (Wanderbuchbinder or Mendoza Binder),179 or with the codices of
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza with bindings by the Mendoza Binder.180
Because of the fire in 1904, in the Turin collection nearly all the original bind-
ings were lost and then replaced during later restoration. Some rare original bindings,
however, did survive: Taur. B.I.12 and B.I.3 have the same binding similar to bindings
by Andrea di Lorenzo;181 that of Taur. B.I.6 is similar to bindings produced by his con-
temporary Anthoni Lodewijk.182 Each of these can be attributed to Venetian contem-
porary workshops. As has been said,183 these manuscripts also evince material fea-
tures such as allow us to assume that they were produced in the same Venetian milieu
as that of Taur. B.I.3. Could they have originated from the same collection? So, while
we know that Taur. B.I.3 had once belonged to Henri Estienne, the same cannot be
said of the codd. B.I.12 and B.I.6, which have neither possession notes nor annota-
tions in the scholar’s hand. To date, it has not been possible to come to a conclusion
with regard to their provenance. Should we take these similar bindings to mean that
they shared the same owner prior to Estienne? Or can we assume that the bindings
are to be attributed to an initiative of later owners – the Dukes of Savoy? Although it is
only possible to hazard a guess as to the provenance of certain manuscripts, the fact
that the Turin collection contains a group of codices produced in the same milieu,
bound by the same workshops, not owned by Severos, can hardly be a mere coinci-
dence and invites further investigation.
Research into the origins of the Greek manuscript collection that belonged to the
Dukes of Savoy is in its infancy; there is still much to be done and a long way to go.
For the moment, we can only point out some possible paths to explore, on the basis
of clues which the manuscripts themselves contain, as in the case above. Taur. B.I.3
opens the way to understanding one possible route the manuscripts may have taken
to reach Turin, through Geneva.
176 On the so-called Fuggereinbände, see Hajdú (2002) 53–55 with bibliography; also Molin Pradel
(2013) 13.
177 Hobson (1999) 119–127, and 255–259, App. 8; Schunke (1964) 169–176.
178 Hobson (1999) 129–132, and 260–261, App. 9; Schunke (1956).
179 Hobson (1999) 96–119, and 244–250, App. 5; Schunke (1964) 163–169.
180 Hobson (1999) 93–97, and 233–243, App. 4.
181 See Gulmini (1989) Fig. 185 and 187.
182 See Gulmini (1989) 60 no. 59 and Fig. 186, who noticed such similarities. This binding is similar
to those produced by another binder active in Venice at the time of Andrea di Lorenzo, in the years
1553–1557, Anthony Lodewijk (bibliography n. 178); cf. his binding of the MS Mon. gr. 78 (Hobson
[1999] 130 Fig. 79). To these codices might be added Taur. B.II.27, whose original binding, severely
damaged by the fire, has been preserved non-restored; the remains of its gilt suggest a possible origin
from one of the mentioned workshops.
183 See above, 232–234.
As has been said, Taur. B.I.3 exhibits a long annotation in David Colville’s hand on
one of the guard-leaves:184 similar writings recur in twenty-one manuscripts in the col-
lection according to our current state of knowledge.185 Although he is known to have
stayed in Turin in the years 1628–1629, it is not clear what role he played at the Court or
in the library in particular. He probably translated from Arabic for the Duke,186 but his
annotations on the Greek manuscripts demonstrate that these materials also passed
through his hands. Moreover, a letter from the Dukes’ ambassador in Rome187 proves
that Charles Emanuel I commissioned him to purchase manuscripts from Colville’s
library.188 We do not know the number of manuscripts involved, nor any further details
to corroborate said sale. Nor do we know the language in which they were written.
We cannot assume that the books referred to were simply the Greek manuscripts that
include annotations in Colville’s hand, since similar annotations also appear on books
that are known to have belonged to Gabriel Severos. Bearing in mind the fact that the
scholar certainly worked with the Greek collection in Turin, the question surrounding
the purchase of Colville’s books remains a lead worth following up.
Finally, one further path could be explored in order to determine the provenance
of the Greek codices in Turin. It concerns their everyday use. Whoever studied the
Greek language in the city,189 and thereby possibly used and read the Greek codices,
could have played a role in purchasing at least some of them. It is known that Michael
Sophianos was called to Turin by Emmanuel Philibert to teach his son Charles Ema-
nuel;190 Theodoros Rendios worked as Lettore di umanità greca at the Turin University
from 1567/1568 until 1578/1579;191 and then there was Arlenius himself, who worked
at the printing workshop run by Torrentino in Mondovì. But little or nothing is known
about their activities.
Thus, there are several leads to follow up. Hopefully it will be possible to trace
the history of how the Turin collection was put together by means of the journeys the
books themselves took, stories which the manuscripts can tell.
184 See above, 237.

185 For the details, see Elia (2014) 3 and n. 33.
186 Mercati G. (1898) 1225–1226 and 1226 n. 2; Gulmini (1989) 14.
187 ASTo Corte, Lettere Ministri Venezia, mazzo 38, fasc. 2, lettera 1/6 (14 gennaio 1628).
188 For the details, see Piccione (2017b) 209.
189 On this argument, see Fenoglio (2014).
190 BH xv-xvi, vol. 2, 170; Meschini (1981) 24; Gulmini (1989) 13; Doglio/Guglielminetti (1998) 601.
191 The document on the appointment of Theodoros Rendios (ASTo, Sez. Riun. [III], Inv. Gen., art.
689, Controllo Generale n. 21, 62–63) is reproduced by Chiaudano (1972) 124–125. See moreover Vallauri
(1846) 8–10; Chiaudano (1972) 78, 96 and n. 1, 99 and n. 2, 101, 103, 104, 107, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 116;
Gulmini (1989) 13; Stumpo (1998) 192.
3 Libraries in Archives
Ottavia Mazzon
Knocking on Heaven’s Door.
The Loan Registers of the Libreria di San Marco
Between the second half of the 15th century and the first half of the 16th, Venice
played a primary role in the spreading of Greek culture throughout Western Europe:
the Serenissima Republic was one of the main centers where Greek books were copied,
read, annotated, loaned, exchanged, sold, bought,1 as the study of Greek was estab-
lished as an integral part of the education curriculum. Unlike other states, where
the growing of Greek studies often relied almost exclusively on the initiative and the
wealth of private citizens, the Serenissima could provide scholars with an extraordi-
nary resource: the library that Cardinal Bessarion had donated to the Republic in 1468
in the hope that Greek exiles “would know where to find their entire language that
now exists, remaining together at a safe place, and, after its rediscovery, they would
reproduce it”.2
The immense cultural value of Bessarion’s book collection, which formed the
original nucleus of the Libreria di San Marco, attracted the attention of many intel-
lectuals who came “knocking on (this bibliophile’s) heaven’s door” from all over
Europe, asked to view its treasures and have copies made from Bessarion’s codices.
These copies, now preserved in some of the world’s major conservation libraries,
contributed heavily to the shaping of Greek studies during the Renaissance period.
Therefore, the enquiry into the history of the access to the Libreria di San Marco
1 General surveys on this phenomenon in Irigoin (1977); Canart (1977a).

2 Bessarion voices these thoughts on his library in a letter probably addressed to Michael Apostolis
(Möhler [19672] 479, ll. 13–19): πεσούσης δέ, φεῦ, μεγάλη τις ἐγένετο ἐπιθυμίας τῆς πάντων αὐτῶν
[scil. βιβλίων] κτήσεως, οὐκ ἐμοῦ γε ἔνεκα [...], ἀλλ’ ὡς ἄν εἴ που νῦν τέ τινες λειφθεῖεν Ἕλληνες,
εἴ τέ τι εἰς ἔπειτα βέλτιον πράξαιεν [...], ἔχοιεν ὅπη τὴν αὐτῶν φωνὴν ἅπασαν, τήν γε νῦν οὖσαν, ἔν
τινι ὁμοῦ ἀποκειμένην ἀσφαλεῖ τόπῳ εὕροιεν καὶ εὑρόντες πολλαπλασιάσαιεν. The translation of the
text is by Lamers (2005) 84 n. 82. Bessarion expresses similar concepts in the Act of Donation of his
library to the Serenissima Republic: […] post Graeciae excidium et deflaendam Byzantii captivitatem in
perquirendis graecis libris omnes meas vires, omnem curam, omnem operam, facultatem industriamque
consumpsi. […] nullum locum a me eligi posse commodiorem ac nostris [scil. Graecis] praesertim homi
nibus aptiorem. Cum enim in civitatem vestram [scil. Venetias] omnes fere totius orbis nationes maxime
confluant, tum praecipue graeci, qui e suis provinciis navigios venientes Venetiis primum descendunt,
ea praeterea vobiscum necessitudine devincti, ut ad vestram appulsi urbem quasi alterum Byzantium
introire videantur (Labowsky [1979] 147–148). On Bessarion’s project, see Zorzi M. (1987) 45–85.
Note: I would like to thank Margherita Losacco for introducing me to the wonders of the Marciana Li-
brary; Rosa Maria Piccione for inviting me to the Turin workshop where I presented an earlier version
of this work.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-011
260 Ottavia Mazzon
represents a crucial step towards the understanding of a key phase in the develop-
ment of modern European culture.
After a survey on all the known evidence on the readers of Bessarion’s collection
in the period between 1473 and 1559, when the Libreria di San Marco finally found a
proper location in the Libreria Sansoviniana, this chapter will focus on the two sur-
viving loan registers of the library, referring to the years from 1545 to 1558. A new
codicological examination of these documents will be followed by the analysis of the
information they provide on 16th-century readers. The final part will include a discus-
sion on the possible future developments of research on the loaning of manuscripts
belonging to the Biblioteca Marciana.
1 The Access to the Libreria di San Marco

from 1473 to 1559
In the beginning, from 1473 to 1485, those who wished to read Bessarion’s books
could do so with reasonable ease, since the volumes were displayed through appro-
priate furniture inside Palazzo Ducale, in the Sala Novissima.3 In a few special cases,
readers were allowed to borrow some of the manuscripts and bring them outside the
library and even outside Venice.4
Afterwards, from 1485 to 1559, when the Libreria Sansoviniana was finally opened
to the public, books were deposited in chests. During this time, loaning became
the only mean of accessing the volumes of Bessarion’s collection.5 It is unfortunate
that the evidence of loans dating to this period is scarce; the majority of informa-
tion regards books that were not returned to the library in a timely fashion: some of
them are now lost, some can be found in other European libraries, some must have
been finally returned since nowadays they are where they are supposed to be, on the
shelves of the Marciana National Library.6 As far as we know, loans were somehow
3 Cp. Zorzi M. (1987) 87–94 and (2002) 112–121; Zorzi N. (2015) 287.
4 The most ancient loan that we know of dates to 1474: on fol. 201r of MS Vat. gr. 1691, which used to
belong to Bessarion, there is a note that says that Marco Aureli, secretary to the doge, put back this
book in its place. Cp. Coggiola (1908) 52, 55–60; Giannelli/Canart (1961) 12.
5 Cp. Zorzi M. (1987) 100–103, who provides insight into some of the loans that have surely taken
place, but of which there is no evidence in preserved official registrations.
6 See Coggiola (1908) for notices regarding loans ranging from 1474 to 1527. Documents found by
Coggiola include a list of books that were not returned to the library (“libri non restituidi”) in 1494.
The list includes 7 different borrowers, who had a total of 13 books. Almost all the volumes were
subsequently returned, with two exceptions: one is the Eustathius’ commentary to the first nine
books of the Iliad, currently MS Par. gr. 2965, which was loaned to the aforementioned Marco Aureli
(see above, n. 4) for the Roman nobleman Marcello de’ Rustici and never returned it; the second
one is a mysterious book de pasagio mortis (“on the passage of death”) loaned to one Tommaso da
recorded by both the Procuratori di San Marco and the Capitani,7 but probably not in a
consistent fashion. There is no evidence of a loan register being kept by the appointed
librarian to whom the collection was entrusted. However, there is an indication that
the aforementioned librarian was a little too generous in conceding loans.8
It was only with the passage of the library from the care of the Procuratori di San
Marco to the Riformatori dello Studio di Padova (established by a deliberation of the
Senate on December 30, 1544)9 that a standardized loaning method could be imple-
mented: it is not by chance that the first systematic documents on book loans belong
to this period. These are two registers which were kept by the Grand Chancellor of the
Republic, now codices Marc. lat. XIV 22 (= 4482) and Marc. lat. XIV 23 (= 4660): the
former records loans ranging from 1545 to 1548, the latter those from circa 1552 to 1558.
The importance of these registers for information on book circulation in Venice in
the middle 16th century was first highlighted by Charles Graux in 1880.10 He employed
the registers to trace the provenance of some of the books belonging to Diego Hurtado
de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in Venice from 1541 to 1546.11 As records show,
Hurtado de Mendoza borrowed a series of books from the Libreria di San Marco and
had copies made from them. After his death, most of these manuscripts ended up
in the royal library of the El Escorial Palace, where some are still preserved nowa-
days.12 A few years after Graux’s pioneering work, the registers were edited twice: first
by Henri Omont in 1887 and then by Carlo Castellani in 1896–1897.13 Both editions,
Conegliano. Other six loans notices belonging to the years 1524–1527 are recorded in the register of
the Procuratori di San Marco. These records encompass a total of 15 loans. Other documents per-
taining to the inventory made by Giambattista Ramusio in 1543 have been published by Labowsky
(1979) 325; nos. 980–987 in Ramusio’s inventory are “libri imprestadi che si devino recuperar”
(“loaned books that must be retrieved”). For a list of Bessarion’s books that are now dispersed, see
Labowsky (1979) 483–494.
7 Some loan notices were found by Coggiola ([1908] 51, 53–54) among documents pertaining to the
Procuratia de supra (see above, n. 6). At the same time, a letter by Giambattista Ramusio mentions
that loan records were kept by the Capitani. This letter can be read in Labowsky (1979) 142–144; see
also ibid. 72–73 for a brief commentary.
8 Castellani C. (1896–1896) 879: Pietro Bembo wrote a letter to his friend Giambattista Ramusio de-
manding that he always ask borrowers to leave a pawn, as otherwise books would not be returned.
9 ASVe, Consiglio de’ X, Comune, reg. 16 (1544), filza 63. The document is published in Labowsky
(1979) 132–133.
10 Cp. Graux (1880). Graux’s study has been updated in the Spanish translation with the current
signatures of El Escorial’s manuscripts: Graux/de Andrés (1982).
11 For a biographical profile of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (1504–1575), see González Palencia/
Mele (1941–1943) vol. 1, 47–334; vol. 2, 11–410; Díez Fernández (2009), which does not entirely replace
Graux/de Andrés (1982) 186 nn. 4 (204) and a (i.e. the translator’s update: 213).
12 On Hurtado de Mendoza’s library, see Graux/de Andrés (1982) 185–283, 395–400; Martínez Man-
zano (2015) 197–203 and (2018); see also above, 163–176. Lo Conte (2016) 173–181 gathers all the avail-
able bibliography on the surviving indices of Mendoza’s book collection.
13 Omont (1887); Castellani C. (1896–1897). Castellani C. (1896–1897) 314 n. 2 is aware of Omont’s
edition, but does not cite it when there are differences between his readings and Omont’s.
262 Ottavia Mazzon
however, are almost exclusively concerned with the text of the loan notices, leaving
aside the examination of the material characteristics of these documents.
2 Description of the Registers

MS Marc. lat. XIV 22 (= 4482)14 is a paper15 codex in quarto format (mm 192×143 [fol.
2r]) composed by I–V, 46, I´–IV´ folia. Its leaves are organized into two quires com-
posed by 20 folia each. A few unattached folia are added to the main quires. For the
most part, the codex is written by the same hand, presumably that of a notary who
was tasked with producing this fair copy of the original register.
The mise en page is organized as follows: on the verso there is the note that men-
tions a) the date of the loan; b) the name of the borrower; c) the name of the riformatore
who is authorizing the loans; d) the list of the borrowed books, sometimes accompanied
by an identification number that corresponds to the inventory of 1545–1546.16 Both the
verso and the recto are divided through horizontal lines traced with a ruler into four
bands of equal dimensions (mise en page: mm 36/39/41/52×30/100/13). Parallel to the
loan notice of the verso, on the recto there is sometimes information about the return
of the books (Fig. 1), which is usually, but not always, limited to a word, “Restituido”
(“Returned”), followed by the date. From fol. 29v onwards, the mise en page becomes
less orderly and the horizontal lines increase in number.
The information pertaining to manuscripts found in the register is variable: man-
uscripts are first denoted by their content, after which there is supposed to be their
inventory number, but the field is frequently left blank. At the same time, there is
often no mention of the return of the volumes, even though we are sure they were
given back at some point, since Castellani could successfully identify them among
the manuscripts still at the Marciana Library. Starting from fol. 28v, the scribes start
to record also the goods that were left as pawns at the moment of the loan (Fig. 2).17
Loan notices are recorded more or less chronologically.
Marc. lat. XIV 22 also preserves traces of scholarly activity: sometimes, on the
recto of folia, there is a pencil annotation about the possible identification of the man-
uscript according to the Zanetti catalogue.18 These notes likely belong to Castellani,
since they correspond to the hypotheses formulated by him in his edition, and they
lead to correct some of the typos that occurred in the printed version.19
14 Another description of this MS, curated by Alessia Giachery, is available on the database Nuova
Biblioteca Manoscritta (last modified Dec. 22, 2017).
15 Watermark: (fols. I–45) Ancre similar to the type Piccard V 236 (Venice 1543, 1544).
16 Inventory E Labowsky: see Labowsky (1979) 82–91 (commentary), 327–397 (edition).
17 Pawns are recorded on fols. 28v, 29v, 32v, 33v, 35v, 37v, 40v.
18 Cp. Zanetti/Bongiovanni (1740).
19 E.g., the codex identified as Marc. gr. 159 in Castellani C. (1896–1897) 337 n. 1 is, in fact, MS Marc.
Fig. 1: Marc. lat. XIV 22, fols. 1v–2r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
MS Marc. lat. XIV 23 (= 4660)20 (Fig. 3) is also a paper codex in quarto format.21 It
is slightly bigger (mm 208×150) and thicker (fols. I–IV, 59, I´–V´) than the other regis-
ter. It is composed by 3 quires of 20 folia each. Folia are numbered from 1 to 64 (fols.
60–64, despite being guard-leaves added in the 18th century, are numbered as if they
were part of the original document).
The register is organized alphabetically (a repertorio): 3 to 4 folia are destined
to each letter, and the external margin of the recto of each section is cut to create an
indentation where the corresponding letter is written as a mean to make name-search
easier. Each page is organized on three columns: mm 11/114/14/11 (the last measure-
ment corresponds to the indentation); no upper or lower margin is left blank.
The verso of the fourth anterior guard-leaf of the codex presents another folio per-
pendicularly attached to it. This folio contains the copy of a series of notices on the
books loaned in the years 1550–1551. The document bears the title Copia de partide
gr. Z 519 (= 773), as the annotation left on Marc. lat. XIV 22, fol. 26r correctly points out.
20 Another description of this codex, curated by Alessia Giachery, is available on Nuova Biblioteca
Manoscritta (last modified: Dec. 22, 2017).
21 The watermark is similar to the one of the other register, but the countermark is different.
264 Ottavia Mazzon
Fig. 2: Marc. lat. XIV 22, fol. 29v © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Fig. 3: Marc. lat. XIV 23, fol. 8r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
266 Ottavia Mazzon
che s’atrovano in un libro del q(uondam) M(agnific)o m(esser) Andrea de’ Franceschi,
Cancellier grande di Venetia (Fig. 4). It is signed by Pier de’ Franceschi, secretary to
the Consiglio dei Dieci.22 Another note is added after the signature: it records that,
on February 8, 1552, Kornelios Mourmouris borrowed a book containing Dorotheus,
Isaiah, Mark, and Diadochus: this same note is repeated at the appropriate place in
the register itself (fol. 8r).23
Other flyleaves are attached in various points of the codex: on the verso facing the
beginning of the letter B;24 on the verso facing the beginning of the letter C;25 at the
end of the codex, after the notices filed under the letter Z. This last one is not a proper
loan notice, but a copy of a receipt emitted by the Banco Dolfin to guarantee a loan
accorded to Zaccaria Morosini (fol. 51v) (Fig. 5).26
Loan notices are written either by the Chancellor himself or by secretarial person-
nel working in the Chancery, the place where the retrieval of books was arranged and
pawned goods were recorded. Information on the return of books and the subsequent
handover of the pawned goods is recorded either on the small column towards the
external margin of the folio or under the loan notice (Fig. 3). These notes provide
insight into the value attributed to manuscripts and into the borrowers’ working rela-
tionships: sometimes multiple people left the same object as pawn.27
The codex does not preserve its original binding, as it has been restored in the
first half of the 18th century like all other books belonging to the Marciana Library.
The 18th-century binding is made in brown leather; a section of the cover spine is
adorned by an impression that functions as a label, which features golden writing
on a red background. The book is marked erroneously Registro de’ Franceschi. This
information was probably wrongly inferred from the document – cited above – glued
to fol. 1v, which is a copy of a series of entries taken from the register of the Grand
Chancellor Andrea de’ Franceschi. However, the loans recorded in the registers refer
22 Omont (1887) 667–669 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 344–346.

23 Omont (1887) 671 no. 118 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 346, 349. The book mentioned is MS Marc. gr.
Z 132 (= 486).
24 Castellani C. (1896–1897) 348. Omont does not include flyleaves in his edition.
25 Castellani C. (1896–1897) 348–349: it is the note recording the loan taken by a Basilius from San
Giorgio Maggiore.
26 Castellani C. (1896–1897) 366. The receipt of the Banco Dolfin (Dolphin in the register) refers to
a loan notice that is written on fol. 51r: Omont (1887) 685 nos. 202–203 = Castellani C. (1896–1897)
347–349. Zaccaria is the brother of Domenico Morosini, who borrowed no less than 11 books from the
Libreria di San Marco between 1556 and 1557. On Domenico Morosini see Benzoni Gi. (2012). He died
on January 9, 1558, and Zaccaria later returned a book containing Proclus that Domenico still had on
loan at the time of his death: Castellani C. (1896–1897) 354. Zaccaria himself died later that year, on
October 30, 1558: cp. Donazzolo (1927) 107–108.
27 Omont (1887) 679 no. 166 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 358.
Fig. 4: Marc. lat. XIV 23, folio glued to fol. Iv. Copy of loan notices recorded in the Chancery register
© Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana.
268 Ottavia Mazzon
Fig. 5: Marc. lat. XIV 23, flyleaf glued to fol. 51v © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il
Turismo, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana.
to the chancery of Lorenzo Rocca (1552–1559),28 the successor of de’ Franceschi, who
had died on January 13, 1552.29
Both registers belonged to the Archive of the Consiglio dei Dieci and entered in
the Marciana Library in 1795. Nonetheless, the two documents differ greatly. While
Marc. lat. XIV 23 is the original register, the one actually employed in the day-to-day
activity of the Chancery, Marc. lat. XIV 22 is a copy whose circumstances of produc-
tion remain unclear. Being an original, Marc. lat. XIV 23 can fruitfully be compared to
another surviving loan register belonging to the first half of the 16th century, MS Vat.
lat. 3966, which is the loan register used in the Vatican Library from 1486 to 1547.30
Both Marc. lat. XIV 23 and the Vatican register are organized alphabetically; both
contain loan notices written in the hand of the borrowers themselves; both record the
goods left as pawns in exchange of a loan; notices on the return of books are always
added by keepers or librarians. Loan notices in the Marcian and the Vatican regis-
28 On Rocca, see the manuscript of Pietro Gradenigo, Pregi e fregi dei veneti gran cancellieri: Venezia,
Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Gradenigo Dolfin 66, fols. 62rv.
29 Zamperetti (1988) 26.
30 Bertòla (1942) X.
ters are also similar in style. Volume identification is inconsistent: books are often
identified only by their content and not by their actual position in the chests (in the
case of the Libreria di San Marco) or on the bookshelves (in the case of the Vatican
Library).31 Vat. lat. 3966, however, frequently provides information on the material of
the books and their binding,32 while binding is very rarely mentioned in the Venice
register.33 The more precise nature of the records contained in Vat. lat. 3966 is prob-
ably dependent on the circumstances of the registration. Loans from the Vatican col-
lection were recorded inside the library, following closely the available inventory of
the manuscripts, where this kind of data are usually included, while the Marcian reg-
ister was compiled outside the library, in the Chancery of the Serenissima Republic,
where secretaries were probably more concerned with the exact registration of pawns
left in exchange of the book(s) than with anything else.
3 The Information Provided by the Registers

The analysis of the loan records allows us to infer a few data on borrowers and their
reading interests.
First of all, the loan registers can tell us how many books were lent on average
every year. As Table 1 shows, the number of books loaned each year by the Libreria
di San Marco could see significant variations; on average, based on the 11 years for
which we have systematic data, 17 books were loaned per year. The highest peak in
the number of loans was reached in 1546, when 37 books were borrowed from the
library. This number was never surpassed, since further restrictions on book loans
were imposed in 1549 in the light of alleged thefts committed by Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza.34 The record for the lowest number of loans (just 4) belongs to 1554, which
strikes as an exception between two years of great activity for the Marciana Library.
Unfortunately, there is no definitive answer to the question of what could have been
the cause of such a dramatic decrease in the number of loans. The four books loaned
by the Libreria were all borrowed in the first six months of the year (February 2,
31 E.g. Vat. lat. 3966, fol. 1v: Ego A(ngelus) Colotius recepi e bibliotheca Vaticana Eustratium trans
latum super Ethica Aristotelis quem promitto restituere ad omne beneplacitum, die X decembris 1526.
Extractus e primo bancho et est in membranis. – Restituit 8 ianuarii 1527. See Bertòla (1942) 41.
32 E.g. Vat. lat. 3966, fol. 44r: Ego frater Ioakinus Turrianus accepi mutuo a domino Ioanne de Veneti
is Alexandrum Aphrodiseum super libros Topicorum Aristotelis in papiro in rubeo, die octavo ianuarii
1490. – Restituit die 28 maii. The manuscript was identified by Bertòla (1942) 81 n. 12 as Vat. gr. 270: it
is a paper codex (in papiro) with a red leather binding (in rubeo).
33 The binding is only mentioned three times: cp. Omont (1887) 671 no. 117 “coperta di cuoro rosso”
(“red leather binding”); 675 nos. 145–146 “cum cohoperta rubra” (“with red binding”); 676 no. 147
“cum coperta nigra” (“with black binding”).
34 Zorzi M. (1987) 112–114.
270 Ottavia Mazzon
Table 1: The number of books loaned per year by the Libreria di San Marco.
February 8, March 30, June 28): based on this data, the library seems to have been
inaccessible in the second part of 1554. A physical inability to reach the chests where
Bessarion’s books were preserved, maybe due to ongoing restoration work in Palazzo
Ducale, could be the reason why so few books were loaned.
A high number of loans does not imply a high number of borrowers: out of the 37
books loaned by the Libreria di San Marco in 1546, 32 went to only 5 different people
(12 to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, 6 to Gianbernardo Regazzola Feliciano, 5 each to
George Korinthios and Giambattista Ramusio, 4 to George Tryphon).
In total, 55 people had access to the Marciana Library in the time period between
1545 and 1559.35 Almost half of them (48%) borrowed a single book, while only 5%
borrowed more than 15 books (see Table 2). This top 5% is represented by three people
(see Table 3, which breaks down the number of loans per person), namely Diego
Hurtado de Mendoza, who was loaned 24 books, George Tryphon, who borrowed 22,
and Giambattista Ramusio, who obtained 17 loans. These three are representative of
all the main categories of people who were granted permission to access Bessarion’s
book collection.
As mentioned above, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza was a foreign diplomat: he as
the ambassador of Charles V in Venice from 1541 to 1546. On the other hand, George
(or Zorzi, as his name is spelled in the registers) Tryphon was a Greek professional
scribe:36 he is responsible for the copy of several manuscripts, some of which he
35 The number is not definitive since, as Brigitte Mondrain points out, some of the people mentioned
in the registers in different ways could be identified, thus bringing the total number down. See Mon-
drain (1991–1992) 383 n. 57.
36 RGK I 74 = III 125.
Table 2: The number of books loaned on average to each borrower.
copied alone, some together with other scribes whose names appear in the loan reg-
isters of the Marciana Library, such as Kornelios37 and Ioannes Mourmouris,38 Barto-
lomeo Zanetti39 and Petros from Malvasia.40 Giambattista Ramusio (1485–1557)41 was
an officer of the Republic of Venice, serving as secretary to the Senate from 1516 and
to the Consiglio dei Dieci in 1553 and also taking part in some embassages. Ramusio
collaborated in the printing enterprise of Aldus Manutius and his successors and was
friends with Andrea Navagero and Pietro Bembo, two librarians of the Libreria di San
Marco. From 1539 to 1543, he deputized for Bembo as librarian.
According to the registers, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza was not the only foreign
ambassador to gain access rights to the Marciana Library. Marc. lat. XIV 22 and Marc.
lat. XIV 23 attest that both Jean de Morvilliers, French ambassador in Venice from
1546 to 1550, and his successor, Odet de Selve, ambassador in Venice from 1550 to
1554, borrowed some manuscripts from the Libreria di San Marco.42 Ludovico Becca-
delli43 (Beccatelus in the registers) obtained the loan of seven manuscripts while he
was the papal legate in Venice from 1550 to 1554.
37 RGK III 354e.

38 RGK I 172 = II 230.
39 RGK I 31 and Cataldi Palau (2000b).
40 Peter from Malvasia borrows Cyrillus’ Thesaurus and Maximus the Confessor’s Orationes: Omont
(1887) 666–667 nos. 97–98 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 343. He can be identified with Petros Karneades
(also known as Karnabakas): RGK I 346–347 = II 474–475 = III 551.
41 For a biographical profile, see Donattini (2016).
42 The name of Jean de Morvilliers is not present in the register, as in the case of Hurtado de Mendoza.
He is qualified as “ambasciator de Franza”: Omont (1887) 666 nos. 84–94 = Castellani C. (1896–1897)
342. Odet de Selve is the “de Sylva, ambasciator de Franza” who borrows the Authentica of Justinian
on August 7, 1551: Omont (1887) 668 no. 1105 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 345–346.
43 For a biographical profile, see Alberigo (1970).
Table 3: The number of books effectively loaned to each borrower (the chart does not include borrowers who obtained a single loan).
272
Ottavia Mazzon
Diplomats were not the only career politicians to enjoy the treasures of the Libreria
di San Marco: also cultured Venetian noblemen borrowed a number of books. The
most active was Domenico Morosini (Dominicus Maurocenus in the registers), who
borrowed a total of 12 books. Federico Badoer,44 who went with the aforementioned
Morosini on an embassage to Augsburg, borrowed a volume containing the Aethio
pics of Heliodorus.45 Other notable patrizi include Sebastiano Erizzo46 and Pietro Con-
tarini.47
However, the professional category who most frequently borrowed books from
the Libreria di San Marco was that of professional scribes. As a matter of fact, there
is a circle of Greek scribes that had constant access to the Marciana Library who are
known to have worked together as a writing atelier.48 These are the already cited Kor-
nelios Mourmouris and his brother Ioannes, who collaborated with George Tryphon
and Petros from Malvasia (= Karneades).49 Kornelios Mourmouris even borrowed a
book in the name of George Tryphon, as it is clearly stated in the registers.50 Other
known scribes that appear in the registers are George Korinthios (Zorzi Corinthio),51
Camillo Zanetti52 and Francesco Clado.53
But scribes were not the only book professionals who accessed the Marciana
Library with the aim of producing new books: the printers Paulus Manutius,54 Henri
Estienne,55 and Tommaso Giunti56 all borrowed volumes from cardinal Bessarion’s
collection and employed them to prepare new editions.57
44 For a biographical profile, see Stella (1963).

45 Omont (1887) 658 no. 22 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 331–332.
46 See Benzoni Gi. (1993). On the books borrowed by Erizzo, see Vanhaelen (2016) 326.
47 Castellani C. (1896–1897) 343 n. 7 identifies him as the author of the poem Argoa voluptas, but this
Pietro Contarini died in 1543, as Gullino (1983a) points out. The Pietro Contarini mentioned in the
registers is the son of Zaccaria born in 1491. For a biographical profile, see Gullino (1983b).
48 Cp. Mondrain (1991–1992). Many of these scribes participated in the copy of manuscripts destined
to the collection of Johann Jakob Fugger, who, starting from 1548, built a collection of 183 Greek manu-
scripts. Fugger’s library is now part of the Greek fund of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Other scribes
worked for Guillaume Pellicier, French ambassador in Venice from 1539 to 1542. On his library see
Cataldi Palau (1986a; 1986b) and above Piccione, 177–180.
49 See above, 271 n. 40 .
51 RGK III 107e; Pingree (1977). Κόμης, however, is just a family name and not a nobility title.
52 RGK I 212 = II 299 = III 351. He is the son of Bartolomeo Zanetti (see above, n. 38). Brigitte Mondrain
(1991–1992) 383 n. 57 argues that the “Camillo de Alba” mentioned in the register could be identified
with this famous scribe.
53 RGK III 602.
54 For a biographical profile, see Sterza (2007; 2008).
55 On Henri Estienne see Carabin (2006); Henri Estienne (1988). See also above Elia, 221–255.
56 For a biographical profile, see Ceresa (2001).
57 On Estienne’s use of Marcian codices, see below, 281 Paulus Manutius borrowed a series of codices
to use for his editions. These loans are not all recorded in the registers as they span across at least
20 years: for example, he borrowed MS Marc. gr. Z 257 (= 622) and employed it in 1534 for the editio
274 Ottavia Mazzon
Teachers of Greek and eloquence were another professional category who appear
with great frequency among readers of the Libreria di San Marco. The registers record
the names of Gian Bernardo Regazzola, known as Feliciano,58 who had been the
Greek teacher of the aforementioned Sebastiano Erizzo; Giambattista Cipelli (Battista
Egnazio);59 Giovita Ravizza (Rapicio);60 Carlo Sigonio;61 Georg Tanner;62 Giambattista
Rasario.63 The registers also contain a loan notice belonging to Lazzaro Bonamico da
Bassano,64 who was professor of Greek and Latin at the University of Padua.
But what kind of books interested those who asked for loans from the Marciana
Library? As Table 4 shows, it was mostly philosophical and mathematical texts, which
were borrowed respectively 30 times (see Table 5) and 19 times (see Table 6).
With regards to philosophical texts, readers accorded preference to commentar-
ies rather than to the works authored by either Plato or Aristotle. It is easy to explain
why: at that point of time, most philosophical commentaries were still unpublished
(some still are), while printed editions of Plato and Aristotle’s works had been in cir-
culation for almost fifty years.65
As for mathematical texts, the most borrowed work was the Harmonica of Claudius
Ptolomeus, which Bessarion owned in three copies (MSS Marc. gr. Z 318 [= 994], 321
[= 894], 322 [= 711]), each one featuring a different commentary to accompany the text.
Other authors on the most borrowed list include Origenes and Photius, whose
Bibliotheca was loaned multiple times.
princeps of Eustratius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Analytics: cp. Groisard (2013) CXII n. 232. In 1547
he printed a commentary on Cicero’s Epistles where he states to have employed a Marcian codices to
correct the text (see Zorzi M. [1987] 117), while in 1553 he obtained the loan of Marc. gr. Z 522 (= 317)
and used it to print Longinus: cp. Mazzucchi (1992) XXXVI and (1989) 211–212; Costa (1984). He also
borrowed Athenaeus (Marc. gr. Z 447 [= 820]). The Deipnosophistae had already been printed in 1514
by his father, who did not use the Marcian codex: cp. Arnott (2000) 50–51.
58 For a biographical profile, see Fortuna (2016).
59 For a biographical profile, see Mioni (1981b).
60 For a biographical profile, see Valseriati (2016).
61 For a biography of Carlo Sigonio, see McCuaig (1989) 3–95. Sigonio constitutes an exception
among borrowers, since he borrowed two Latin books, the first and the third decades of Livy (see ibid.
14). The only Greek book he borrowed contains the historians Herodianus and Zosimus (Marc. gr. Z
390 [= 855]).
62 On Georg Tanner, a Greek teacher based in Wien, see Almási (2009) 127–128; Gall (1970); Aschbach
(1865) 279–289.
63 For a biographical profile, see Cosenza (1962–1967) vol. 4, 3004–3005.
64 For a biographical profile, see Avesani (1969).
65 Aldus Manutius printed the editiones principes of both Aristotle and Plato, alongside with editions
of the works of many other ancient Greek philosophers, such as Iamblichus, Alexander of Aphrodisias,
and Theophrastus. The opera omnia of Aristotle were printed in a five-volume edition published be-
tween 1495 and 1498: see Aristoteles (1495–1498). For the list of the Aldine editions see Renouard (18343).
Table 4: The type of books borrowed, broken down by author and/or literary genre.
Knocking on Heaven’s Door. The Loan Registers of the Libreria di San Marco
275
Table 5: Table showing which philosophical texts were taken on loan.
276
Loan Date Return Date Name of Borrower Title Present signature

26/10/1545 28/02/1546 Diego Hurtado de Mend. Aristotelis liber Ethicorum Nicomachiorum gr. Z 212 (= 606)
27/12/1545 07/02/1546 Diego Hurtado de Mend. Aristotelis logicausque ad dialecticam, cum expositione gr. Z 201 (= 780)
03/03/1546 08/10/1546 Bartolomeo Abioso Proclo sopra el Timeo gr. Z 194 (= 871)
18/03/1546 09/11/1546 Diego Hurtado de Mend. Aristotelis moralia et multa alia gr. Z 214 (= 479)
28/10/1546 25/02/1547 George Tryphon Simplitii, Themistii et alia gr. Z 228 (= 406)
22/12/1546 Giambernardo Regazzola Iamblici gr. Z 243 (= 619), 244 (= 620)
Ottavia Mazzon
04/04/1547 Lorenzo Morosini Proclo sopra el Parmenide gr. Z 191 (= 478)

01/08/1547 02/03/1548 George Korinthios Iamblici Chalcidiensis gr. Z 243 (= 619)
04/06/1548 Sebastiano Erizzo Proclo in theologiam Platonis gr. Z 192 (= 613)
20/07/1548 Jean de Morvillier Ioannis Philoponi gr. Z 230 (=579)
20/07/1548 Jean de Morvillier Philonis Iudaei gr. Z 40 (= 365), 41 (= 366)
13/02/1551 16/02/1551 Francesco da Londà Proculo in theologia Platonis gr. Z 192 (= 613)
14/07/1552 17/02/1553 Sebastiano Erizzo Olympiodorus in Gorgiam gr. Z 196 (= 743), 197 (= 603)
16/12/1552 29/12/1552 Camillo <Zanetti> omnia opera Philonis Iudaei gr. Z 40 (= 365), 41 (= 366)
10/03/1553 10/09/1553 Zaccaria Morosini Olympiodorum in Phedonem, Gorgiam, Phedrum et Alcibiadem gr. Z 196 (= 743)
10/03/1553 28/07/1553 Zaccaria Morosini Ammonium Hermiam in Phedrum gr. Z 191 (= 478)
07/11/1553 Sebastiano Erizzo Iamblicum gr. Z 243 (= 619), 244 (= 620)
07/11/1553 Sebastiano Erizzo Simplicii Commentario
30/03/1554 28/06/1554 Andrea Venier opera Platonis gr. Z 184 (= 326)
28/06/1554 15/03/1556 Andrea Venier Proculi super theologiam Platonis gr. Z 192 (= 613)
04/12/1554 06/12/1554 Ludovico Nogarola Timeo Locro gr. Z 517 (= 886)
02/06/1555 13/08/1555 Henri Estienne Alexandrum Aphrodiseum gr. Z 257 (= 622)
07/08/1555 13/08/1555 Giambattista Rasario Ammonii, Simplici et Philoponi gr. Z 225 (= 307)
13/01/1556 17/06/1557 Domenico Morosini Aristidis et Procli naturalis elementationem, aliorumque de dogmatibus Platonis gr. Z 325 (= 518)
20/02/1556 18/04/1556 Giambattista Ram u sio Iamblicum gr. Z 243 (= 619), 244 (= 620)
06/06/1556 Domenico Morosini Iamblicum gr. Z 243 (= 619), 244 (= 620)
16/06/1556 Francesco de Polo Proculo in la theologia di Platone gr. Z 192 (= 613)
30/06/1556 Domenico Morosini Proclum in Timeum gr. Z 194 (= 871)
04/02/1557 16/02/1557 Domenico Morosini Porphirium de intelligentiisinsertum in libro Gregorii Nazianzeni gr. Z 519 (= 773)
04/02/1557 20/07/1557 Domenico Morosini Sextum Academicum gr. Z 252 (= 724)
Table 6: Table showing which mathematical texts were taken on loan.
Loan date Return date Name of Borrower Title Present signature

16/02/1545 24/0371546 Diego Hurtado de Mend. Cleomedes et Diophantes gr. Z 308 (= 636)
27/12/1545 15/01/1546 Diego Hurtado de Mend. Heronis mechanica gr. Z 263 (= 1025)
13/01/1547 Marcoantonio Giustiniani Musica Ptolemei cum expositione Porphyrii gr. Z 318 (= 994)
20/08/1548 Jean de Morvillier Euclides et Spherica Theodosii gr. Z 301 (= 635), 302 (= 730)
1550-1551 Musica cum expositione Porphyrii gr. Z 321 (= 894), 322 (= 711)
1550-1551 Musica cum expositione Briennii gr. Z 321 (= 894), 322 (= 711)
22/02/1552 07/08/1553 Ludovico Beccadelli Archimedem, Eutocium Ascalonita gr. Z 305 (= 732)
22/03/1552 09/04/1552 Marco de Molino Sereni philosophi cum Aeliani de proprietatibus gr. Z 518 (= 539)
21/05/1552 14/12/1552 Francesco Clado Aristidis Quintiliani de musica gr. Z 322 (= 711)
19/09/1552 Giambattista Ramusio Elementa Procli gr. Z 306 (= 1026)
28/07/1553 10/09/1553 Zaccaria Morosini Ptolomei musicam gr. Z 318 (= 994)
07/08/1553 Ludovico Beccadelli Apollonis Pergei Conicorum, insertum Heliano de proprietatibus animalium gr. Z 518 (= 539)
20/06/1555 20/02/1556 Giovanni Agostino Marino Aristidis Quintiliani de musica gr. Z 322 (= 711)
23/09/1555 04/11/1555 Giambattista Rasario Heronis mechanicam gr. Z 263 (= 1025)
23/09/1555 04/11/1555 Giambattista Rasario Theonis Mathematicam gr. Z 307 (= 1027)
25/02/1556 Giovanni Agostino Azarino Ptolomei musica gr. Z 318 (= 994)
01/06/1556 20/01/1557 abbas Rugerio Ptolomei musica gr. Z 318 (= 994)
21/10/1557 25/11/1557 Camill o Zanetti Aeliani de proprietatibus, Apollonii Pergei Conicorum gr. Z 518 (= 539)
07/11/1558 Vincenzo Rizzo Ptolomei musicam gr. Z 318 (= 994)
Knocking on Heaven’s Door. The Loan Registers of the Libreria di San Marco
277
278 Ottavia Mazzon
Works of Origenes have been borrowed a total of ten times, by several different people. The
Contra Celsum (MSS Marc. gr. Z 323 [= 639], 367 [= 649], 383 [= 587]) was loaned to Diego Hurtado
de Mendoza (05.11.1545–07.02.1546), George Tryphon (12.03.1546–20.06.1546), George Korinthios
(29.03.1546–01.12.1547), Kornelios Mourmouris for George Tryphon (09.02.1555–20.06.1555),
Bartholomeus Fachinetus (09.12.1555–14.07.1556); the Philocalia again to Hurtado de Mendoza
(26.10.1545–23.12.1545) and to Agustín Agustín (26.08.1547–28.10.1548); finally, the Commentary
on the Gospel of Mark and John has been loaned to Vincenzo Rizzo (05.11.1545–01.01.1548) and
George Tryphon (20.06.1555–).
The manuscripts of the Bibliotheca (Marc. gr. Z 450 [= 652], 451 [=537]) have been borrowed
nine times by several people: Antonios Kalliergis (12.09.1545–13.01.1547), George Tryphon
(26.10.1547–before 17.12.1547), Bernardo Zorzi (17.12.1547–), Andrea Venier (who borrowed the first
one from 11.07.1553 to 30.03.1554, the second one from 18.09.1553 to 24.09.1553), George Tryphon
(10.01.1555–25.10.1555), Tommaso Giunti (20.01.1555–10.11.1555: the coincidence of the dates with
the loan to George Tryphon leads to the conclusion that one of them took Marc. gr. Z 450, while
the other got Marc. gr. Z 451), Sebastiano Erizzo (13.07.1558–20.04.1559: he probably borrowed
Marc. gr. Z 450), Giambattista Rasario (20.12.1558–19.05.1559: he borrowed Phocium alterum,
probably Marc. gr. Z 451).
Historiographers form a category of their own right. Different codices containing the
Bibliotheca historica of Diodorus Siculus were borrowed multiple times between 1546
and 1548;66 between 1547 and 1548 manuscripts of Cassius Dio were borrowed four
times,67 while Niketas Choniates was borrowed three times between 1556 and 1557.68
These data show that interest in specific historians was probably limited in time and
followed a sort of cultural trend that came and went in a short amount of time.
4 Research Prospects
A systematic enquiry into the loan registers of the Libreria di San Marco would lead
to the reconstruction of a wide network of relations documenting the path taken
by Greek studies in Europe in the middle 16th century. The precise identification
66 Marc. gr. Z 374 (= 647) containing the first five books of the work was loaned to Giambattista Ramu-
sio on 14.12.1547; Marc. gr. Z 375 (= 310), containing books 11 to 15, was borrowed by George Tryphon
(12.03.1546–08.08.1546) and Sebastiano Erizzo (04.06.1548–). It is not clear which book Battista Egna-
zio and George Korinthios borrowed, since there is no copy of Diodorus that contains books from 5
onwards: it could either be Marc. gr. Z 374 (the scribe could have misread the Latin preposition ad for
ab) or Marc. gr. Z 376 (= 854), which contains books 15 to 20. See Omont (1887) 664–665 nos. 66, 86 =
Castellani C. (1896–1897) 339, 341.
67 The Historia Romana of Cassius Dio is transmitted by MSS Marc. gr. Z 395 (= 921) and 396 (= 535).
Given the general nature of the loan notices, it is not possible to establish who borrowed which man-
uscript, but George Tryphon and Vincenzo Rizzo probably borrowed both on different occasions: see
Omont (1887) 663–665 nos. 62, 72–73, 82 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 338, 340–341. George Korinthios
only took one of the two codices: see Omont (1887) 664 no. 64 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 338.
68 Omont (1887) 679–680 nos. 169, 171, 173 = Castellani C. (1896–1897) 359–360.
of which of Bessarion’s books were borrowed by scholars, professional scribes and

other intellectuals; the research on the copies transcribed following the loans, the
circumstances of their production, and their history until their present location
would shed light on the impact of Bessarion’s donation on European culture during
the Renaissance.
Charles Graux’s work can be considered path-breaking in this respect: as men-
tioned above, he examined the registers in order to identify which manuscripts Diego
Hurtado de Mendoza had borrowed from the Marciana Library and then attempted
to find the volumes with the same content in the inventory of Mendoza’s collection.69
He also took into consideration the scribes of Mendoza’s manuscripts: in doing so,
he situated the ambassador’s collection in the context of contemporary Venetian
Greek-language humanism and linked Mendoza to a Greek writing atelier.70
Moving from Graux’s example, the research on the books loaned from the Libre-
ria di San Marco can advance in two different directions. On the one hand, Bessarion’s
codices could be examined extensively in order to build a database of annotators of
the Marcian codices: the presence of marginalia, attention marks, and other notes
constitutes proof of loans of which we might not have an official record. On the other
hand, further research can start from the registers themselves. The survey of the man-
uscript tradition of the works contained in the codices that were borrowed could lead
to the identification of the copies that spawned from Marcian manuscripts. In turn,
the palaeographical and codicological analysis of these copies and the reconstruc-
tion of their history would be instrumental to the mapping of the network of scribes,
reader, annotators, collectors that, starting from the city of Venice, reached numerous
places in Europe. Moreover, the development of research into the manuscript tradi-
tion of the works preserved in Bessarion’s collection could provide more data on the
loans which had taken place before the starting date of the registers or in the years
1549–1551, when information in our possession is sporadic. A few examples will better
illustrate these developments.
The enquiry into the books that used to belong to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza
reveals the existence of codices that the Spanish ambassador borrowed from the
Libreria di San Marco before the start of the register Marc. lat. XIV 22.
Mendoza owned a copy of Photius’ Bibliotheca in two volumes, nowadays MSS
Scor. Ψ.I.9/10 (de Andrés 429–430). These codices were transcribed in Venice by the
professional copyist Ioannes Mauromates in 1543.71 As textual analysis demostrated,
the exemplar copied by Mauromates was codex Marc. gr. Z 451 (siglum M), while
69 Graux/de Andrés (1982) 197–200.

70 Graux/de Andrés (1982) 200–203.
71 Canfora (2000) 30 no. 1; de Andrés (1965–1967) vol. 3, 14–15; on the binding, Martínez Manzano
(2016b) 270.
280 Ottavia Mazzon
the pinax to the Bibliotheca was later added in Scor. Ψ.I.9 by Petros Karneades, who
employed Marc. gr. Z 450 (siglum A) as his antigraph.72
The examination of the manuscript tradition of Cassius Dio73 leads to discover
another loan made from the Libreria di San Marco to Mendoza: Scor. y.I.4 (siglum S;
Andrés 297),74 which belonged to him, is a copy of Marc. gr. Z 396. However, there is
no record of this loan in Marc. lat. XIV 22: like Photius, Cassius Dio must have been
borrowed by the ambassador between 1541 and 1544, before the start of the official
documentation.
A survey of the Greek codices which used to belong to Johann Jakob Fugger and
are now at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich75 brings to light a few copies of
Marcian manuscripts that were achieved by scribes also mentioned in the registers.
For example, Mon. gr. 576 is a composite manuscript which is a copy of two different
Marcian codices: Marc. gr. Z 245 (= 582) and Marc. gr. Z 421 (= 784). Mon. gr. 5 was
transcribed in a collaborative effort by Petros Karneades (from Malvasia) and George
Tryphon. Karneades also copied Mon. gr. 11, which is an apograph of Marc. gr. Z 191
(= 478),77 but the registers do not record a loan of this codex either to him or another
person that could be connected to Johann Jakob Fugger. Mon. gr. 23 is another com-
posite manuscript, whose parts derived respectively from MSS Marc. gr. Z 67 (= 387)
[Part II], Marc. gr. Z 68 (= 353) [Part III], and Marc gr. Z 494 (= 331) [Part IV]. The
codex was copied for the most part by Camillo Zanetti, Kornelios Mourmouris, and
Ioannes Mourmouris,78 who we have seen are all very active borrowers from the Mar-
ciana Library. The second part of Mon. gr. 23 was likely transcribed in 1552, when
Kornelios Mourmouris borrowed a codex containing Gregory of Nyssa’s works from
the Libreria di San Marco.79 Many other manuscripts belonging to Fugger were written
by these same scribes (e.g., Mon. gr. 19, 28, 29, 31, 33, 39, 47, 48, 52, 55, 63, 67, 70, 92,
104) and are likely copies of Marcian codices. The access to Bessarion’s collection
of this writing atelier was therefore not limited to the time period for which we have
systematic data.
Photius and Cassius Dio are not the only authors who must have been borrowed
more times than the registers attest. Among the copies of Marc. gr. Z 374 (= 647) of
Diodorus Siculus,80 there are two which are particularly interesting: MSS Par. gr. 1659
72 Canfora (2000) 41.

73 Boissevain (1985–1901) vol. 1, LIX–LXXXVII; Boissevain (1885); Mazzucchi (1979); Freyburger/
Roddaz (1991) LXXXIX–XCIII; Freyburger-Galland et al. (2002) LXVI–VIII.
74 de Andrés (1965–1967) vol. 2, 181; Martínez Manzano (2016b) 270 (on the binding).
75 For the list of Fugger’s manuscripts, see Hajdú (2002) 99–103.
76 Tiftixoglu (2004) 43–47; Mondrain (1991–1992) 361, 364.
77 Tiftixoglu (2004) 84.
78 Tiftixoglu (2004) 126–132.
80 On Diodorus’ manuscript tradition, see Chamoux/Bertrac (1993) LXXVIII–C (Books 1–5), CI–
CXXIII (Books 11–20). On Marc. gr. Z 374’s apographs, see ibid. LXXXIII.
and Par. Coisl. 149. The former was copied by Bartolomeo Zanetti,81 who must have
borrowed this manuscript before 1545 or between 1548 and 1551; despite what the
philological analysis leads to believe, the latter cannot possibly descend directly from
the Marcian codex, since it was partly copied by George Balsamon, a Greek scribe who
worked for cardinal Giovanni Salviati in Rome in the third quarter of the 16th centu-
ry.82 Hence, the Coisl. 149 could perhaps be the descendant of a lost copy of Marc. gr.
Z 374, but not be a direct copy of this manuscript, as there is no evidence of books
leaving Venice in the time-period covered by registers.
As for the other codex containing part of Diodorus’ Bibliotheca historica, Marc.
gr. Z 375 (= 310; siglum M), it must also have been borrowed a few more times than
attested, since Bartholomeus Zanetti could employ it as the exemplar for both MSS
Berol. Phillipps 1631 (gr. 228)83 and Vat. Reg. gr. 85.84
In a few occasions, through a combined approach encompassing both philolog-
ical and palaeographical analysis, it is possible to identify with precision the codex
loaned by the Libreria di San Marco to someone mentioned in the registers, especially
in those cases when Castellani is not able to provide a unambiguous identification
because the loan record is either too generic or Bessarion’s collection contains two or
more codices with similar content. For instance, Castellani was not able to tell which
of the two manuscripts of Diogenes Laertius (Marc. gr. Z 393 [= 896] and Marc. gr. Z
394 [= 1030]) was borrowed by Henri Estienne in 1555 on June 2, 1555 and returned
to the library the following August 13. The advancement in the studies on the manu-
script tradition of Diogenes, however, has led to singling out Marc. gr. Z 393 as Esti-
enne’s Marcian exemplar.85 Examining the codex, it is also possible to attribute to
Estienne’s hand a note written in the external margin of fol. 27v, which supplies a
line of Diogenes’ text that was missing in the Marcianus due to a saut du même au
même (τῆς ὀγδόης ἡγεῖται Κλειτοφῶν ἢ προτρεπτικός, ἠθικός: DL III 60, 274, l. 661
Dorandi) (Fig. 6).86 This note, alongside the textual analysis evidence, represents the
conclusive evidence for the identification of which of Bessarion’s Diogenes codices
was borrowed by Estienne.
81 Ibid. LXXXV–VI (cp. RGK II 45).

82 The identification of the scribe is due to Ciro Giacomelli, whom I would like to thank for having
shared the information with me. On George Balsamon, see RGK III 92; on Par. Coisl. 149, see Chamoux/
Bertrac (1993) LXXXIII–IV.
83 Chamoux/Bertrac (1993) CVI: the codex was achieved on August 6, 1546. It was then annotated by
Arnoldus Arlenius for Henri Estienne.
84 Ibid. CXIX. Only Books 14–15, however, are copied from Marc. gr. Z 375; Books 11–13 derive from
Marc. gr. VII 8 (= 1097).
85 Dorandi (2013) 11–12.
86 On Estienne’s handwriting, see RGK I 116bis = II 148 = III 192. The identification is made through
the comparison with Lond. Harley 5592, fols. 1r–113v.
282 Ottavia Mazzon
Fig. 6: Marc. gr. Z 393, fol. 27v (detail) © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
5 To Edit or Not to Edit: How to Edit?

As the few examples above show, the research on book loans in the Libreria di San
Marco between the 15th and the 16th century, despite still being in its beginning
stages, is very promising in its outlook. The registers themselves are undoubtedly in
need to be published again, and the new edition should take into account the pro-
gress made in the last century by classical scholarship, Greek codicology, and Greek
palaeography regarding the exploration of manuscript traditions, the identification
of scribes and annotators, and the reconstruction on scribal and intellectual circles.
A new edition of the loan registers would have to provide a large body of addi-
tional information alongside the text of the loan notices, namely: the precise identi-
fication of the borrowed manuscripts, whether or not copies were made on the occa-
sion of the loan recorded in the register, by whom, who were the owners of these
copies, where the manuscripts ended up now. Since this information is subject to
continuous increment following the advancement of historical and textual research,
a new printed edition of the registers would become obsolete in the period of time
that elapses from its last draft approved by the editor to the actual printing date of the
manuscript. A digital publication would better suit this type of document, as the text
could be supplemented by the recording of a number of metadata, as many as neces-
sary, which would function effectively as a commentary to the text. These metadata
would include the borrowers’ names, loaning and returning dates, present signature
of the borrowed manuscript(s), signatures of eventual copies, and other information
pertaining apographs of Bessarion’s codices.
By adopting TEI standards for data representation, the edition could not only allow
the cross-research and re-organization of information according to the needs of the final
users, but it could also be successfully integrated with other databases on Medieval and
Renaissance libraries, such as the Archivio possessori,87 maintained by the Marciana
Library, or Thecae, the database developed at the Université de Caën and the Institut de
Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes for the digital edition of library inventories.88
Different ways to represent data would surely pave the way towards a new under-
standing of 16th-century intellectual life. As graphic representations become more and
more popular as means to visualize research paths in data,89 the database could provide
the possibility to see on a map the journey of a manuscript from its original place of
production to its present place of conservation. A similar tool would allow the visuali-
zation of the wide web of connections between Bessarion’s books and their copies now
dispersed throughout Europe, thus finally providing a map of a crucial phase in the
expansion of Greek-language Humanism from Venice towards the rest of the European
continent, from one bibliophile’s heaven to many sanctuaries of book culture.
Addendum: The project envisioned in this chapter has since received funding within the
framework of the “Mobility & Humanities” Project of Excellence at the Department of Historical
and Geographical Sciences and the Ancient World (DiSSGeA) of the University of Padua. See
the subproject “LiVE”. Libri Veneti in Europe: Mapping the loans of the Greek books of the
Library of St Mark, from Venice to Europe on the website Mobility & Humanities (<https://www.
mobilityandhumanities.it/>).
87 See below Braides/Sciarra, 285–305.

88 Thecae (<http://www.unicaen.fr/recherche/mrsh/document_numerique/projets/thecae>) is part
of the portal Biblissima (<http://beta.biblissima.fr/fr/>). Biblissima is “a virtual library of libraries”
(“bibliothèque virtuelle des bibliothèques”) regrouping a number of projects aimed at preserving and
valorising the written cultural heritage of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. On the project regard-
ing ancient inventories, see <http://www.biblissima-condorcet.fr/fr/actualites/lancement-collection-
inventaires-anciens-puc>; also <http://www.unicaen.fr/recherche/mrsh/document_numerique/out-
ils/inventairesAnciens> (criteria for the edition of ancient inventories).
89 See Dunn (2010); Goodchild (2008). With regards to classical Antiquity, a series of network rep-
resentations of data concerning groups of people can be found on the website of the project Tris
megistos (<https://www.trismegistos.org/network/index.php>), concerning the Greek papyri of
Egypt, while recent studies address the corpora of Pliny the Younger and Cicero’s letters. For Pliny
the Younger see Hicks (2017) and the Pliny Project’s website (<https://plinyproject.org/>) maintained
by the author; for Cicero see Marley (2018a) and the Digital Cicero project (<http://bam.lib.uiowa.edu/
digitalcicero/>), described at length in Marley (2018b). Path-breaking research is being published in
the Journal of Historical Network Research (<jhnr.uni.lu>).
Orsola Braides and Elisabetta Sciarra
Reconstructing a Library: Case Studies from
the Archivio dei possessori of the Marciana
National Library in Venice
1 Foreword
The Marciana National Library’s database of provenances (called Archivio dei Pos
sessori, or AP: <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/la-biblioteca/cataloghi/archivio-
possessori>) has been available on the library’s website since November 2014.
The AP is a project collecting data and photographic records referring to the
owners of the Library’s printed books and manuscripts: bookplates, stamps, owner-
ship and readers’ notes, and binding marks. The project – together with others imple-
mented by Italian and international libraries – aims at reconstructing the history of
the Library’s holdings and of every single item. It is part of a broader project sup-
ported by the Marciana focusing on the history of its holdings and collections, as well
as on single exemplar, and is linked to the cataloguing of ancient printed books in
SBN (Servizio Bibliotecario Nazionale), with particular attention being paid to single
items; to the cataloguing of manuscripts in NBM (Nuova Biblioteca Manoscritta); and
to involvement in the international MEI project (Material Evidence in Incunabula),
which aims to reconstruct the history of book circulation in the 15th century through
material evidence found in books.
The software was designed from the outset to integrate data from several librar-
ies: nowadays these are the University Library in Padua, seventeen libraries of the
Autonomous Province of Trento, and three institutions in Venice: the Cini Founda-
tion, the Querini Stampalia Foundation, and the Museum Correr Library.
Today, the AP includes around 2,000 records along with more than 8,000 free
access images, and it is constantly expanding. It catalogues identified and uniden-
tified owners in order to facilitate recognition. Although data can be simply con-
sulted by browsing, it is also possible to query the system by starting with ownership
marks, owner’s name, and shelfmark. Every record indicates one (or more than one)
Note: Paragraph no. 2 is by Orsola Braides; paragraph no. 3 is by Elisabetta Sciarra. Paragraph no. 1
(Foreword) was written by both. All links to the records and web pages were last consulted on May 8, 2019.
The Italian cataloguing system distinguishes between possessore (“owner”) and provenienza (“prove-
nance”), indicating with provenance only the last owner of the book before it became part of library col-
lections. On the other hand, the English cataloguing system uses only the term “provenance”, uniting
both meanings.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-012
286 Orsola Braides and Elisabetta Sciarra
shelfmark and each is linked to its online cataloguing description. Thus, AP consul-
tation is complementary to catalogue consultation. The AP is supplied with a brief
User’s Guide,1 where common-use abbreviations are also indicated.
2 The Provenance Database Design

The Marciana bibliographical descriptions, available on the local OPAC – Polo VEA2 –
always record notes related to items, with specific attention paid to owners and prov-
enance. In the SBN cataloguing system the data related to owners are exclusively
available on the local OPAC; in the current version of Sebina software in use on Polo
VEA – Sebina Next – they appear in the UNIMARC record (UNIversal MAchine Read-
able Cataloguing),3 where owners and notes containing provenance information are
tagged as 317 and Name (Author) is tagged as 702 or 712, depending on type (personal
or corporate body names).
The software supplies the UNIMARC mapping of the owners in order to allow
research and downloading of the data themselves, although it provides access to the
AP from the OPAC system through a link.
Therefore, the AP has been designed to support and complement the online
library catalogue. After a period of testing (July–October 2014), it was inserted on the
Library’s official website in November 2014. At first, it contained 160 records, but by
the beginning of 2015 the records had already reached 280; today they number more
than 2,000.
The need to create a simple, functional, low-cost database which includes at the
same time detailed descriptions, has led to the creation of a system divided into a
small number of fields: owners (personal or corporate body names), type of owner-
ship marks, library and related shelfmark, supported by a series of images.
Querying the AP directly from the Library’s website has enabled the develop-
ment of an easily consultable system, in coordination with Bazzmann srl Venice.
Like the Library’s website, the AP system is based on Drupal version 7, which
assigns a unique code to all data inserted by the librarians in order to facilitate data
storage management. A unique code is serially assigned to every item managed
by the system: Users/Librarians, Nodes (including images in the owners’ records),
and taxonomy (connecting terms among nodes, such as owners and corresponding
shelfmark).
1 <http://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/la-biblioteca/cataloghi/archivio-dei-possessori/guida-alluso>.
2 < http://polovea.sebina.it/SebinaOpac/Opac.do>.
3 Hopkinson (20093) 326–328, 538–539.
Reconstructing a Library 287
Each item is given its own code, having a different denomination – UID (User
IDentifier) for librarians, NID (Node IDentifier) for nodes and TID (Term IDentifier) for
taxonomies (see Table 1).
Table 1: Schema of the entry Owner and its links.
In the same way that users normally consult an online catalogue – without necessar-
ily knowing the main entry – in the AP system the access point to the owner’s name
(main entry) is linked to several added entries, including those available on the items
and those derived from external sources, catalogues, and bibliographies. A textual
note (Description) is linked to the univocally identified owners, enabling access to
external links. What is especially significant for the reconstruction of the history of
Marciana and its rare holdings are the Non identificati (Unidentified) owners (with
single TID), where identity is unknown. The AP enables the aggregation and retrieval
of items characterized by identical ownership marks, even if they have not been
identified under an owner’s name. The choice of dealing with Unidentified owners
derives from problems arising in the case of a similar SBN entry such as the unidenti
fied printers’ device, which has a single entry linked to several editions, which cannot
be catalogued under printers as they are printers’ devices, while in the AP they may
be catalogued under type of ownership mark – Unidentified stamps, Unidentified

binding marks etc. – and under image correspondence.
Persons and corporate body names are in authorized form according to Italian
Cataloguing Rules (REICAT)4 and are linked to as many added entries as possible.
On the basis of this system an Owner Index has been designed which automati-
cally records all entries for the owners. During the creation of a new entry, the option
of advanced research for existing entries is available, so as to enable recognition of
previously recorded entries.
Considering a constant increase of entries – with more than 2,000 main entries,
there are more than 1,300 added entries – if a record is unavailable, the system pro-
vides a negative answer. Likewise, when a new entry is being recorded the system
checks all available entries so as to avoid creating duplicates.
The Description field displays bio-bibliographic data relating to owners. Where
owners are unknown an indication of the century is provided where possible. We have
chosen to create a freetext field where librarians can insert links to external sources
in order to provide as much historical and biographical information as possible. Each
record is given a sequence number automatically generated by the system, also read-
able by users, which if deleted or merged is no longer considered by the system.
The field Ownership marks is linked to the main entry; this field also includes
temporary custody (not only ownership); it has been divided into six headings, or five
plus one that cannot be included under any of the other headings. The headings are
as follows:
– Other: None of the headings mentioned below, as data is derived from external
sources to the book, such as handwritten or printed catalogues.
– Binding marks: These include coats of arms, initials, printed names, and rep-
resentations linked to specific owners.
– Bookplates (ex libris): Small labels that bear woodcuts, engravings, and photo-
mechanical prints serially produced and glued onto the volumes, usually on front
pastedown, in order to indicate ownership. This heading includes all ex libris, as
well as ex dono, whether armorial or artistic.
– Reading notes: Marginalia, annotations, corrections, and drawings.
– Ownership notes: Initials, cryptograms, signatures, handwritten annotations (i.e.
Ex libris d.ni…), hand-drawn, illuminated coats of arms.
– Stamps: All kinds of stamps, with no distinction between armorial and artistic or
official stamps, unlike for the ex libris.
The only forms of attestation of ownership that can be repeated several times in the
same form and whose measurements are recorded, are A-B, D-E (see Table 1). There-
fore, this system allows librarians to combine together a specific owner (TID01) with
4 REICAT (2009).
six different types of ownership marks, in turn represented in different forms, which
is to say that an owner (TID01) can have several bookplates, and thus separate records
will be associated to them.
The management of Unidentified owners is especially important in order to
study the history of the Library’s holdings, as these owners are treated individually
according to the ownership marks found in the copies. Thus there are: Unidentified
(TID6375) stamps; Unidentified (TID6375) ownership marks; Unidentified (TID6375)
reading notes etc., each of them available with one or more images and its own serial
number, to allow the maintenance of record data linked to the entry of an already
identified owner, in case of recognition (see Table 2).
Table 2: Marciana National Library – Archivio dei possessori – Description of the owner Camillo Capilupi.5
Thus, when creating a record the owner is linked to only one mark of ownership at
a time, an extended note referring to such ownership mark, the Library and corre-
sponding shelfmark, and at least one image related to the mark.
5 <http://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/220-capilupi-camillo>.
The Extended note, which also includes a Summary that is only accessible to librari-
ans – especially useful to condense a series of shelfmarks where there are long notes
and multiple references, for example – displays the library code, the shelfmark (not in
the standardized form of the online catalogue as this is recorded in the specific field,
but in the form of historical catalogues or in the one by which it is known through the
bibliography), the exact location of the ownership mark (binding, book spine, leaves
etc.), and its complete transcription. The data may be supplemented by extensive notes
with links to external sources. The same field also records external contributions such
as Institutions that have consented to the publication of images related to identical
ownership mark evidence in their copies, or else scholars that have been responsible
for identifying material evidence (see Table 3).
Table 3: Example of the schema of Owner entry, with a type of ownership mark in three different
forms found in three different libraries.
The descriptive record of an owner immediately shows the type of ownership mark
linked.
The Owner entry always displays its own TID; this entry can be modified and such
a procedure is implied in all the records associated to the same entry.
The Library and Shelfmark field lists all the libraries taking part in the AP project,
therefore each shelfmark is uniquely linked to the library that describes it, as the system
filters the selection of existing shelfmarks based on the relevant library. Therefore, records
of identical shelfmarks for several libraries – i.e. INC. for incunabula – may exist without
creating mistakes. The shelfmark is linked to the URL of the bibliographic description in
the local OPAC, as the data of the copies are recorded only in the local OPAC and not in
the national OPAC SBN. In cases where the items have been reproduced in digital format,
in the local OPAC description corresponding to the data of the digitized exemplar there
is a link to the Internet Culturale portal. Thus, from the AP the user can pass to the local
OPAC and from there to the Internet Culturale portal to view the whole copy.
As regards Shelfmarks, like the Owners’ entries, a consultation Index has been
created, from where librarians can select the already existing entries. The system
checks the existence of other shelfmarks that may be duplicated in each library when
a new shelfmark record is created (see Table 4).
Table 4: Marciana National Library – Archivio dei possessori – Extended note of the owner Camillo
Capilupi.
At least one image is linked to each owner, which is the image that is immediately
visible to the user carrying out a search. Subsequently, a whole series of other images
can be added. The Title of every image is recorded according to the same characteris-
tics as for the Extended note: library code, shelfmark, and exact location of ownership
mark (see Table 5).
Table 5: Marciana National Library – Archivio dei possessori – Image gallery of the owner Camillo
Capilupi.
The URL of the bibliographic description in the local OPAC is linked to the shelf-
mark. All exemplars are documented in the local OPAC records – in the example
cited the second exemplar described belongs to Camillo Capilupi – where the link to
the AP is visible and from which all other bibliographic information available in the
OPAC linked to the owner is accessible. In the example cited there are two works. Con-
versely, a search for the owners may be carried out from the local OPAC (see Table 6).
Born of noble lineage in Mantua, Camillo Capilupi was a loyal servant at the court
of the Gonzaga family.6 He studied in Rome between 1515 and 1517 under Aulo Giano
Parrasio,7 but then went on to study law in Bologna, being more appropriate for a future
political and administrative role at the court of the Gonzagas.8 The Marciana Library
6 Luzio/Renier (1902) 289–334;

7 Dionisotti (1938) 213–254; Gualdo Rosa (2005) 25–36; Cirasola (2009) 103–145; Manfré (2015).
8 ASM, Archivio Gonzaga, busta 2993, libro 12; ASM Archivio Gonzaga, busta 443, fasc. I.
Table 6: Two-way link between the AP and the local OPAC.
houses two Aldines belonging to the Capilupi collection: Le cose volgari di messer
Francesco Petrarcha dated 1501 and the Opera by Lucian, 1503 (1502, more veneto).9
Renouard refers to three volumes by the same owner in the catalogue of his col-
lection: the Orationes by Demosthenes (Manutius, 1504): “[...] est la signature de
Camillo Lupi”, the Opera et dies by Hesiod (Giunta, 1515): “[...] enrichi de quelques
notes de Camillo Lupi, avec sa signature sur le titre”, and finally the De urbibus by
Stephanus of Byzantium, (Manutius, 1502): “[...] rempli de notes de la main de Camillo
Lupi, ou Capilupi”.10 The Opera et dies by Hesiod later belonged to Florentin-Achille,
9 Petrarca (1501) (BNM – Aldine 498); Lucianus (1502) (BNM – Aldine 139).
10 Renouard (1819) vol. 2, 62: Demosthenes (1504); vol. 2, 161: Hesiodus (1515); vol. 4, 6: Stephanus
Byzantinus (1502).
Baron of Seillière (1813–1873), then to the astronomer Frank McClean (1837–1904),

who bequeathed his collection to the Fitzwilliam Museum of the University of Cam-
bridge.11 The De urbibus by Stephanus of Byzantium belonged to Florentin-Achille
Seillière too; he had it rebound by Hardy Mennil12 featuring his own coat of arms, and
eventually the book reached the Aikaterini Laskaridis Foundation in Athens, where
it is housed in the Bibliotheca Graeca collection of Athanassios Oikonomopoulos.
The exemplar was displayed at an exhibition held in the Marciana Library from Sep-
tember 17 to October 24, 2016, entitled The Greek Editions of Aldus Manutius and his
Greek Collaborators. On that occasion the Foundation granted the Marciana Library
permission to reproduce four images taken from the exemplar and to publish them in
the AP.13 Another work of a Greek author, Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica printed
by Andrea Torresano in 1521, belonged to Camillo Capilupi, then to George John 2nd
Earl of Spencer, and eventually the exemplar reached the Aldine Collection of the
John Rylands Library in Manchester. The exemplar has the same ownership mark:
Camilli Lupi.14
Camillo Capilupi inherited a substantial collection of manuscripts and printed
books from his father, Benedetto (1461–1518). Although the collection was partially
dispersed, when Juan Andrés compiled its catalogue in 1797 there were still 129 man-
uscripts and over 350 books.15 The Harleian collection of manuscripts at the British
Library includes seven manuscripts originally owned by the Capilupi family: Harley
2556, 2570, 2579, 2707, 2730, 2744 and 5656.16 Harley MS 5656 is a collection of excerpta
by Herodian and other Greek grammarians, which features the same ownership mark:
Camilli Lupi.17
Since 2016, every six months bibliographic data of the records of the AP have been
added to the Thesaurus of the CERL (Consortium of European Research Libraries).18
Next to the entry headings the code of the Institution that recorded the entry is given.
For Italy, the recorded code is the one stated in the Anagrafe delle Biblioteche Itali
ane (Registry of Italian Libraries), which also provides a list of ecclesiastical libraries.
Under biographical data and general notes are displayed the online resources, in this
case the reference to the AP.
In the CERL Thesaurus the data are recorded in six formats – Other formats – RDF/
XML and Turtle (Resource Description Framework), JSON-LD and JSON (JavaScript
Object Notation), YAML (YAML Ain’t Markup Language) and CT (internal format),
11 Sayle (1916) 82; Ricci (1930) 171–172.

12 Flety (1988) 89.
13 Staikos (2016) 172–173.
14 John Rylands Library, Aldine Collection 5861, Apollonius Rhodius (1521), fol. a1r.
15 Andrés (1797); Gasparrini Leporace (1939).
16 Harley (1808–1812) vol. 2, 699, 701, 708–710; vol. 3, 285; Wright (1976) 462–484.
17 < http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_5656_f001r c>.
18 <https://thesaurus.cerl.org/cgi-bin/search.pl>.
which ensure that structured metadata are exchanged and reused, and which also
enable semantic interoperability between different applications (see Table 7).
Table 7: Owner “Camillo Capilupi” in the CERL Thesaurus.
3 Greek Libraries and Scholars

Several examples from libraries of Greeks or of Greek scribes will be presented here,
whose books have been catalogued in the AP. Not all examples will be original as
some have already been published in the AP. Ultimately, the aim of this presentation
is to illustrate how the provenance database created by the Marciana Library in order
to reconstruct the history of the Library’s own holdings and collections is yielding
positive results.19
19 Some examples are illustrated in Sciarra (2019). Other examples are included in Braides/Sciarra
(2017).
A prime example, which is also apparently simple, is Cardinal Bessarion’s

(1403–1472) founding collection, housed in the Marciana National Library.20 The
entire collection of Bessarion’s incunabula, less well known than his manuscripts col-
lection, has been catalogued in the AP, while the manuscripts are still to be recorded.
Bessarion’s ownership is above all testified by his handwritten notes in Greek and
Latin, the so-called loci or topoi,21 which also record the shelfmark in his own library.
Although the inventories of Bessarion’s library have been published and the library’s
transfer to Venice has been thoroughly researched, the transcription of Greek-Latin
loci on the manuscripts has not yet been completed, nor has a systematic study of the
physical structure of the library when it was still in Rome been carried out. Indeed, in
more than one case the transcriptions in previous literature have proved to be incor-
rect, and in order to gain a better understanding of how the collection was created, a
new transcription of the loci in the manuscripts could be undertaken in the context of
doctoral or basic research, rather than just by the Marciana Library. As regards Bessa-
rion’s incunabula, these have all been catalogued in the AP and all the loci have been
transcribed. Furthermore, it should be noted that a significant number of Bessarion’s
incunabula are richly illuminated,22 including the Cardinal’s coat of arms and in two
cases his portrait. Again, there is currently insufficient precise information to indicate
the number and nature of the manuscripts bearing his own coat of arms, nor how the
various illuminators’ commissions, which could be studied through the comparison
of images, provide clues to the constant expansion of his collection.
The publication of the images and data concerning the incunabula has allowed
scholars to make some progress. It is worth reporting in order to demonstrate the
importance of the diverse competencies contributing to the AP. Examining the records
on Bessarion and his incunabula already present in the AP, in particular the one on
the loci, David Speranzi has demonstrated that the handwriting of the three loci in
Inc. 100–101 and 102 is not Bessarion’s, but rather belongs to Alexios Keladenos, also
Bessarion’s scribe. Hence, it is clear that Keladenos played a role in organising Bes-
sarion’s library. Nowadays the AP includes a record on Alexios Keladenos, written by
David Speranzi himself concerning the previously mentioned incunabula.23
In another case the online publication of images has enabled scholars to identify
handwriting. In this case it is an anonymous annotator working on the two Aldine
17124–172,25 which also include an ownership note and numerous annotations made
by Niccolò Leonico Tomeo.26 The scribe who worked with Niccolò Leonico Tomeo has
20 Labowsky (1979).
21 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/107-bessarione>.
22 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/106-bessarione>.
23 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/917-celadeno-alessio>; Speranzi (2016) 81 n. 24.
24 Thucydides (1502) (BNM – Aldine 171).
25 Xenophon (1503) (BNM – Aldine 172).
26 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/118-leonico-tomeo-niccolo>.
been identified by Ciro Giacomelli (who wrote the record for the AP) as an assistant
to Zacharias Kallierges in some manuscripts: Par. gr. 1656, a sylloge of writings on
rhetoric, Vind. phil. gr. 58 of Pindar, Vind. phil. gr. 164 of Sophocles, and Vind. phil.
gr. 84.27
It should be pointed out that the presence of the DOI (Digital Object Identifier)28
has attracted and continues to attract scholars who contribute to the AP. The AP cur-
rently has a single DOI for the entire database and is the first in Italy in the field of
Humanities to have one. This ensures that the scholar’s records in the AP are in all
respects a publication and should be cited as such. To that end, the license under
which data is released for use should be sufficient – Creative Commons BY NC ND
(Attribution – NonCommercial – NoDerivs 3.0 Italy, with obligation to appropriate
credit). However, the use, knowledge, and respect of Creative Commons licenses,
above all in Italy, are still limited.
To name a few examples of owners of Greek books, the AP also houses entries
written by Rosa Maria Piccione on Gabriel Severos, concerning a printed book and
a manuscript.29 At any time, scholars are able to update the records, and the DOI
metadata – updated once a year – contain data on guest writers. Thus, scholars have
often even contributed the results of their studies to the AP in advance of their final
publication in more extensive scientific articles.
The AP is extremely useful for users and librarians, as it serves as a collector and
tool for the dissemination of already published literature, and for AP users and the
Marciana Library it is a means to catalogue published literature and to encourage
new independent research. It is known that although the literature on manuscripts
is thoroughly catalogued, that pertaining to annotated printed books is less so, with
the exception of the commendable project, Autografi dei letterati italiani, which has
found profitable points of contact in the Marciana Library and the AP. On this subject,
as regards the record concerning the annotations of Vettor Fausto in the Marciana
Library, recent studies have enhanced our understanding of the humanist’s anno-
tations on codex Marc. gr. IX 35 (= 1082) and on Aldine 100.30 The story is fairly
well known: in Marc. gr. IX 35 (= 1082), the 1488 edition of the Iliad,31 Vettor Fausto
included handwritten scholia, above all drawing them from Marc. gr. Z 454 (= 822), to
which he had access as professor at the Scuola di San Marco.32
27 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/854-non-identificati>; Giacomelli (2016b).

28 <http://dx.doi.org/10.20367/Biblioteca_Nazionale_Marciana_Venezia-Archivio_dei_possessori>.
A special word of thanks to Roberto Delle Donne and the CRUI for concession of the DOI. On the pro-
ject see: <http://www2.crui.it/HomePage.aspx?ref=2120>.
29 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/1173-seviros-gavriil> (= Piccione [2017a]).
30 Thesaurus Cornucopiae (1496) (BNM – Aldine 100).
31 Homerus (1488) (BNM – Gr. IX 35 [= 1082]).
32 Morantin (2016) and (2017); <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/6-fausto-vettor>.
From the outset, identifications have been achieved thanks to the possibility of
viewing images, and in several cases it has even been possible to link books whose
provenances are still uncertain, but which have identical ownership marks. For
example, the copious collation and reading notes, mostly in Greek, written by an
anonymous scribe33 in the margins of two printed editions of Apollonius of Rhodes34
and of Theocritus35 (Fig. 1), although still anonymous, are no less interesting, espe-
cially for their historical-textual implications. The author of these annotations has
yet to be identified, but it is reasonable to believe that the scribe would have been a
Greek humanist or, more likely, an Italian able to write in Greek who was interested
in Classical authors. Highlighting this hand and publishing the images will serve to
recognize it elsewhere in the future.
A less well-known author, a doctor named Ioannes who signs his name in Greek,
has been recognized in two volumes in the Marciana Library.36 Another owner to
be identified is Metrophanes Kritopoulos, an Athonite monk who resided in Venice
between 1628 and 1630, who owned a book that is now housed in the Marciana
Library.37 Another example is an anonymous Italian humanist able to write in Greek
who annotated a miscellany of Classical texts, including the rare Oratio consolatoria
ad Apollonium by Plutarch,38 which he read in Pesaro in 1555.39
Indeed, numerous hitherto anonymous annotators have been identified. The
project catalogues both manuscripts and printed books, and the AP is one of the ways
to enhance the collections of autographs owned by the Library which are scattered
throughout its collections. In this sense the AP may also serve as a collection of auto-
graphed material by largely Italian scholars. The case of Aldus Manutius (1450–1515)
comes to mind, as the Marciana Library owns an autographed letter (Marc. it. XI 207
[= 4071]), but also a printed annotated text,40 in which Aldus wrote in the margin in
Greek and Latin in his own work. It is likely that a single note of correction in Aldine
132,41 on fol. a8v,42 is also to be attributed to Manutius.
33 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/376-non-identificati>.
34 Apollonius Rhodius (1521) (BNM – Aldine 510).
35 Theochritus (1516) (BNM – 67 D 187).
36 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/575-ioannes>. The volumes are: Nicolaus
Myrepsus (1543) (BNM – 46 D 238); D’Evoli, Cesare (1580) (BNM – Misc. 1293.3).
37 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/640-kritopoulos-metrophanes>; Nicepho-
rus Blemmidas (1606) (BNM – 5 D 200).
38 Plutarchus (c. 1540) (CNCE 48708); the volume also contains Demetrius Phalereus (1552) (BNM –
115 D 163.1–2).
39 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/1192-non-identificati>.
40 Manuzio, Aldo (1493) (BNM – Inc. Ven. 632). The notes are edited and commented in Venier (2004).
41 Theodorus Gaza (1495) (BNM – Aldine 132).
42 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/136-manuzio-aldo>.
Fig. 1: BNM Aldine 510, fol. c2r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Fig. 2: BNM Aldine 115, fol. 244r © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
To Gianfrancesco Mussato (1533–1613),43 a humanist and academic from Padua,

may be attributed the Greek annotations in the second44 and third45 volumes and
the first part of the fourth volume46 of the editio princeps of Aristotle by Manutius
(Fig. 2). The edition of Aristotle’s Opera omnia housed in the Marciana Library is in
fact a collection of volumes with provenances from various libraries and only these
three volumes are bound in limp vellum, featuring the handwritten title by Mussato
on the front board. Gianfrancesco Mussato’s autographs are housed in the Seminary
Library in Padua, and it is the comparison with his handwriting in Greek in Codex 60747
that enabled us to recognize the hand of the Paduan erudite. Mussato’s books were
viewed by the abbot Giuseppe Gennari,48 his biographer, in Apostolo Zeno’s library
(1669–1750). This extensive private collection was donated by the owner to the Obser-
vant Dominicans of the Seminary of Santissimo Rosario at the Zattere in Venice, and,
on the suppression of the religious houses, most volumes went to the Marciana Library.
The Aldine edition in question comes from Zeno’s collection, bearing the bookplate
and typical cryptographic annotation in the shape of an &.49 Apostolo Zeno seemed
to have owned the complete edition, as evidenced by the handwritten catalogue of his
library housed in the Marciana Library. However, the other volumes of Aristotle’s Opera
omnia in the Marciana Library bear no trace of his bookplate, nor of his ownership
marks. Indeed, one of these, the first, marked as Aldine 113, belonged to Giovanni Bat-
tista Rasario (1517–1578),50 who taught Greek in Pavia, Venice, and also in Padua, being
renowned for his studies on Aristotle, whose ownership is marked on fol. A1r.
Again, through paleographic identification, traces of the private library belong-
ing to Matteo Macigni (d. 1582) (Fig. 3) have been found in the Marciana Library. In
Aldine 141,51 an edition of Herodotus that belonged to Apostolo Zeno, the title page
and fol. 2A2r feature two ownership marks concerning a certain Roberto Macigni
Κτῆμα Ῥωβέρτου τοῦ Μακινίου εἰς χρῆσιν τῶν ἀληθῶς φιλούντων and Κτῆμα
Μακινίοιο π(ατ)ρός, χρῆσις δὲ φιλούντων τῶν ἀγαθῶν, μοῦνον χρῶ, σύδ᾿ ἔπειτ᾿
ἀπόδος. Moreover, fol. 2A2r bears the Macigni family’s coat of arms. Hence, the book
was owned by Roberto Macigni52 and then by his son, as evidenced by the note on fol.
43 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/233-mussato-gianfrancesco>.
44 Aristoteles 2 (1497) (BNM – Aldine 114).
45 Aristoteles 3 (1497) (BNM – Aldine 115).
46 Aristoteles 4.1 (1497) (BNM – Aldine 116).
47 His autographs have been partially edited. See Pontani F. M. (1981).
48 Gennari (1786) XXXIII, LXVIII-LXXI.
49 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/4-zeno-apostolo>.
50 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/225-rasario-giovanni-battista>. The first vol-
ume of the edition owned by Mussato is now in Paris, National Library of France: see Sciarra (2020) 396.
51 Herodotus (1502) (BNM – Aldine 141). The front pastedown bears the Marciana bookplate: 1722.
Hieronymi Venerii Equitis ac D.M. Procuratoris Praesidis cura; Girolamo Venier was a librarian in the
Marciana Library (1709–1735), but the bookplate was used in the library well after his death.
52 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/128-macigni-roberto>.
Fig. 3: BNM Aldine 43, fol. **1v © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
2A2r. The coat of arms of the Macigni or Macinghi family has also been identified in
some books in the Seminary Library in Padua,53 a codex by Pomponius Mela in the
Estense Library in Modena,54 a codex in the Bodleian Library,55 and in an incunabu-
lum of Virgil housed in the British Library.56 Lastly, Matteo Macigni also owned a
drawing by Marco Zoppo.57 It is Matteo Macigni58 who inscribed the ownership note
53 Armstrong et al. (2006) XXII–XXIV. See also Battocchio/Fazzini (2011) 23–26.

54 Estense Library of Modena, lat. 950: Fava/Salmi (1973) vol. 2, 91 no. 60, Tav. XLI (written as Macin
ghi, a variation of Macigni, but with an identical coat of arms).
55 Oxon. Can. Pat. Alt. 85: Pacht/Alexander (1970) vol. 2, no. 581. Both codices are mentioned in: de
la Mare (2002) 467.
56 Vergilius (1471) (ISTC iv00152000) (London, British Library, B.19536a).
57 It is a work on vellum whose cover bears the inscription: Questo libro sie de mi mathio macigni fio
de m(esse)r ruberto macigni [British Museum, inv. 1920,0214.1.26, digitized in: <http://www.britishmu-
seum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=3042880&partId=1>.
58 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/75-macigni-matteo>.
on Aldine 141. Matteo Macigni, member of the Accademia degli Infiammati,59 was part
of the entourage of Pietro Bembo and Daniele Barbaro60 – who dedicated his Pratica
della Perspettiva to Macigni – and corresponded with Gian Vincenzo Pinelli. He was
a philosopher and highly esteemed mathematician. Matteo had an extensive library
whose manuscripts joined those in Bernardo Trevisan’s collection, then the collec-
tion belonging to Niccolò,61 and subsequently made their way to Ettore Trevisan’s
collection. Following the latter’s death in 1650 the collection began to disperse.62
A substantial part was bought in 1662 by Marquard Gude (1635–1689),63 an antiquar-
ian. Through him, manuscripts owned and annotated by Macigni found their way to
the Herzog-August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, such as Guelf. 36–37, 40 Gud. gr., Guelf.
13+19 Gud. gr., and the Diophantus Guelf. 1 Gud. gr.,64 which are annotated by Matteo
Macigni;65 other printed books in the Marciana Library also feature his handwriting.
In Aldine 43 in the Marciana Library, the editio princeps of Pseudo-Simplicius’ Com
mentaries on Aristotle’s De anima, printed in 1527 by Manutius and Gian Francesco
d’Asola,66 Matteo Macigni wrote numerous marginal notes and some missing texts by
hand. On verso of fol. **1 he transcribed a short hypomnema on Aristotle’s De anima.
On verso of fol. **2, originally blank, he wrote the text of the proem, which as we
know have missing parts both in codex A (Florence, Laur. Plut. 85.21) and the Aldine
edition.67 This fragment is transmitted by few survived manuscripts, among which is
Ambr. E 118 sup., which belonged to Gian Vincenzo Pinelli. The proem must have cir-
culated in Padua since Michael Sophianos68 translated it. However, Macigni certainly
also maintained close relations with Pinelli:69 a catalogue of his books may be found
in an Ambrosian manuscript belonging to Pinelli, Ambr. R 110 sup., fols. 280r–283v,
and Gian Vincenzo Pinelli had the text of a synaxarion transcribed in an Ambrosian
codex that came from Macigni’s library.70
Macigni’s hand has been identified in several printed books in the Marciana
Library. For example, in Aldine 51,71 in a single annotation in an Aldine edition of
59 Piovan (1999).
60 Marcon/Moretti (2015). Further books belonging to Matteo Macigni have been traced outside the
Marcina National Library by Laura Moretti, who will publish her findings shortly.
61 Tomasini (1639) 105–115.
62 Bernardo Trevisan was not Niccolò Trevisan’s father: see Zen Benetti (2004).
63 von Heinemann et al. (1913) VII–XVIII.
64 Costil (1935) 300–302.
65 Griechische Handschriften und Aldinen (1978) 8–9, 82–90 no. 28–31.
66 Simplicius (1527) (BNM – Aldine 43). Cataldi Palau (1998) 646–647 no. *108.
67 Hayduck (1882) 3, 1.
68 [Pontani A.] Meschini (1981).
69 Grendler (1980) 403 no. 57.
70 Pasini C. (2000); Nuovo (2007b).
71 In Aphthonii Progymnasmata (1509) (BNM – Aldine 51).
Plutarch’s Moralia, Aldine 52;72 in Aldine 130,73 the 1527 edition of the Commentary
by Ioannes Philoponus on Aristotle’s De generatione et corruptione, as well as Ale-
xander of Aphrodisias’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Metereologica and his De mixtione.
Matteo Macigni’s hand has also been identified in a volume – Aldine 16774 and 16875 –
containing editions of Ioannes Philoponus and Alexander of Aphrodisias bound
together and supplemented with copious reading annotations. Finally, his hand has
been identified in Inc. Ven. 174,76 an edition of Simplicius’ Commentary on Aristotle’s
Categories, which was printed in Venice by Vlastos and Zacharias Kallierges in 1499.
All these books come from Apostolo Zeno’s library,77 having reached the Marciana
National Library via the Seminary of Santissimo Rosario.78 Last, his hand is present
in Marc. gr. VI 11 (= 1409).
It is difficult to establish exactly when Apostolo Zeno acquired this group of books,
but it is likely that it occurred in Padua. If the books housed in the Seminary Library in
Padua featuring the Macigni coat of arms are taken into consideration – manuscripts
and incunabula – a large part of these come from Alfonso Alvarotti’s collection, who
died in 1720. Alfonso Alvarotti must have purchased numerous volumes from the
abandoned private collection of the Trevisan family.
Alvarotti’s purchase of the Trevisan collection probably occurred on Bernardo’s
death in 1720, shortly before Alvarotti himself died. In his correspondence, Apostolo
Zeno expresses his intention to purchase some books after Trevisan died,79 and also
following Alvarotti’s death.80 Later, he also intended to purchase duplicates when the
collection was already at the Seminary.81
The AP is a tool created by a Library for the Library, or rather libraries, that wish
to participate in the project, and for their users. It has been designed as a tool to com-
plement online cataloguing and interacts in a two-way process. It has been developed
as an aid to reconstruct the history of the library and its collections, rather than to
search for individual private collections and holdings. From a methodological point
of view, whereas the researchers present today seek traces of specific collections that
would otherwise be scattered in public libraries throughout Europe, the AP records in
a non-programmatic way and without limitations traces of successive owners of the
books in the libraries that participate in the project. Thus, two completely contrasting
72 Plutarchus (1509) (BNM – Aldine 52).

73 Ioannes Philoponus (1527) (BNM – Aldine 130).
74 Ioannes Philoponus (1534) (BNM – Aldine 167).
75 Alexander Aphrodisiensis (1513) (BNM – Aldine 168).
76 Simplicius (1499) (BNM – Inc. Ven. 174).
77 Apostolo Zeno’s ownership of this and other volumes belonging to Matteo Macigni has also been
confirmed in the index of Zeno’s library, BNM – It. XI 289–293 (= 7273–7278).
78 <https://marciana.venezia.sbn.it/immagini-possessori/5-zeno-apostolo>.
79 Zeno (1785) vol. 3, 109–111 no. 498.
80 Zeno (1785) vol. 3, 160–163 no. 512.
81 Zeno (1785) vol. 3, 185–187 no. 519.
methods are in use which nevertheless frequently intersect, which is confirmed not
only by the presence of scholars who have taken part in writing records of the AP, but
also by the fact that evidence of private libraries has emerged thanks to the creation of
these records by the Marciana Library, which would have probably remained hidden
if the images had not been published, nor data collected.
Christos Zampakolas
Archival Research on Private Libraries
in Renaissance Venice: Considerations,
Elements, Perspectives
The subject of this study pertains to issues emerging from archival research on private
libraries from the 16th-century Venice. In essence, this means that we are going to
deal with the ways in which combined research in bigger and smaller, more particu-
lar archives of a specific nature, can enrich our knowledge concerning a number of
questions about the private libraries’ contents: manuscripts and printed books. The
key questions relate to the production of codices and relevant issues such as scribes’
identities and to matters concerning the circulation of printed books. We concentrate
particularly on the private libraries of Greeks in Venice and on Greek manuscripts;
moreover, on individual scribes who had settled in the Greek Community or who
simply lived for a short period of time in the full of opportunities capital city of La
Serenissima.
We are going to focus upon two archival institutions established in the city of
Venice, based on the present author’s experience of working for several years in
them. The first is the Archive of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
Studies of Venice and the second, the well-known State Archives of Venice (Archivio
di Stato di Venezia).
Nevertheless, it should be noted that archival research in Venice can be also
carried out in a multitude of archival institutions such as the Archive of the Library
of the Correr Museum (Biblioteca del Museo Correr) and the Archive of the Querini
Stampalia Library (Biblioteca della Fondazione Querini Stampalia), the Curia Patri-
arcale Historical Archives (Archivio Storico del Patriarcato di Venezia); also, at the
existing archives of the church institutions of the city as well as in the Manuscripts
Department of the Marciana National Library (Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Dipar-
timento Manoscritti e Rari).
1 The Hellenic Institute of Byzantine

and Post-Byzantine Studies of Venice and its Archive
The Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies of Venice is currently
the management organization of the St Nicholas Greek Confraternity’s Archive; the
latter was a corporatist model union which once upon a time was regarded as a scuola
piccola in Venice. The Confraternity was founded in 1498 and continues to exist to
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-013
308 Christos Zampakolas
the present day although in the form of the Greek Orthodox Community of Venice
(Comunità Greco-Ortodossa di Venezia). Its Archive has been preserved with remark-
able integrity, with minimal losses or document disasters and thus – in spite of the
sometimes unfortunate archival rearrangements of the last decade – it enables us
to monitor the presence of the Greeks in Venice and their function as a union over
the course of more than five centuries, from the end of the 15th century to the first
decades of the 20th. Nevertheless, and in order to be more precise, we must note that
the Archive of the Greek Confraternity does not provide us with information for the
presence of all Greeks that lived and worked in Venice in the period mentioned. This is
because it concerns the Confraternity’s registered members only and, more generally,
those who were connected in various ways with them.1
According to the classification followed during the last re-organization of the
Confraternity’s Archive a few years ago, the records were sorted into four major sec-
tions overall. These sections formed more or less independent archival series.2 Before
proceeding to examine the paths that the archival research could take, it is appropri-
ate to provide a rough sketch of the contemporary structure of the Hellenic Institute
of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies of Venice. Knowledge of its main archival
series will provide the researcher a useful tool for navigating facts, persons, institu-
tions, and practices in pursuit of his or her desiderata.
– A. The first section is called Organization (Organizzazione). It includes the Con-
fraternity’s fundamental statute (called the Mariegola), various decrees and
legislation provisions of the Venetian state regarding its lawful and proper func-
tioning, the registers of the Confraternity members, records of the Administrative
Council’s general meetings and of the meetings of the other management bodies,
as well as directories of the movable assets in which the possessions of the Con-
fraternity are recorded in detail. The latter were systematically drawn up since the
beginning of the 16th century until the 19th.3
– B. In the second section entitled Church (Chiesa), relevant records concerning
the establishment of an orthodox temple in Venice are gathered. They refer to
the church’s organization and administration. A large part of the files comprise
documents of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia (founded in 1577) and its first arch-
bishop Gabriel Severos (Gabriele Svirὸ called Seviro / Γαβριήλ Σβηρός ο Σεβήρος),
private documents of archbishops who succeeded him, residual files of the clergy,
registers containing civil-status documents, certificates etc.4
1 For information regarding the Greeks of Venice, members of the Greek Confraternity or not, see
Mavroidi (1976); Korrè (2012) and (2013); Koutmanis (2013).
2 Maltezou (2008b); Papakosta/Cavazzana-Romanelli (2001).
3 For the edition of the first two registers of the Proceedings of the Greek Confraternity of Venice’s As-
semblies, see Korrè (2012) and (2013). Similarly, for the edition of the first two registers of the member
names of the Greek Confraternity of Venice, see Pardos (1979) and (1980); Mavroidi (1976).
4 See, i.a., Manoussakas (1968) and Manoussakas/Skoulas (1993).
Archival Research on Private Libraries in Renaissance Venice 309
– C. The third section contains materials regarding the Confraternity’s Educational

and Charitable Activity (Attività Educativa e Beneficenza), namely those registers
concerning the school and the hospital and also the financial support given for
the benefit of the most vulnerable and deprived members.5
– D. The fourth section of the Archive is dedicated to Construction Projects (Opere
Edilizie) and includes documents concerning the relevant activities of the Con-
fraternity such as the construction of the church of Saint George of the Greeks
(San Giorgio dei Greci), the Orthodox monastery, the Bell Tower, the Flanginean
College (Collegio Flangini), the Scoletta, and other immovable property in the
Confraternity’s possession.6
– E. The last section saves and preserves the material of the Administration (Ammini
strazione). It includes the official financial books (Maestri e Giornali), cash regis-
ters held by the Confraternity’s president, and inventories of capital investments
in the Venetian Treasury (the Zecca) and in other credit institutions. The notable
portions of this section – particularly interesting for our research subject – form
archival sub-series containing testaments, donations and legacies, and cove-
nant executors; they are labeled as Testamenti, Donazioni, Legati, and Commis
sarie. The typology of the documents is extended from wills of the Confraternity
members, post-mortem inventories of movable and immovable property, dona-
tions and bequests towards the Confraternity and the church as legal entities up
to numerous documents concerning the management of these endowments.7
Regarding the sub-series of the Testamenti and Legati, we note two important archi-
val documents of the Archive of the Hellenic Institute: the inventories of the private
libraries of two prominent Greeks, residents in Venice, the wealthy lawyer Thomas
Flanginis (Tomaso Flangini / Θωμάς Φλαγγίνης) and the archbishop of Philadelphia
Gerasimos Vlachos (Γεράσιμος Βλάχος). Both documents remain unpublished and
only superficially studied by researchers.8
His family originating from Cyprus and Corfu, Thomas Flanginis (1573–1648) was
born and lived in Venice. He studied Law at the University of Padua, where he was
awarded a Doctorate in Roman and Canon Law. After receiving his degree, he prac-
ticed the profession of advocate in Venice. He also served as a district attorney in
various departments of the Venetian administration. Along with his legal activities,
he was an enterprising young man, engaged in trading, transport, and credit activi-
ties. Flanginis was the greatest benefactor of the Greek Confraternity; he bequeathed
large sums of money for the construction of the well-known Flangini College and
5 From the material concerning the educational activity of the Greek Confraternity of Venice, we
have, so far, the still relevant study of Karathanassis (1975).
6 See, i.a., Brouskari (1995); Maltezou (2004b) and (2008c).
7 Manoussakas (1984); Vlassi (2000) and (2001).
8 See notes 12 and 23 of this text.
the Confraternity’s hospital for the needs of the poor Greeks. After all, for reasons of
education and charity, Flanginis gave his consent to the selling of his well-endowed
private library. Indeed, according to his testament, almost all of his books were to be
sold and the money to be spent for the Confraternity’s benefit.9
We have already mentioned the detailed inventory (inventario) of the Flanginis’
library – that is, the detailed list of his books, manuscripts etc.10 It numbers 1,266
volumes of printed books and manuscripts. 542 of them were in Latin, 59 in Greek,
and 665 in Italian. Of course, most of them were printed books (libri a stampa); the
manuscripts were limited to a few dozen. As far as the creation and enrichment of
Flangini’s library is concerned, we do not know much, except that in 1620 the books
of Gabriel Severos, the archbishop of Philadelphia, were added to its original core
holdings.11 These books cover a wide range of interests. In the inventory one finds
mainly listed works of legal, historical, religious subjects. Ancient Greek and Roman
classical writers are also to found, in addition to medical manuals and works on phi-
losophy and cosmography, literature, reference works, geography, dictionaries, and
grammar books.12
In particular, in the collection of Flanginis’ legal books there are professional
manuals, legislation, and compendia of civil and criminal laws, case-law handbooks,
interpretive dictionaries of legal terms, works of secular and canon law, procedural
law, and codifications of Greek-Roman law. These books were used in teaching and in
everyday legal practice because they were regarded as the basis of European legisla-
tion until the 19th century.13
9 For the most recent bibliography of Thomas Flanginis, see the recent study of Korrè (2016), which is
actually based on the comparative study of the archival material found in the State Archives of Venice
and the Archive of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies of Venice.
10 ΑΕΙΒ, E΄. Οικονομική Διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, no. 197, reg. 1.
11 As is known, after the death of Gabriel Severos in 1616, the Greek Confraternity of Venice sold a
large part of his possessions in order to cover the debt which the archbishop owed to the scuola. Thus,
a major part of his library was sold to different individuals. We do know that the names of Thomas
Flanginis and of the Cypriot John Grimbetos (Ιωάννης Γριμπέτος) are witnessed among those who
acquired some of his volumes. However, the most significant purchase was made by the ambassador
of Savoy in Venice, who bought several books on behalf of the Duke Charles Emmanuel. We do not
know either the number of books or the titles that Flanginis bought, but only that he spent the amount
of quaranta ducati for that purpose; for this information, see Piccione (2017b).
12 I am preparing a specific study about the library of Thomas Flanginis, elements of which I have
already presented during the Study Day Spazi veneziani. Spazi mediterranei. Legami tra Venezia e il
mare in possibili itinerari di ricerca nell’Archivio di Stato di Venezia (Venezia, Archivio di Stato, 12–13
Novembre 2018) and during a lecture given on November 27, 2018 at the University of Cyprus.
13 Such as the Theodosian Code (in the document: Codicis Theodosiani libri 16), the Digest (Similar-
ly: Pandetis juris civillis libri quinquaginta), the Constantine Harmenopoulos’ Exabible (Similarly: Il
promptuario juris di Costantino Arminopolo), etc.
The numerically large section of historical books in the Flanginis’ library is sep-
arated according to content into the following categories: a) Venetian history,14 b)
European history,15 c) Ancient Greek and Roman history,16 and d) Byzantine history.
Furthermore, in the inventory of Flanginis’ library the categories of Ecclesiastical
History and World History are to be distinguished.17
The theological works in Flanginis’ library include patristic texts, works of Ortho-
dox and Latin theologians, hagiological texts, texts of the Old and New Testaments,
lives of saints of the Catholic and Orthodox Church, and works of the Reformation
and Counter-Reformation. Writers like Martin Luther, the Dutch theologian Jacobus
Revius (1586–1658) and of course Erasmus, lie within this ideological frame.
Literature is represented by the works of Dante Alighieri, Francesco Petrarca, and
Boccaccio, including the famous Aesop’s Fables. An impressively large number of works
concerning Italian literature of the 16th and early 17th centuries also appears here.18
Finally, in Flangins’ library, we can find medical books (mainly Hippocrates and
Galenus), epistolography, chronicles, works on cosmography and geography, navigation
and travel manuals, as well as various dictionaries and grammars; in addition, compen-
dia which provide summaries of knowledge such as the widely used Della fabrica del
mondo of Francesco Alunno19 and Carolus Stephanus’s Dictionarium Historicum.20
Surely, Gerasimos Vlachos (1605–1685) and his library do not fit directly into the
frame of the private libraries of 16th-century Venice; his place is in the next century,
in a different historical setting not only for Venice but for the Greek residents of the
metropolis too.21 However, we consider it appropriate to mention him not only because
14 Venetian history books such as Paolo Paruta’s Historia Vinetiana, Andrea Morosini’s Storia di
Venezia e Paolo Morosini’s Historia della città, e Republica di Venetia, are more or less found in all
private libraries of Renaissance Venice that we know of, according to the profound study of Zorzi M.
(1990), 155–163.
15 For instance, the Historia di papa Alessandro, e di Federico Barbarossa imperatore, of unknown
writer; cardinal Bentivoglio’s Historia di Fiandra; the Historie della morte d’Henrico quarto Re di Fran
za written by the French historiographer P. Matthieu or the Historia delle Guerre d’Ungaria (= Historia
delle passate, e correnti guerre d’Ungaria: cominciando dalla nascita, e ribellione d’Emerigo Techli,
liberation di Vienna, espugnatione di Buda, con l’altre fattioni successe [...] composta da D. Michele
Lopez).
16 For instance, the book Herodoto halicarnaseo historico, Delle guerre de Greci, et de Persi. Tradotto
per il conte Mattheo Maria Boiardo as well as the Historia Augusta, a late-Roman collection of Roman
emperors’ biographies.
17 The book which represents the universal history in Flanginis’ library deals with the history of
America at the time of Columbus (Americae pars quarta) and was written by Gerolamo Benzoni. See
Benzoni Ge. (1594).
18 For instance, the books of Torquato Tasso’s Il Goffredo, Nicolò Franco’s Dialoghi piacevolissimi,
cavalier Giambattista Marino’s Lira and Francesco Della Valle’s Le lettere delle dame e degli eroi.
19 Alunno (1548).
20 Stephanus (1553).
21 Tatakis (1973).
he was a prominent personality of his time, as he was an archbishop of Philadel-

phia for years and has left significant and extensive writings. Regarding his library’s
content and character, we could easily place him in the evolutionary timeline of those
educated individuals who associated the attitude of preserving Greek letters to the
presence of the Orthodox Church in the heart of the Renaissance Western world.
According to its owner, who had drawn up its first inventory in 1683, Gerasimos
Vlachos’ library contained 883 handwritten and printed books (that is, 1,100 titles).
The number of Greek manuscripts he possessed – recorded in detail – is impressive.
More specifically, there are works of Classical and Byzantine literature, along with
Greek theological works of the Counter-Reformation; authors of Classical Antiquity,
and the works of early Church Fathers and Byzantine scholars along with the proceed-
ings of the Ecumenical Councils. More interesting is the fact that we also find there
the works of Latin Fathers as well as philosophical and theological writings of Medi-
eval and Early Modern scholasticism and, furthermore, works on religion, history,
law, and literature.22 In support of the idea that Vlachos must be counted among the
well-educated influential personalities of the previous century, we mark down the
works of 16th-century writers, such as Maximos Margouniοs (Μάξιμος Μαργούνιος)
and Gabriel Severos found in his library.
Although Vlachos indeed passed down his library to the Greek Confraternity of
Venice (1685), everything has vanished. At present, not a single book from his library
is found in the Library of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
Studies in Venice, not even in the Greek Orthodox Community.23
The Archive of the Hellenic Institute was the only source for archival research
with vital material relevant to the library of the first archbishop of Philadelphia
Gabriel Severos (c. 1540–1616).24 All studies carried out so far on the Severos era and
his activity in Venice, which use archival material for documentation, were based
on this archive. Nevertheless, the scientific community was mistaken in believing
that the Institute’s Archives could no longer provide us with new information on the
subject and that research has uncovered all that there was to find. This impression was
overturned by Rosa Maria Piccione after her visit to the Hellenic Institute in Venice.
Through systematic research in various parts, sections, and sub-series of the Archive,
she brought to light new information about Gabriel Severos’ library and argued that
the role the library played for the Greek milieu in Venice concerned individuals within
Severos’ life and social circle. Furthermore, she thought about the possible fate of his
22 For the library of the archbishop of Philadelphia Gerasimos Vlachos, see Tatakis (1973) 28–35 and
Papakosta (2008) 294–297.
23 More about the Vlachos’ library is to be revealed by Demetrios Paradoulakis, a young and prom-
ising researcher who is preparing his PhD Thesis at the University of Hamburg under the title Greek
Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism in Venice. Aspects of Interconfessionality in the Case of Gerasimos
Vlachos (1607–1685), Archbishop of Philadelphia.
24 For a complete biography of Gabriel Severos, see Piccione (2017b).
library considering the sale of several of his manuscripts from the Greek Confraternity
to the city of Turin and provided many more interesting pieces of information.25
Aside from the aforementioned private libraries, by searching in testaments which
are kept in the Archive of the Hellenic Institute we find information about several
other private libraries of Greeks who lived in Venice as well as information about
manuscripts and printed Greek books in general. We will use, as vivid examples, the
testaments of Maximos Margouniοs (1549–1602) and Apostolos Tsigaras (Απόστολος
Τσιγαράς, c. 1550–1637).26
Apart from the interesting pieces of information which provides the testament
of the bishop of Cythera (Cerigo), Maximos Margounios (dated in 1602) proved to be
particularly useful in stimulating further archival research. From the several data we
have collected (for instance, the notary’s name, the testamentary time), we were able
to locate in a notary register held by the State Archives of Venice – with relative ease,
in fact – the inventory of his movable property. It was drawn up immediately after
the testator’s death. The inventory records part of the manuscripts and printed books
which Margounios held by the time of his death.27
To continue with the examples coming from the notary archive of the Hellenic
Institute of Venice, we have to mention the significant testament of Apostolos Tsigaras,
a merchant from Ioannina, Epirus. The testament was written in 1625. Tsigaras was a
wealthy element of the Greek community who lived in Venice from c. 1570 onward.
As far as the Greek books and the conditions of their making and circulating, the
Tsigaras’ testament reveals the fate of a personal book which he himself had written
in his native language. The manuscript was titled Chronographer, namely Chronicles
(Χρονογράφος, δηλαδή Χρονικά). Tsigaras bequeathed it to the Greek Confraternity
under the condition that it be published within one year of his death. Otherwise the
manuscript had to be sent to the monastery of St Nicholas in the city of Ioannina and
kept there indefinitely. Thus, he ordered in his will:
Lasso un libro che ho scritto apena in lettere greche, intitolato Cronografo cioè Cronica, alla detta
Scola di San Zorzi con questo che termine di uno anno li debbi far metter alla stampa con li mio
nome, cognome et patria. E non facendolo, voglio che detto libro sia dato alli padri de San Nicolo
Torpanà alla Gianina per mia memoria, senza pero levarlo dal monastero.28
In the already formed bibliography about the Greeks in Venice, the presence of several
prominent Greek writers, copyists and manuscript dealers has been confirmed and
recorded according to documents found in the Archive of the Hellenic Institute. Apart
25 See the most recent study of Piccione (2017b), where the earlier formed bibliography is noted
down extensively.
26 ΑΕΙΒ, E΄. Οικονομική Διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, no. 112 (Maxi-
mos Margounios) and no. 190a (Apostolos Tsigaras).
27 Zampakolas (2011–2012).
28 Mertzios (1936) 26.
from Gabriel Severos and Maximos Margounios, we should mention Georgios Korin-
thios (Γεώργιος Κορίνθιος) from Monemvasia (Malvasia), nephew of Arsenios Aposto-
lis (Αρσένιος Αποστόλης); Antonios Eparchos (Αντώνιος Έπαρχος) from Corfu, who
served as a public teacher of the Greek language, appointed by the Venetian State in
the capital; Andronikos Noukios (Ανδρόνικος Νούκιος); Nikolaos Sophianos (Νικόλαος
Σοφιανός) from Corfu; Manuel Malaxos (Μανουήλ Μαλαξός) from Nafplio (Napoli di
Romania); Andreas Darmarios (Ανδρέας Δαρμάριος) from Monemvasia; members of the
Varelis (Βάρελης) family; Manolis Glyzounis (Μανουήλ Γλυζούνης) from Chios etc.29
Apart from tracing unknown archival material concerning Greek writers, copyists,
and manuscript dealers, the Archive of the Hellenic Institute in Venice is proved to be
a valuable resource in combination to other, bigger archival institutions, which might
possess material of this nature. This is the case with Greeks who appear to be pos-
sessors of manuscripts and/or printed books. In recent years the Marciana National
Library, performing excellent work in the course of the Archivio dei possessori,30 has
been systematically recording the marks of ownership put on books or manuscripts,
whether by hand or not (ex libris, bookplates, labels, inscriptions, heraldic motifs –
such as the owner’s name, motto, coat-of-arms, badge or family crest –, frontispiece
engravings to indicate where the book comes from, supralibros, notes showing own-
ership etc.). In parallel, the participants of the programme make an effort to set out a
short curriculum of every owner in such a way that his intellectual background and his
relationship with the book are well illustrated. Indeed, Gabriel Severos, Metrophanes
Kritopoulos (Μητροφάνης Κριτόπουλος), and Thomas Flanginis – prominent person-
alities of the 16th-17th centuries for whom we have already seen that the Archive of the
Hellenic Institute preserves rich material – have been recorded as book owners in the
rare material owned by the Marciana Library.
2 The State Archives of Venice

Concluding our account of the Archives of the Hellenic Institute, we will attempt
to examine the incomparable State Archives of Venice as far as the same subject is
concerned. There is no need either to mark the Archive’s significance for historical
research in general or to describe here the potential deriving from the consulta-
tion of the different archival series; it would be impossible to list them, anyhow.31
Nevertheless, we will refer to a single series, that of the Venetian notaries (Archivio
29 Mavroidi (1976).
30 About the Archivio dei possessori, see in this volume Braides/Sciarra, 285–305.
31 For the internal structure of the State Archives of Venice regarding the detailed description of all
of its archival series, see Tiepolo (1994) 857–1148.
Notarile), without implying that any research on private libraries should be limited
to this series.
The Archivio Notarile is divided into two sub-series: the first, called Notarile
Testamenti, includes hundreds of folders containing testaments from the 13th to the
19th centuries; in the Notarile Atti, in turn, thousands of notarial acts of all kinds
are included, such as authorizations and proxies, loan agreements and commercial
contracts, movable and immovable property transactions, exchange-trade contracts,
insurance contracts, post-mortem inventories, extrajudicial documents in civil and
commercial matters, and so on.32 The total number of documents is enormous, and
research into them needs to be conducted with solid methodological principles, cre-
ativity, and patience. Thus, in the above-mentioned series of Notarile Atti, unique
information about the content and fate of private libraries of many important individ-
uals has been already traced, such as those of the archbishop of Philadelphia Gabriel
Severos and the bishop of Cythera Maximos Margounios, or even the merchant from
Chios Manolis Glyzounis.33
We firmly believe that systematic research into the notary registers concerning tes-
taments (testamenti) and records of deeds (atti) will holds many surprises for research-
ers and could completely change the image of private libraries in 16th century Venice
and beyond. We may finally trace the complete record of Gabriel Severos’ and Maximos
Margounios’ libraries in the aforementioned archival series rather than only certain
parts of these. We may manage to discover the files of the well-known scholar Antonios
Eparchos; even better, those of the teacher Demetrios Moschos (Δημήτριος Μόσχος)
from Corfu, who settled in Venice in the 16th century, bringing with him his father’s
library – a real treasure in his time, according to Janos Laskaris (Ιανός Λάσκαρης).
In order to indicate the great potential of the notarial archives, we use some of the
results that archival research has evinced concerning our subject.
In the archival series of the National Archives of Venice called Notarile Testa
menti, we have traced two testaments belonging to the copyist and manuscript dealer
Andreas Darmarios from Monemvasia. They were dated, the first back to 1569 and
the second to 1585 (Figs. 1a–b), and prepared successively by the Venetian notaries
Antonio Callegarini and Giovanni Pietro Angelieri.34 By signing the testament of 1585,
Andreas Darmarios had in fact withdrawn the previous testament he had made in
1569. The information we glean from his will apart from the disposition of his property
is scarce. Unfortunately, the document contains no clues concerning his activity as a
merchant of manuscripts or books. We are only informed of his origin and lineage:
32 Tiepolo (1994) 1062–1070; for the Venetian notary, see Pedani (1996).
33 Papadaki (2005a; 2005b); Piccione (2017b); Zampakolas (2011–2012).
34 The two testaments of Andreas Darmarios are in the ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 302 (Anto-
nio Callegarini), no. 38 and busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri), no. 42. For the last one, see below,
Appendix 1. For the rest of the records of the same two notaries, see the relevant series called Atti in the
ASVe, Notarile, Atti, buste 5–21 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri) and buste 3099–3158 (Antonio Callegarini).
we read that his home in Monemvasia (Malvasia), the names of his family members,
that his business activity took place mainly in Venice, and of the existence of mobile
and immobile property in both Venice and Monemvasia. Furthermore, in the relevant
series of the Atti and in particular those which were drawn down by the same nota-
ries, there are several documents concerning Andreas Darmarios and his family. It
is therefore obvious that the systematic research of the notarial records kept by the
State Archives of Venice, combined with the relevant archival series of the Hellenic
Institute’s Archive, will certainly shed light not only on the biography of Andreas
Darmarios but also on his social circle as well as his commercial network; namely,
evidence for the trade of manuscripts in the West for which we still have insufficient
information for an adequate representation. We should note that a new book about
Andreas Darmarios was published in 2014 by Erika Elia, based on the bibliographical
information that we have up to now, by the title Libri greci nella Biblioteca Nazionale
Universitaria di Torino. I manoscritti di Andreas Darmarios. The writer makes a sincere
effort to present Darmarios’ personality.35
A second example from the Notarile Atti archival series reveals the adventurous
lives of some Greek manuscripts, namely their journeys from the Greek regions to Italy
from the end of the 16th to the beginning of the 17th centuries. In a written authori-
zation dated to June 28, 1607 (Figs. 2a–b),36 a “Simon Avastagno (Σίμος Αβαστάνιος)
fo de miser Dimitri da Santa Maura” – the island of Lefkada, belonging to the Ionian
complex – authorizes the archbishop of Philadelphia Gabriel Severos to search for
the heirs of another Greek, named Spilioti Tapinὸs (Σπηλιώτης Ταπεινός), in Venice.
Avastagno was searching for a specific book:
[…] uno libro grando in foglio, tutto de bergamina, scritto à pena in Greco, nominato Do-
dechaprofito, antiquo, il quale libro ha li dodese profetti figuradi.
As it seems, this manuscript belonged to an individual named Safiri Roboti (Ζαφείρης

Ρομπότης), also from Santa Maura. He had previously sent it from this island to Venice
in the hands of Spilioti Tapinὸs, with the order to sell it. But in the meantime, Tapinὸs
died; the precious manuscript remained in the hands of his heirs with the rest of his
immovable property. The document does not say more and thus we do not know if the
purpose of the authorization was finally achieved; that is, if Avastagno received the
book or even if he claimed his right as its buyer. As we gather, Tapinὸs had possibly
found a buyer for the manuscript but he didn’t manage to deliver the book.
Since we lack information, we cannot reconstruct the line of possessors of the
book and specifically we cannot say how it ended up in the hands of the archbishop
Gabriel Severos, which it did. In fact, it is listed as one of the manuscripts belong-
ing to the archbishop of Philadelphia, currently in the collection of the National Uni-
35 Elia (2014).
36 ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario), fol. 119rv. See below, Appendix 2.
versity Library of Turin. We refer to the well-known Taur. B.I.2, dating back to the
late-tenth century, which contains the Commentaries on the twelve minor prophets of
Theodoret of Cyrrhus and is decorated with remarkable miniatures, surely produced
in the Constantinopolitan context.37
I will conclude my presentation with a final example deriving from the State
Archives of Venice, which concerns Margounios’ library.38 The Cretan Maximos Mar-
gounios (1549–1602), elected bishop of Cythera, was undoubtedly one of the most
interesting scholarly personages in the 16th-century Venice. Although his library
numbered more than 1,100 volumes of handwritten and printed books, the only ones
preserved or identified so far are 114 volumes of Latin printed books which are kept
at Mount Athos. A few dozen books, mostly manuscripts, were scattered in libraries
across Europe and beyond. Margounios’ books have been traced even to Russia.
As mentioned above, by conducting combined research in the Archives of the
Hellenic Institute and the State Archives of Venice, we were able to identify the post-
mortem inventory of Maximos Margounios’ movable property. By putting together
this document with some other interesting documents, we have concluded that Mar-
gounios ensured the fate of his books with presence of mind and consistency towards
the work of his life. Sensing his end – he was ill for several months – he had already
arranged to send most of the books to his heirs. Indeed, the heirs of his books are
known by his will. For this reason, on the day of his death there were only 186 books,
48 manuscripts, and 138 printed forms found in Venice in the room where he lived.39
Regarding the content, we have classified these 186 remaining books into the the-
matic categories of theology, philosophy/science, and general works.40
In the section of theological works, we have included texts of theologians and
ecclesiastical writers of early Christian times, such as the Contra Celsum of Origenes
Adamantios (Ωριγένης Αδαμάντιος). In addition, works of writers and theologians of
the Middle and Late Byzantine periods are classified in this section, most of which
were found in Margounios’ library in handwritten form. From the Middle Byzantine
period, it is sufficient to mention the names of Maximus the Confessor (Μάξιμος
Ομολογητής) and of the emperor Leo VI the Wise (Λέων Στ΄ Σοφός). From the theolo-
gians of the late Byzantine period, the works of some of the most prominent figures are
found: Nikolaos Kabasilas (Νικόλαος Καβάσιλας), patriarch Gennadius (Γεννάδιος),
and Mathew Kantakouzenos (Ματθαίος Καντακουζηνός). In this section there is also
a book which belongs to the antirrhetic Christian philology, the well known Sarace
nica, which is a collection of Byzantine texts against Islam; there is also a compilation
37 Piccione (2017b) 207. See above Elia/Piccione, 33–82.

38 Zampakolas (2011–2012).
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
of earlier writings by John of Damascus (Ιωάννης Δαμασκηνός), Evodius the Monk

(Ευώδιος Μοναχός) and others, made by Friedrich Sylburg in 1595.41
Aside from the Eastern Church’s theologians, in Margounios’ library we also find
Western writers and scholars. The eight-volume opus Opera omnia in universum vetus
et novum testamentum42 of the French theologian and biblical commentator Hugo de
Sancto Caro (Hugh of Saint-Cher) and, especially, the works of the two greatest theo-
logians and philosophers, Albertus Magnus and his student Thomas Aquinas, repre-
sent the Latin theology of the 13th century.
Of particular interest, however, is the category of 16th-century theologians. In
that period, the Roman Catholic Church, shattered by the Protestant Movement, was
organizing its response. Starting from Trent (1545–1563), the Roman Catholic revival
aimed to combat the Reformation, which was thus called the Counter-Reformation,
unleashed persecution against every dissident. Tracing schismatics and forbidding
books was neither safe nor easy. While the State of Venice was free from the Holy
See’s inquisitors, severe persecutions were not an unknown practice; many expressed
or supposed Protestants were sentenced to death. Therefore, the mere existence of
forbidden books in Margounios’ library has its significance, which we underline
along with the theological interests of Margounios himself. In fact, from the German
Protestant theologians, we note in Margounios’ library the Compendium theologiae43
of Jacob Heerbrand and the Harmoniae evangelicae44 of Andreas Osiander. The latter
was indeed included in the lists of forbidden books of the Roman Catholic Church. On
the other hand, we also find works of Jesuits such as the Opus Catechisticum45 of the
Dutch Jesuit and theologian Peter Canisius, who happened to have been the fiercest
fighter of Protestantism in Germany.
The section of philosophical/scientific works is considered united, as it was per-
ceived at the time when Margounios created his library. Actually, philosophy was
regarded as the foundation of the new science; in that sense alone, the early scientific
works were characterized as new philosophy.46 Consequently, the thematic section of
philosophy includes works of ancient Greek literature, astronomy, rhetoric, botany,
mathematical manuals, and manuals of natural philosophy. We will mention the works
of Plato and Aristotle as well as several commentaries on Aristotelian thought and,
moreover, De Sphaera mundi, the astronomic work of the English mathematician John
of Hollywood, the forbidden Theatrum vitae humanae of Theodor Zwinger, and Dictiona
rium historicum ac poeticum of Charles Estienne – the last two were works in the field of
encyclopedic knowledge. Finally, in this section we notice works coming from a wide
41 Sylburg (1595). For the Saracenica of Friedrich Sylburg, see Rigo (2002).
42 Hugo de Sancto Caro (1600).
43 Heerbrand (1579).
44 Osiander (1561).
45 Canisius (1555).
46 For the role and the nature of the new philosophy see in general, Rupert Hall (1993); Lindberg (1992).
range of scientific disciplines such as the Universae naturae theatrum, a book of natural
philosophy written by the French Jean Bodin, Universa loca in logicam Aristotelis in
mathematicas disciplinas, a book on mathematical and symbolic logic of the Venetian
professor of Mathematics at the University of Padua Pietro Catena, and a botany titled
De herba botanica, a work of the Italian physician and botanist Antonio Musa Brasavola.
The last thematic section of Margounios’ library contains books of variable content.
As an example, we may mention the Homeric poems, writings of Dante and the Byzan-
tine novel Stephanitis and Ichnelatis (Στεφανίτης και Ιχνηλάτης). Among the handwrit-
ten and printed dictionaries we find the known Lexicon graecolatinum novum, printed
in Rome in 1596, a work of a German lexicographer named Johannes Scapula – a con-
temporary of Maximos Margounios. The book was included in the list of prohibited
books by the Roman Catholic Church. We will also note here one of the most character-
istic works of the 16th century, the bibliographic handbook Biblioteca universalis by the
Protestant Conrad Gessner, a book also banned by the Catholic Church.
It is obvious that, among the books that Margounios had in his possession there
were far too many editions forbidden by the Catholic Church, for many reasons
regarding the Reformation. Nevertheless, all of these reasons could be comprised into
one: the fear of undermining the Church’s interpreting worldview, its theoretical con-
struction of the world. We have already mentioned the works of Osiander, Gessner,
and Scapula, as well as the scientific writings of Theodor Zwinger and Charles Esti-
enne. There was also in his possession the significant Virtutum vitiorumque exempla
by Nicolas de Hannapes next to the Adagia, the work of Erasmus.47
Some of the books we find in Margounios’ library are works that he had either
translated or had simply edited. We mark here the Latin translation of the Sancti Maximi
Martyris Mystagogia, printed in Germany in 1599.48 There were also publications that
were the product of co-operation with various scholars of his time, such as the Italian
edition of the Collected Works of Plato edited by the Venetian scholar Dardi Bembo, in
which Margounios juxtaposed the Italian translation with the original Greek.49
Finally, it is worth mentioning that through the inventory of Margounios’ library
we gather information about one of his manuscripts found also in the library’s reg-
ister: the Life of Saints. As it seems, he was planning to publish it. Among the docu-
ments found in the priest’s humble room, a certain contract is mentioned (scrittura
d’accordo), an agreement with the famous Venetian printer and editor Antonio Pinelli,
about this very book. The contract was dated to August 14, 1601 and included two
notes of the editor about sums of money which he received from the bishop, surely
for publishing expenses.50 However, the fact that the book was printed in 1603, a year
47 For the forbidden books by the Roman Catholic Church, see Infelise (2008). For the whole process
of prohibition, see de Bujanda (1996) 168, 174, 177, 199, 306, 354 and 417.
48 Hoeschel (1599).
49 Fedalto (1967) 72–74.
50 Zampakolas (2011–2012) 322.
after the death of the prominent Cretan scholar, suggests that the above agreement
was canceled immediately after the death of Maximos Margounios.51
In this brief study we attempted to highlight the importance of combined and
systematic archival research for scholars whose subjects are private libraries or the
circulation of Greek manuscripts in Renaissance and pre-modern Venice. We have
used examples of archival traces concerning private libraries, manuscripts, and cop-
yists originating from either a large-scale archive, the State Archives of Venice, or a
smaller one, that of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies
of Venice. Their deeper internal connection is reflected in the correlation that arises
between archival evidence from a series, file, or document preserved by the large-
scale archive that is related to a series, file, or document kept by the smaller one.
We strongly believe that the field of research which lies ahead is more extensive and
interconnected than we think, more significant than we can imagine, and particularly
appealing due to its related fields.
Appendix 1
The testament of Andreas Darmarios
Summary: Andreas Darmarios’ testament has been drawn up according to the
wills we find in Venice in the 16th century, but unfortunately it is not rich in infor-
mation. As it is mentioned in his will, Darmarios lived in the city of Venice, in the
parish of San Martin; specifically in the houses owned by the Ca’ Giustinian family,
and he was engaged in trade. He also refers to an indefinite amount of movable and
unmovable property that he possessed both in Venice and in his homeland Monemva-
sia (Malvasia), which he bequeaths to his wife Anzola and their two children, Anzolo
and Elena – nevertheless without any other identification. He also mentions that in
1569, due to his departure from Malvasia, he had separated the property jointly owned
by him and his brother Ioannes.
ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri), no. 42, fols. 1rv
(Figs. 1a–b)
|[fol. 1r] In Nomine Dei Aeterni Amen. Anno ab incarnatione Domini Nostri Jesu Christi
1585, indictione tertiadecima, die lune quintodecimo, mensis julii. Rivoalti.
Non havendo in questo mondo l’huomo cosa piu certa della morte, ne piu incerta
de l’hora de quella ogn’uno die star vigilante di non mancar senza ordinar et disponer
delli beni sui, questo considerando io Andrea d’Armar fo de miser Zorzi da Malvasia,
habitante in contrà de San Martin, nelle case da Cha Giustinian, sano per la Iddio gratia
51 For the authors, their writing contracts and agreements of relevant kind in 15th-century Venice,
see Richardson (2019) 136–158.
della mente, corpo et intelletto et non volendo mancar di quanto è sudetto son andato
al cancello de Giovanni Piero di Anzelieri, nodaro di Venetia, posto sopra la piazza de
San Marco et ho pregato detto nodaro che scrivi il presente mio testamento et doppo
la morte mia lo debbi compir et roborar juxta li ordeni et consuetudine di questa citta
dicendo in questo modo et prima raccomando l’anima mia al omnipotente Iddio mio
creator et alla sua gloriosissima madre Vergine Maria et à tutta la corte del cielo.
Lasso tutti et cadauni mei beni mobili, stabili, presenti et venturi, caduchi, inor-
dinati et pronon scritti ragioni et attioni che mi aspettano et per l’avenir mi potes-
sero aspettar et si li beni che mi attrovo in questa città et a Malvasia, come altrove,
a madona Anzola mia carissima moglie, a Anzolo et Helena mei figlioli, siino o non
siino mei figlioli, li quali siino mei eredi ugualmente cadauno di essi per la sua terza
parte et possi cadauno di essi mei heredi disponer della sua terza parte et caso che per
l’avenir mi nassessero altri figlioli o fie voglio che similmante siino mei heredi con li
soprascritti cadauno per la sua portione.
Item decchiaro che havendo io fatto fino l’anno 1569 a tempo della Guerra una
scrittura di emancipatione tra me et Zuanne mio fratello et questo faci per convenienti
mei respetti et accioche li turchi non dessero molestia a miei fratelli per essermi io de
li partito, la qual scrittura non fu ad altro effetto fatta, perὸ non obstante detta scrit-
tura li sopradetti mei heredi |[fol. 1v] potrano conseguire la mia parte de beni che mi
attrovo a Malvasia et cosi stabili come mobili et danari che si trafegano in mercantie
et questo voglio sii el mio ultimo testamento et ultima volontà che prevagli ad ogni
altro che sin hora havesse fatto.
Interogato dal nodaro di luoghi pii ho resposo lasso il carico alli sopradetti mei
heredi che loro facino quello li parerà et voglio che debbino dispensar a poveri orfani
ducati cento per l’anema mia.
Preterea et siquis et signum et cetera.
Io pre Antonio Antolini de miser Salvador fui testimonio pregatto al presente
testamento.
Io Anibale Maschari fo de miser Benetto fui testimonio pregato et giurato al pre-
sente testamento.
|[fol. 2v] Testamentum dominum Andrea d’Armar quondam domini Georgii de
Monovasia, dies 15 julii 1585.
Appendix 2
The authorization of Simon Avastagno to the archbishop of Philadelphia Gabriel
Severos
Summary: Simon Avastagno, acting on behalf of Safiri Roboti from Lefkada
(Santa Maura), authorizes the archbishop of Philadelphia Gabriel Severos to receive a
manuscript in Venice from the Spilioti Tapinò’s heirs in Venice. The manuscript was
originally given to Tapinò by Roboti in order to sell it. It was a vellum manuscript in
Greek entitled Dodechaprofito, in foglio size, adorned with miniatures of the Twelve
Apostles.
ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario), fol. 119rv (Figs. 2a–b)
|[fol. 119r] Die jovis 28, mensis junii, 1607. Ad cancellum.

Miser Simon Avastagno fo de miser Dimitri da Santa Maura, paese de Turchi,
facendo come commesso, come ha asserito, de miser Safiri Roboti da Santa Maura
dal qual ha deto haver autorità di dimandar et recever l’infrascritto libro, et per
detto nome spontaneamente per ogni miglior modo che ha potuto et puole ha solen-
nemente sustituito et in loco suo posto il reverendissimo monsignor Gabriel Sgvirò
arcivescovo de Filadelfia presente et accettante al quele ha dato autorità specialmente
in nome d’esso miser Zafiri suo principale et per esso dimandar, recuperar et recever
dal signor Canello Tapinò, over da suoi fratelli come heredi del quondam signor
Spilioti Tapinò, uno libro grando in foglio tutto de bergamina scritto à pena in Greco
nominato Dodechaprofito antiquo il quale libro ha li dodese profetti figuradi et fù
per il detto miser Safiri mandato al detto signor Spilioti de qui à Venetia per vender.
Et di quello havuto et recevuto che l’haverà farne de recever et quietanza et, si fusse
bisogno, per havere et recuperare detto libro companer dinanti cadaun judice, corte
et Magistrato, conseglio et collegio di cadaun loco et contra li predetti heredi pro |[fol.
119v] cieder, agitar, dimandar, responder, contestar lite, provar, reprovar et ogn’altra
cosa fare et procurare che circa la recuperatione de detto libro sera bisogno et come
far potria detto sustituente si presente et personalmente se ritrovasse etiam si fussero
cose tali che ricercassero mandato piu speciale del presente. Item jurar nell’anima del
detto miser Simon nel detto nome sustituente, se farà bisogno, ogni licito juramento.
Promettendo.
Testes, dominus Georgius Iguminus quondam Emanuelis de Gianina Mercator et
dominus Nicolaus Lombardo filius domini Theodorini de Candida.
Ambo fidem facientes mihi notario publico infrascripto de nomine et persona pre
dictae dominis Simonis substituentis.
Fig. 1a: ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri), no. 42, fol. 1r. The second
testament of Andreas Darmarios, 1585 © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Archivio di Stato di Venezia.
Fig. 1b: ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri), no. 42, fol. 1v. The second
testament of Andreas Darmarios, 1585 © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo,
Archivio di Stato di Venezia.
Fig. 2a: ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario), fol. 119r. The notarial act for the
Dodechaprofito, 1607 © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Archivio di Stato
di Venezia.
Fig. 2b: ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario), fol. 119v. The notarial act for the
Dodechaprofito, 1607 © Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e per il Turismo, Archivio di Stato
di Venezia.
Sigla and Abbreviations
Institutions
AEIB: Αρχείο Ελληνικού Ινστιτούτου Βενετίας (Archive of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and
Post-Byzantine Studies in Venice)
AGS: Archivo General de Simancas (General Archive of Simancas)
ASM: Archivio di Stato di Mantova (State Archive of Mantua)
ASV: Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Vatican Secret Archive, Vatican City)
ASVe: Archivio di Stato di Venezia (State Archive of Venice)
BEU: Biblioteca Estense Universitaria (Estense Library, Modena)
BnF: Bibliothèque nationale de France (National Library of France, Paris)
BNM: Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana (Marciana National Library, Venice)
BNUTo: Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino (National University Library of Turin; cf. BNU di
Torino)
EIB: Ελληνικό Ινστιτούτο Βενετίας (Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies in
Venice)
MiBACT: Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali e per il turismo (Ministry of Cultural Heritage and
Activities)
Bibliographic Abbreviations
ADB: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, 56 vols., Leipzig 1875–1912.
Deutsche Biographie (ADB-NDB) Online: <https://www.deutsche-biographie.de>.
BH xv-xvi: Émile Legrand, Bibliographie Hellénique ou description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés
par des Grecs au XVe et XVIe siècles, 4 vols., Paris 1885–1906.
BH xvii: Émile Legrand, Bibliographie Hellénique ou description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés par
des Grecs au dix-septième siècle, 5 vols., Paris 1894–1903.
CAG: Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, edita consilio et auctoritate academiae litterarum Regiae
Borussica, Berlin 1882–1909.
DBF: Dictionnaire de biographie française, Paris, 1932–2001.
DBF Online: <https://www.bnf.fr/fr/le-dictionnaire-de-biographie-francaise>.
DBI: Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Roma 1960–.
DBI Online: <http://www.treccani.it/biografico/index.html>.
En.: Enepekides (1970).
Harlfinger: Dieter and Johanna Harlfinger, Wasserzeichen aus griechischen Handschriften, 2 vols.,
Berlin 1974–1980.
NDB: Neue deutsche Biographie, herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der
Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin 1953–.
Deutsche Biographie (ADB-NDB) Online: <https://www.deutsche-biographie.de>.
ODB: Alexander P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford 1991.
ODB Online: <https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195046526.001.0001/
acref-9780195046526>.
ODNB: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 60 vols., Oxford 2004.
ODNB Online: <https://www.oxforddnb.com>.
PG: Patrologiae cursus completus […] Series Graeca […] accurante Jacques-Paul Migne, 161 vols.,
Paris 1844–1903.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-014
328 Sigla and Abbreviations
Piccard: Gerhard Piccard, Die Wasserzeichenkartei im Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart, 17 vols., Stuttgart

1961–1997.
Piccard Online: <https://www.piccard-online.de/start.php>.
PLP: Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, erstellt von Erich Trapp; unter Mitarbeit von
Rainer Walther und Hans-Veit Beyer, mit einem Vorwort von Herbert Hunger, Vienna 1976–.
RGK: Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten 800–1600. I. Handschriften aus Bibliotheken
Großbritanniens, A. Verzeichnis der Kopisten, erst. von Erns Gamillscheg, Dieter Harlfinger,
B. Paläographische Charakteristika, erst. von Herbert Hunger, C. Tafeln, Wien 1981; II.
Handschriften aus Bibliotheken Frankreichs und Nachträge zu den Bibliotheken Großbri-
tanniens, A. Verzeichnis der Kopisten, erst. von Ernst Gamillscheg, Dieter Harlfinger,
B. Paläographische Charakteristika, erst. von Herbert Hunger, C. Tafeln, Wien 1989; III.
Handschriften aus Bibliotheken Roms mit dem Vatikan, A. Verzeichnis der Kopisten, erst. von
Ernst Gamillscheg unter Mitarbeit von Dieter Harlfinger und Paolo Eleuteri, B. Paläographische
Charakteristika erst. von Herbert Hunger, C. Tafeln, Wien 1997.
Sosower: Mark L. Sosower, Signa officinarum chartariarum in codicibus graecis saeculo sexto
decimo fabricatis in bibliothecis Hispaniae, Amsterdam 2004.
VG: Vogel/Gardthausen (1909).
West = Anacreontea (19932).
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https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-016
Index of archival and library sources
Archival Sources
Città del Vaticano Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη Φιλαδελφείας,
Archivio Segreto θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ. 3
Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol. 18 119, 121 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616) 37, 38, 46
Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol. 27 120, 122 Ε΄. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες,
κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές, no. 27
Mantova 128–133
Archivio di Stato E΄. Οικονομική Διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες,
Archivio Gonzaga, busta 443 292 κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές,
Archivio Gonzaga, busta 2993 292 no. 112 313
Ε´. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες,
Simancas κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές,
Archivo General no. 171 (Ιδιωτικό Αρχείο Γαβριήλ
Sección de Estado, leg. 1089 128 Σεβήρου) 45
Sección de Estado, leg. 1342 121, E΄. Οικονομική Διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες,
122, 128 κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές,
Sección de Estado, leg. 1526 122 no. 190a 313
Sección de Estado, leg. 1528 123 E΄. Οικονομική Διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες,
Sección de Estado, leg. 1529 123, 125 κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές,
Sección de Estado, leg. 1531 124 no. 197 310
Sección de Estado, leg. 1532 123 Χειρόγραφα, no. 14α-ζ 36
Sección de Estado, leg. 1540 128, 129 Χειρόγραφα, no. 14α 37, 41, 73
Sección de Estado, leg. 1541 128 Χειρόγραφα, no. 14στ 37, 40
Sección de Estado, leg. 1542 129 Χειρόγραφα, no. 14ζ 37
Sección de Estado, leg. 1543 129
Sección de Estado, leg. 1545 129 Archivio di Stato
Arte dei libreri, stampatori e ligadori, busta
Torino 163 127, 132
Archivio di Stato Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio,
Corte, Lettere Ministri Venezia, filza 7 117
mazzo 38 255 Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio,
Sez. Riun. [III], Inv. Gen., art. 689, Controllo filza 12 129
Generale, no. 21 255 Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio,
reg. 22 117
Venezia Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Notatorio,
Archivio della Curia Patriarcale reg. 29 129
Parrocchia di San Giovanni Novo, Libri dei Capi del Consiglio dei Dieci, Suppliche
Battesimi 1 126 (1479–1594) 119
Consiglio dei Dieci, Comune, reg. 16 (1544),
Archivio dell’Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e filza 63 261
Post-Bizantini Consiglio dei Dieci, Parti Secrete, filza 14 (1570)
Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη Φιλαδελφείας, 118, 119
θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ. 1 (Ιδιωτικό Consiglio dei Dieci, Secreta, reg. 9
Αρχείο Γαβριήλ Σεβήρου – Αλληλογραφία, (1569–1571) 119
1595–1616) 46 Notarile, Atti, busta 527 (Giacomo di Beni) 131
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-017
378 Index of archival and library sources
Notarile, Atti, busta 3183 (Vincenzo Conti: Notarile, Testamenti, busta 241 (Vincenzo
Estraordinari) 116 Conti) 133
Notarile, Atti, busta 3184 (Vincenzo Conti: Notarile, Testamenti, busta 302 (Antonio
Estraordinari) 128, 129 Callegarini) 315
Notarile, Atti, busta 3185 (Vincenzo Conti: Notarile, Testamenti, busta 343 (Giovanni Nicolò
Estraordinari) 134 Doglioni) 131
Notarile, Atti, busta 12567 (Orazio Tasca) 133 Provveditori di Comun, busta 16 127
Notarile, Atti, buste 5–21 (Giovanni Pietro Provveditori di Comun, busta 17 130, 132, 133
Angelieri) 315 Senato Terra, reg. 12 200
Notarile, Atti, buste 3099–3158 (Antonio Senato Terra, reg. 47 117
Callegarini) 315 Senato Terra, filza 95 (1585 settembre–
Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario) novembre) 125
316, 322, 325 Senato Terra, filza 106 (1588 marzo–
Notarile, Testamenti, busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro maggio) 127
Angelieri) 315, 320, 323, 324
Library sources: Manuscripts
Basel Bruxelles
Universitätsbibliothek Bibliothèque Royale Albert Ier
E.II.9: 136 IV 881 181
Berlin Cambridge
Staatsbibliothek – Preußischer Kulturbesitz Trinity College
Phill. 1405–1643, 1991 177 O 03.08 136
Phill. 1420 181
Phill. 1506 181, 185, 186, 188, 190 Cheltenham
Phill. 1513 181–185, 191, 192, 193 Thirlestaine House
Phill. 1522 181 Phill. 6911 182, 186
Phill. 1536 181
Phill. 1548 179 Città del Vaticano
Phill. 1601 182 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
Phill. 1610 181, 185–190, 194, 195 Ottob. gr. 6 143
Phill. 1631 281 Ottob. gr. 45 235
Ottob. gr. 117 143
Bern Ottob. gr. 189 143
Burgerbibliothek Ottob. gr. 219 143
402 200 Ottob. gr. 260 144
662 218 Ottob. gr. 305 144
Ottob. gr. 384 144
Besançon Pal. gr. 57 201
Bibliothèque municipale Pal. gr. 58 202
409 233, 234 Pal. gr. 66 202
Pal. gr. 74 215
Bologna Pal. gr. 77 202
Biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio Pal. gr. 92 215
A I 2 216 Pal. gr. 127 206, 207
Pal. gr. 128 215, 216 Φ.ΙΙ.4 137, 139

Pal. gr. 140 206 Φ.ΙΙ.13 138
Pal. gr. 142 207 Φ.ΙΙ.20 138
Pal. gr. 173 217 y.I.4 280
Pal. gr. 213 218 y.Ι.11 138
Pal. gr. 214 217 Ψ.I.9/10 279
Pal. gr. 248 206 X.ΙΙ.1 138
Pal. gr. 343 217 Ψ.ΙV.8 138
Pal. gr. 394 85, 87, 88, 99, 104 Ω.ΙΙΙ.12 139
Pal. gr. 407 94, 99, 104, 113 Ω.ΙV.3 139
Pal. gr. 431 (Joshua’s scroll) 202
Pal. lat. 1516 207 Firenze
Pal. lat. 1925 203 Biblioteca Medicea Laurentiana
Reg. gr. 85 281 Plut. 28.20 55
Reg. lat. 387 122 Plut. 80.3 182
Urb. gr. 149 223 Plut. 80.4 168
Vat. gr. 176 168 Plut. 85.1 208
Vat. gr. 274 145 Plut. 85.11 240
Vat. gr. 323 140, 141, 145 Plut. 85.21 303
Vat. gr. 660 94, 96–98, 104
Vat. gr. 670 93, 94, 104, 111 Genève
Vat. gr. 1141 145 Bibliothèque de Genève
Vat. gr. 1183 145 gr. 34 94
Vat. gr. 1234 145 gr. 44 244
Vat. gr. 1442 145
Vat. gr. 1443 146 Heidelberg
Vat. gr. 1691 260 Universitätsbibliothek
Vat. gr. 1695 35 Pal. gr. 88 205
Vat. gr. 1704 35 Pal. gr. 153 203, 206
Vat. gr. 1756 35, 43
Vat. gr. 1759 35 Kraków
Vat. gr. 1783 146 Biblioteka Jagiellońska
Vat. gr. 1906 146 Berol. MS Graec. fol. 37 178
Vat. gr. 1949 218
Vat. gr. 2124 36, 43–44, 77, 119 Leiden
Vat. gr. 2127 146 Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit
Vat. lat. 3960 55 BPG 18 182
Vat. lat. 3966 268, 269 BPG 67 B 181
Vat. lat. 6792 124
Vat. lat. 6946 119–123 Leipzig
Vat. lat. 13190 125 Universitätsbibliothek
gr. 42 181
El Escorial
Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo London
Σ.II.3 136 British Library
Σ.ΙΙ.4 136, 138 Add. 18494 218
Σ.ΙΙ.12 137 Add. 36539 139
T.ΙΙ.9 137 Harley 2556 294
T.ΙΙ.19 137 Harley 2570 294
Harley 2579 294 H 11 sup 34

Harley 2707 294 H 17 inf 34
Harley 2730 294 H 23 inf 34
Harley 2744 294 H 26 inf 34
Harley 5591 235, 246 H 104 sup 217
Harley 5592 246, 281 I 15 inf 34
Harley 5656 294 I 16 inf 34
Harley 5668 35 I 59 sup 34
Harley 5795 137, 139 L 43 sup 34
Royal 16 D V 139 L 116 sup 217
Royal 16 D VI 139 M 54 sup 34
Royal 16 D XIII 140 N 346 sup 34
Royal 16 D XV 85, 87, 96, 99 P 143 sup 34
P 206 sup 208
British Museum Q 93 sup 34
inv. 1920,0214.1.26 302 Q 95 sup 34
R 110 sup 303
Madrid R 125 sup 208
Biblioteca nacional S 28 sup 34
4735 94
Modena
Milano Biblioteca Estense
Biblioteca Ambrosiana α.H.6.30 92, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 109
A 64 sup 34 α.T.8.16 96
A 78 sup 216 lat. 950 302
A 124 inf 34
A 148 sup 34 Moscow
A 152 sup 34 Gosudarstvennyj Istoričeskij Musej (GIM)
A 168 sup 208 Sinod. gr. 222 35
A 173 sup 34
A 184 sup 34 München
A 200 inf 217 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek
B 12 sup 216 gr. 5 280
B 113 sup 34 gr. 19 280
B 126 sup 34 gr. 11 280
B 165 sup 208 gr. 20 232
C 166 inf 34 gr. 21 232
D 77 sup 34 gr. 23 280
D 85 inf 34 gr. 28 280
D 86 inf 43 gr. 29 280
D 166 inf 208 gr. 31 280
E 39 sup 216 gr. 33 280
E 98 sup 34 gr. 39 232, 280
E 118 sup 303 gr. 41 226
F 37 sup 34 gr. 46 226
F 104 sup 34 gr. 47 280
F 128 sup 34 gr. 48 280
G 27 sup 217 gr. 49 226
G 55 sup 34 gr. 51 226
gr. 52 280 Can. gr. 57 99

gr. 55 226, 280 Can. gr. 61 94
gr. 63 280 Can. gr. 86 216
gr. 65 226 Can. Pat. Alt. 85 302
gr. 67 280 D’Orville 188 35
gr. 70 280 D’Orville 260 35
gr. 72 226, 228 Laud gr. 71 35
gr. 75 226
gr. 79 233, 234 Padova
gr. 81 230 Biblioteca Civica
gr. 82 226 C.M. 644 219
gr. 84 226, 232
gr. 92 280 Biblioteca del Seminario Vescovile
gr. 102 226 607 301
gr. 104 226, 280
gr. 121 226 Biblioteca Universitaria
gr. 138 88 560 203, 206
gr. 139 85, 88, 90, 92, 108
gr. 145 88, 94 Paris
gr. 153 96, 98 Bibliothèque nationale de France
gr. 195 88, 91 Coisl. 149 281
gr. 198 94–96 gr. 150 92, 99
gr. 275 96, 97 gr. 413 54
gr. 361b 140, 145 gr. 1031 142
gr. 369 140 gr. 1042 201
gr. 391 140 gr. 1333 86, 88, 90
gr. 392 140 gr. 1337 230
gr. 401 140 gr. 1656 297
gr. 403 115 gr. 1659 280
gr. 407 141 gr. 1706 86, 87, 96, 98, 99
gr. 409 141 gr. 1738 206
gr. 435 141 gr. 1852 210
gr. 1866 217, 218
Napoli gr. 1874 209
Biblioteca Nazionale “Vittorio Emanuele III” gr. 1917 208
II E 23 141 gr. 1935 217, 218
gr. 1939 92, 99
New Haven gr. 1947 219
Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and gr. 1977 217
Manuscript Library gr. 1983 188, 199
MS 264 94 gr. 2088 210
MS 304 156 gr. 2278 219
gr. 2746 99
Oxford gr. 2955 213, 214
Bodleian Library gr. 2965 260
Auct. F infra 1.14 88 gr. 2977 188
Auct. T.1.15 188 gr. 3030 142
Auct. T.1.20 140, 141 gr. 3068 177
Bar. 169 141 Suppl. gr. 30 142
Suppl. gr. 306 219 B.I.2 10, 52, 64, 317

Suppl. gr. 443 207 B.I.3 225, 226–244, 246–248, 250–255
Suppl. gr. 621 126 B.I.5 52, 59–63
Suppl. gr. 1148 182 B.I.6 253, 254
B.I.7 253
Philadelphia B.I.9 38, 51, 58
University of Pennsylvania Library B.I.12 253, 254
MS 137 96, 97 B.I.13 253
B.I.15 52
Poitiers B.I.19 224
Bibliothèque municipale Β.Ι.23 60–63, 253
136 142 B.II.4 223
B.II.6 52, 65, 68, 80
Roma B.II.7 52
Biblioteca Angelica B.II.9 52
gr. 88 99, 100, 101 B.II.10 64, 66, 79
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B 28 84 B.II.19 51
B 56 103 B.II.24 66, 67, 81, 82
C 8 86, 94–96, 103–105, 112 B.II.25 88
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D 23 102 B.II.27 253, 254
D 32 102 B.III.4 88
D 56 84, 96, 98–102, 105 B.III.10 53
F 14 83 B.III.17 65, 67
F 19 102 B.III.18 51
F 58 88, 92, 93, 102, 105, 110 B.III.19 222
F 68 88, 91, 92, 105 B.III.20 52
F 70 102 B.III.21 88, 92, 93
P 279 88, 91, 92, 106 B.III.22 86, 88, 89, 106
B.III.24 51, 69
Rovigo B.III.31 51, 69
Biblioteca dell’Accademia dei Concordi B.IV.7 55–57
48 217 B.IV.18 53, 54, 78
B.IV.24–29 224
Thessalonikê B.IV.32–33 224
Panepistêmion, Spoudastêrion Philologikês B.IV.40 57, 58, 65
Scholês B.V.9 52
54 92 B.V.31 51
B.V.35 51
Toledo B.V.37 52
Archivo y Biblioteca Capitular B.V.39 51
51–5 218 B.VI.2 51
B.VI.3 39, 51
Torino B.VI.6 51
Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria B.VI.9 51
A.III.6 224 B.VI.20 53
B.I.1 52, 54, 55 B.VI.23 51
B.VI.25 51 Uppsala
B.VI.35 53, 54 Universitetsbiblioteket
B.VI.37 224 gr. 33 142
B.VI.45 51
B.VII.11 51 Venezia
B.VII.29 51 Biblioteca del Museo Correr
B.VII.31 52, 224, 225 Gradenigo Dolfin 66 268
B.VII.34 224
C.I.3 253 Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana
C.I.4 58, 59 gr. Z 67 (= 387) 280
C.I.5 253 gr. Z 68 (= 353) 280
C.I.6 52, 66 gr. Z 132 (= 486) 266
C.I.7 51 gr. Z 179 (= 598) 204
C.I.8 51, 58, 59 gr. Z 192 (= 613) 56, 276
C.I.11 51 gr. Z 191 (= 478) 276, 280
C.I.13 253 gr. Z 222 (= 578) 212, 213
C.II.2 51 gr. Z 225 (= 307) 210, 276
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C.II.8 223 gr. Z 245 (= 582) 280
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C.II.15 51 gr. Z 318 (= 994) 274, 277
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C.IV.20 52, 56, 57, 140, 141 gr. Z 396 (= 535) 280
C.V.9 224 gr. Z 421 (= 784) 280
C.V.15 52 gr. Z 447 (= 820) 274
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C.V.19 52 gr. Z 454 (= 822) 297
C.V.22 51, 69 gr. Z 494 (= 331) 280
C.VI.9 52 gr. Z 519 (= 773) 262–263, 276
C.VI.11 51 gr. Z 522 (= 317) 274
C.VI.27 51 gr. II 93 (= 562) 34, 39–43, 47, 49, 65, 66, 74, 75
C.VI.28 52 gr. II 113 (= 565) 34, 50, 64
C.VI.30 224 gr. IV 30 (= 1406) 34, 40, 41, 43, 48–50, 76
C.VII.4 51, 69 gr. IV 39 (= 1116) 146
O.IV.1 237 gr. VI 11 (= 1409) 201, 304
gr. VII 8 (= 1097) 281 Phil. gr. 83 235

gr. IX 35 (= 1082) 297 Phil. gr. 84 297
it. VII 712 (= 8754) 53 Phil. gr. 164 297
it. XI 207 (= 4071) 298 Phil. gr. 166 235
it. XI 289–293 (= 7273–7278) 304 Theol. gr. 92 146
lat. XIV 14 (= 4235) 56
lat. XIV 16 (= 4053) 56 Wolfenbüttel
lat. XIV 17 (= 4236) 56 Herzog-August-Bibliothek
lat. XIV 22 (= 4482) 261–264, 268, 271, Gud. gr. 1 303
279, 280 Gud. gr. 13 303
lat. XIV 23 (= 4660) 261, 263, 265, 267, Gud. gr. 19 303
268, 271 Gud. gr. 36 303
Gud. gr. 37 303
Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Gud. gr. 40 303
Post-Bizantini
MS 9 41, 47 Wroclaw
Biblioteka Uniwersytecka
Verona Rehdi(n)g. 15 211
Biblioteca Capitolare Rehdi(n)g. 34 219
CXXXIII 35 Rehdi(n)g. 35 211
Rehdi(n)g. 45 240
Wien
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Zeitz
Hist. gr. 104 235 Stiftsbibliothek
Phil. gr. 58 297 62 88, 91, 106
65 85, 86, 88, 90, 92, 96, 97, 106, 107
Library sources: Printed Books
El Escorial 63 VI 8 (1°) 175

Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo 64 IV 4 165, 171
19 V 57 167 64 IV 5 165, 171
19 VI 26 171 64 IV 14 171
25 III 6 173 64 IV 23 172
25 III 11 167 64 IV 25 171
32 V 30 172 64 IV 28 171
36 I 11 173 66 V 6 (1°) 175
36 IV 13 171 66 V 6 (2°) 175
54 IV 3–8 171 66 VI 6 170
54 IV 13 172 66 VI 7 (1°) 174
54 V 46 172 66 VI 7 (2°) 174
57 IV 9 172 66 VI 19 (1°) 175
58 IV 17–18 172 66 VI 20 170
58 IX 13 173 67 V 16–19 173
60 IV 15 176 67 VI 2 173
67 VI 7 175 118 II 14 165, 175

67 VI 10 174 119 VII 1–2 172
67 VI 11 174 120 III 20 176
67 VI 12 175 120 V 3 173
67 VI 15 170 120 VII 13 172
68 V 6–9 171 177 III 2 174
68 V 16 172 177 III 5 165, 171
68 VI 12 168, 176 f III 15 166
68 VII 2 175 f III 27 166
68 VII 7 170 Mesa 10 I 21 168, 172
68 VII 15 171
68 VII 17 170 London
68 VII 18 176 British Library
68 VII 22 (1°) 174 B.19536a 302
68 VII 22 (2°) 174
68 VII 23 168, 175 Madrid
68 VII 24 174 Biblioteca Nacional
68 VII 26 173 2/64320 173
68 VII 27 173 3/28129 165, 171
69 VI 1–2 171 3/48634 171
69 VI 9 171 I/613 176
70 IV 6 170 R/64 175
82 V 4 174 R/73 173
82 VI 8 173 R/1305 172
82 VI 13 174 R/4382 174
82 VI 14 176 R/17976 165, 175
82 VI 16 165 R/20134 174
82 VII 1 176
82 VII 2 176 Venezia
82 VII 3 172 Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana
82 VII 8 175 Aldine 41 211
82 VII 19 171 Aldine 43 302, 303
91 IX 12 (3°) 173 Aldine 51 303
92 VI 15 175 Aldine 52 304
106 III 12 174 Aldine 100 297
114 II 34 165, 171 Aldine 113 301
115 VII 104 174 Aldine 114 301
116 V 73 171 Aldine 115 300, 301
117 IV 33 175 Aldine 116 301
117 V 30 175 Aldine 130 304
117 VI 2 173 Aldine 132 298
117 VII 19 168, 175 Aldine 139 293
117 VII 20 174 Aldine 141 301, 303
117 VII 29 172 Aldine 167 304
117 VII 31 172 Aldine 168 304
117 VII 32 171 Aldine 171 296
118 II 12 175 Aldine 172 296
118 II 13 175 Aldine 498 293
Aldine 510 298, 299 Inc. 102 296

5 D 200 298 Inc. Ven. 174 304
46 D 238 298 Inc. Ven. 632 298
67 D 187 298 Misc. 1293.3 298
115 D 163.1–2 298 Misc. C 19281 34, 46
Inc. 100–102 296
Index of proper names
Abioso, Bartolomeo 276 Apollonius of Rhodes 202, 211, 294, 298
Adonis 159 Apostoles/Apostolis, Arsenios
Aelian 170 (Aristoboulos) 18, 58, 169, 171, 314
Aelius Aristides 170 Apostolis, Michael 48, 215, 217, 218, 259
Aenesidemus of Cnossos 241, 242 Appian 236
Aesop 18, 170, 311 Araouzeos, Andreas 125
Aëtius of Amida 170 Archimedes 165, 171
Agustín, Agustín 272, 278 Arcudius, Petrus (Arkoudios, Petros) 143
Agustín, Antonio 3, 122, 123, 137–142, 145, 168 Arethas of Caesarea 173
Albertus Magnus 318 Aretino, Pietro 31
Albini, Valeriano 140, 179 Argyropulos, John 197
Albinus 137, 217 Argyros, Isaac 168
Alexander of Aphrodisias 53, 170, 180, 211, 219, Ariosto, Ludovico 23
274, 304 Aristenos, Alexios 145
Alexandrou (Chomatas), Georgios 202, 211, Aristophanes 178
217, 219 Aristotle 8, 10, 71, 53, 166, 167, 172, 178, 181,
Aliense (see Vassilakis, Antonios) 200, 201, 208–210, 215–217, 244, 274, 301,
Alighieri, Dante 311, 319 303, 304, 318
Aliprandi, Giovanni 127–131, 135 Arlenius, Arnoldus (Eynthouts, Arnout van) 167,
Alunno, Francesco 311 168, 171, 172, 174, 228, 229, 232, 234–236,
Alvarotti, Alfonso 304 241, 255, 281
Ammonius of Alexandria 165, 170, 171, 208, 210 Arrian 171, 180
Anacreon 151, 153 Arundel, Thomas 199
Anastasius of Sinai 92, 105, 145 Asterius of Amasea 143
Anatolius of Alexandria 124 Athanasius of Alexandria 103, 143, 144
Andrea di Lorenzo (Mendoza Binder) 179, Athenaeus 274
230, 254 Atramyttenos, Emmanuel 217, 218
Andrea di Pietro della Gondola (see Palladio, Augustine of Hippo 67
Andrea) Aureli, Marco 260
Andrés, Juan 294 Avastagno, Dimitri 316, 322
Andrew of Crete (Andreas Cretensis) 96 Avastagno, Simon 316, 321, 322
Andronikos and Demetrios 48 Azarino, Giovanni Agostino 277
Andronikos I Komnenos 144
Angelieri, Giovanni Pietro 315, 320, 323, 324 Badoer, Federico 57, 273
Anonymus Harvardianus 202 Balsamon, George 281
Anonymus or Librarius Bruxellensis 185 Balsamon, Theodore 86, 100, 138
Antolini, Antonio 321 Bampacares, Michael 96, 99, 104
Antonius Melissa (Pseudo-Maximus the Barbaro, Daniele 303
Confessor) 171 Barbaro, Marcantonio 31
Aphthonius 188–189 Barelli (Βαρέλης, Varelis, Valeris) family 8, 314
Note: Names of ancient authors have been listed in their modern English forms. Byzantine and
post-Byzantine names have been generally transliterated; however, in order to facilitate consultation,
preference has been given to the forms most commonly used in scholarly literature. The index reports
the variants used in the essays contained in the volume and, in the case of Venetian Greeks, the alter-
native forms of their names in Italian.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-018
388 Index of proper names
Barozzi, Francesco 26, 199, 230 Calmo, Andrea 28

Basil of Caesarea 141–143 Caluso di Valperga, Tommaso 224
Basilikos, Georgios 179 Calvin, John (Cauvin, Jehan) 159, 203
Bassadona, Pietro 133 Calvino, Crisostomo 120
Beccadelli, Ludovico 271, 272, 277 Caminiates, Iohannes (see Kaminiates, Ioannes)
Bellarmino, Roberto 19, 59 Canal, Paolo 218
Belli, Onorio 16 Canisius, Peter (Kanis, Pieter) 318
Bellini, Giovanni 15 Cantacuzenus, Iohannes (see Kantakouzenos,
Bembaines, Emmanuel 89, 94, 104, 228 Ioannes)
Bembaines, Georgios 235 Canter, Willem 152, 159
Bembo, Dardi 319 Capilupi family 294
Bembo, Giovanni 21 Capilupi, Benedetto 294
Bembo, Pietro 28, 208, 216, 261, 271, 303 Capilupi, Camillo 289, 291–295
Beni, Paolo 23 Carafa, Antonio 145
Bentivoglio, Guido 311 Carafa, Cesare 128
Benvenuto, Manoli 272 Carnavakas, Petros (see Karneades, Petros)
Benzoni, Gerolamo 311 Carteromachos (see Forteguerri, Scipione)
Beolco, Angelo (Ruzzante) 28 Casaubon, Isaac 203, 251
Bergikios, Angelos 223 Cassius Dio 278, 280
Bernardo, Francesco 217 Catena, Pietro 319
Berta, Francesco Ludovico 224 Cavalli, Francesco 200, 201
Bessarion 1, 48, 49, 55–57, 140, 141, 144, Ceruto, Giovanni 130, 133
168, 186, 208, 259–261, 270, 273, 274, Cervantes, Miguel de 32
279–281, 283, 296 Cervini, Marcello 230
Beza, Theodore (Bèze, Théodore de) 159 Chalkondyles, Demetrios 197, 199–200
Bianco, Vincenzo 147 Charax, Iohannes 144
Blemmydes, Nikephoros 142, 143 Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy 222, 255, 310
Blessi, Manoli 24 Charles V 31, 163, 165, 229, 270
Boccaccio, Giovanni 311 Charonitis, Lefteris 32
Bochtel, Bernardin de 204 Choiroboskos, George 144
Bochtel, Guillaume de 204 Choniates, Iohannes 83, 84, 90, 92, 94, 103,
Bodin, Jean 319 105, 228
Bonafes, Ioannes 124 Choniates, Niketas 278
Bonamico, Lazzaro (Lazzaro da Bassano) 274 Choniates, Nikolaos 4, 11, 12, 34, 40, 69, 70,
Bonfadino, Giovanni Battista 27 83–86, 88, 89–94, 96, 99, 100, 103,
Bonfini, Antonio 189 104, 106
Bonfio, Luca 216, 217 Chortatsis, Georgios 23, 27
Borromeo, Federico 199, 221 Chouet, Jacques and Pierre 246, 247, 250, 251
Brasavola, Antonio Musa 319 Chrysoloras, Manuel 144, 169, 172
Brunelli, Girolamo 152, 153 Chykas, Nathanael (see Emboros,
Bryennios, Manuel 223 Nathanael)
Burchiella (see Molino, Antonio) Cicero 167, 189, 207, 274, 283
Cicogna, Pasquale 21
Cabasilas, Nicolaus (see Kabasilas, Nikolaos) Cipelli, Giambattista (see Egnazio, Battista)
Calecas, Manuel (see Kalekas, Manuel) Clado, Francesco 273, 277
Calfurnio, Giovanni 202, 207 Clement of Alexandria 151–153, 159
Callegarini, Antonio 315 Clement VIII 22, 25
Calliergi family (see Kallierges/Kalliergis family) Coccos (Kokkos), Antonios 24
Calliergis, Zacharias (see Kallierges, Zacharias) Codinus, Georgius (see Kodinos, George)
Columbus, Christopher (Colón, Cristóbal) 311 Dionysius of Halicarnassus 144

Colonna, Vittoria 31 Dionysius Thrax 144
Colville, David 237, 252, 255 Diophantus of Alexandria 59, 303
Contarini, Giacomo 25, 49, 50 Dioscorides 22, 173, 202
Contarini, Giorgio 25 Dolfin, Daniele 272
Contarini, Pietro 272, 273 Donà, Leonardo 21, 25
Conti, Vincenzo 116, 128, 129, 134 Donos, Andreas 141
Contin, Antonio 21, 29 Doxopatres, Iohannes 137, 139
Copernicus, Nicolaus (Kopernik, Mikołaj) 19 Duke of Alba 166
Cornaro, Andrea (Kornaros, Andreas) 27–28 Dyrdilios, Konstantinos 138
Correcteur A 228, 229, 232, 234, 241
Critias 244 Egnazio, Battista (Cipelli, Giambattista) 274, 278
Crusius, Martin 16–18, 30, 33 Eleanor of Austria 31
Cudunà, Gabriel 131 El Greco (see Theotokopoulos, Domenikos)
Cuno, Johannes 198 Elias of Crete 136, 139
Cydones, Demetrius (see Kydones, Demetrios) Emboros, Nathanael (Chykas, Nathanael) 11,
Cyril of Alexandria 152, 271 154, 156, 157
Cyril of Jerusalem 143 Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy 222, 223, 235, 255
Eparchos family 4
Da Ponte, Antonio 21
Eparchos, Antonios 3, 4, 118, 136–138, 228, 314, 315
Da Ponte, Niccolò 17, 21
Epictetus 168
Dal Ponte, Jacopo (Jacopo da Bassano) 31
Episcopopoulos, Venedictos 118, 137, 141, 146
Dal Portico, Vincenzo 119, 120
Erasmus of Rotterdam 167, 311, 319
Damascius 138
Erizzo, Sebastiano 272–274, 276, 278
Damaskinos, Michail 15
Estienne, Charles 311, 318, 319
Damaskinos Stouditis 133
Estienne, Henri II (Stephanus, Henricus) 151,
Damianos from Koroni 125
159, 203, 204, 225, 235–247, 250–252, 254,
Damianus of Larissa 124
272, 273, 276, 281
Damilas, Antonios 215, 217–219
Estienne, Paul 251
Da Mula, Marcantonio 119
Estienne, Robert 236, 251
Dandolo, Matteo 6
Euclid 166
Daniel, Hermann Adalbert 150, 151
Eudocia (Aelia Eudocia) 182
Dario, Giovanni Paolo 316, 322, 325
Euripides 178, 204, 216
Darmarios family 320, 321
Eusebius of Caesarea 144, 173
Darmarios, Andreas 3, 4, 11–12, 34, 53, 69,
Eustathius of Antiochia 143
70,83, 94, 96, 99, 100, 103, 105, 118, 122,
Eustathius of Thessalonica 173, 270
137–140, 142, 146, 228, 232, 314–316, 320
Eustratius of Nicaea 173, 208, 274
Darmarios, Georgios 320
Eutherius of Tyana 144
Darmarios, Ioannes 321
Eutocius of Ascalon 141, 173
Della Valle, Francesco 311
Evodius the Monk 318
Demetrius of Phalerum 298
Demosthenes 172, 207, 293
Denores, Iason 16, 27, 28 Fachineti, Bartolomeo 278
Devaris, Petros 143 Falieros, Marinos 30
Di Capua, Annibale 123 Farnese, Ranuccio 272
Didymus of Alexandria (Didymus the Blind) 124 Fausto, Vettor 167, 297
Digenis, Zorzi 134 Favorino, Guarino 169, 173
Dio Chrysostom 144 Fialetti, Odoardo 25
Diodorus Siculus 172, 278, 280, 281 Ficino, Marsilio 178
Diogenes Laërtius 172, 225, 241, 281 Flanginis, Thomas 8, 21, 309–311, 314
Forestus Brixianus, Ioannes 57 Giunti, Tommaso 272, 273, 278

Forteguerri, Scipione (Carteromachos) 218 Giusti, Vincenzo 28
Foscarini, Giacomo 15, 17, 25 Giustiniani, Marcantonio 272, 277
Franceschi, Andrea de’ 266, 268 Giustiniani, Orsatto 24
Franceschi, Pier de’ 266 Glycas, Michael 99, 146
Francesco da Londà 276 Glyzounios/Glyzounis, Manolis (Emmanouel) 3,
Francis I of France 31, 177 12, 26, 56, 69, 115–146, 314, 315
Franco, Niccolò 131, 311 Glyzounis, Ioannis 116, 132
Franco, Veronica 29 Glyzounis, Vasilios 116
Frederic the Pious (Frederick III, Elector Goano, Lorenzo 130
Palatine) 203 Gonzaga family 292
Fugger Binder (see Lodewikj, Anthoni) Gonzaga, Elisabetta 31
Fugger, Johann Jakob 55, 228, 230, 232, 234, Goupyl, Jacques 222, 223
253–254, 273, 280 Gracián, Antonio 163–165, 169, 173
Fugger, Ulrich 8, 202–206, 237 Gregorius Theologus (see Gregory of Nazianzus)
Furlan, Daniil 16 Gregoropoulos, Ioannes 209, 217
Gregory of Corinth (Pardos, Georgios
Gabrieli, Andrea 24, 32 Gregorios) 144
Gagiano, Domenico de 134 Gregory of Nazianzus (Gregory the
Galen 22, 25, 215, 219, 311 Theologian) 94, 104, 124, 143, 148,
Galesiotes, Georgios 142 151–153, 159, 173
Galilei, Galileo 16, 25, 198 Gregory of Nyssa 100, 124, 140, 143–145
Garzoni, Tommaso 23 Gregory III of Constantinople 143
Gaudentius, philosophus 124 Gregory XIII 19, 22, 120, 121
Gaza, Theodorus 48, 167 Grimani, Domenico 2, 54, 55
Gemelli, Antonio 129, 130 Grimani, Marino 21
Gemistus Pletho, George 139, 140, 143 Grimbetos, Ioannes 310
Genaro, Gieronimo 132 Groto, Luigi 23, 24
Gennadius (Georgios) Scholarius 142, 144, 317 Gryphius, Sebastian 189
Gennari, Giuseppe 301 Guarini, Giovan Battista 27, 28
George John, 2nd Earl of Spencer 294 Gude, Marquard 303
George of Pisidia 159 Guzmán, Lope de 123
George of Nicomedia 143 Guzmán de Silva, Diego 120
George of Trebizond (Trapezountios, Georgios) 48, 49
George Syncellus 136, 140 Harmenopoulos, Konstantinos 310
George the Monk (Georgios Hamartolos) 85, 90, Heerbrand, Jacob 318
96, 104, 106 Heliodorus of Emesa 273
Gerbino 224 Heliodorus of Prusa 181
Germanus I of Constantinople 143 Henryson, Edward 203
Gesner, Konrad 169, 173, 319 Heraclius 86, 124
Giancarli, Artemio (Gigio) 28 Herennius 140, 145
Gian Francesco d’Asola (see Torresani d’Asola, Hermias the Philosopher 124, 141, 142
Gian Francesco) Hermogenes 187–190
Giovanni Onorio da Maglie 145 Hero of Alexandria 124, 141, 179
Giovio, Paolo 199 Herodian (Aelius Herodianus, grammarian) 294
Giraldi Cinzio, Giovan Battista 23, 27 Herodian (Herodian of Antiochia, historian) 274
Giuliani, Baldissera 126 Herodotus 173, 301
Giuliani, Francesco 117, 126–128, 130–133, 134 Herwagen, Johann 165
Giunta, Filippo 188 Hesiod 174, 216, 245, 293
Hesychius of Alexandria (grammarian) 174 Juan d’Austria (John of Austria) 120

Hesychius of Jerusalem 143 Julian (emperor) 124, 142
Hieremias II of Constantinople 127, 129 Justinian 204
Hierocles of Alexandria 56, 144
Hippocrates 22, 25, 311 Kabasilas, Nikolaos 94, 105, 317
Hippolytus of Rome 144 Kalekas, Manuel 145
Hoeschel, David 147–149 Kallierges/Kalliergis family 15, 21
Homer 174, 178, 245 Kallierges, Zacharias 2, 147, 198, 209, 297, 304
Honorius, Iohannes (see Giovanni Onorio da Kalliergis, Antonios 278
Maglie) Kaminiates, Ioannes 142
House of Savoy 9, 35, 44, 51, 53, 222, 223, 237, Kantakouzenos/Kantakouzinos, Emmanouil 118
252, 254, 310 Kantakouzenos, Ioannes 139, 144, 181
Hugo de Sancto Caro (Hugh of Saint-Cher) 318 Kantakouzenos, Matthaios 317
Hurault de Boistaille, Jean 55 Karnabakas, Petros (see Karneades, Petros)
Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego 6, 163–173, 175, Karneades, Petros (Karnabakas/Carnavakas,
179, 180, 229, 230, 234, 235, 254, 261, Petros) 144, 228, 233, 235, 271–273
269–271, 278–280 Kartanos, Ioannikios 18
Hyialeas, Demetrios 228 Katelianos, Dionysios 70
Katelos, Ioannes 179, 180, 184, 185, 188–190
Iamblichus 56, 123, 137–141, 1 Kavakos, Georgios 134
45, 274 Keladenos, Alexios 296
Idiáquez, Juan de 128 Kodinos, George 124
Igouminos, Emmanuel 322 Kokolos, Georgios 179
Igouminos, Georgios 322 Kokolos, Nikolaos 179
Iniguen de Antezana, Joanne 128 Kontoleon, Michael 141
Innocent I 142 Korinthios, Georgios (George of Corinth) 270,
Ioannes, doctor 298 272, 273, 276, 278, 314
Ioannis from Sinai (Ioannes Sinaiticus, John Kornaros, Andreas (see Cornaro, Andrea)
Climacus) 129 Kornaros, Vitsentsos 23, 27
Ioasaph (ἰωάσαφ), monk 181 Kritopoulos, Metrophanes 8, 298, 314
Iohannes de Sacrobosco (John Kydones, Demetrios 140
of Hollywood) 318
Iriarte, Juan de 164, 165 Lami, Giovanni 16, 20, 33
Isidore of Pelusium 144 Lascaris, Janus (Laskaris, Ioannes) 136, 236, 315
Isocrates 174 Latimer, Thomas 201
Ivan IV Vasilyevich (Ivan the Terrible) 119 Lazzaro da Bassano (see Bonamico, Lazzaro)
Le Clerc, Nicolas 251
Jacopo da Bassano (see Dal Ponte, Jacopo) Leo VI the Wise 124, 317
James I 204 Leontaritis, Frankiskos 15, 32
Jansson ab Almeloveen, Theodor 251 Libanius 137
Johann Tserclaes, Count of Tilly 203 Linacre, Thomas 201
John Chrysostom 106, 138, 144, 146, 172 Lion, Giovanni Battista da 211, 215, 216, 219
John Geometres 159 Lippomani, Luigi 272
John Mauropous 143 Listarchos, Michael Ermodoros 118
John Moschus 64 Livy 274
John of Damascus 55, 96, 159, 172, 318 Lodewikj, Anthoni (Fugger Binder) 254
John of Hollywood (see Iohannes de Sacrobosco) Lollino, Alvise 221
John VIII Palaiologos 144 Lombardo, Nicola 322
Josephus (Flavius Josephus) 174 Lombardo,Theodorin 322
Longhena, Baldassarre 21, 22 Mela, Pomponius 302

Longinus 274 Melanchthon, Philip 18
López de Mendoza, Iñigo 121, 135 Melissenos, Makarios 121, 139
Loukanis, Nikolaos 26 Melissenos, Sophianos 138, 139, 141
Loukaris, Kyrillos (Konstantinos) 8, 16, 148, 158 Mellarède, Amédée Philibert de 234
Lucian 174, 213, 293 Memmo, Marcantonio 21
Ludwig, Duke of Württenberg 3 Mendoza Binder (see Andrea di Lorenzo)
Luther, Martin 18, 311 Mendoza y Bobadilla, Francisco de 228
Lycophron 159, 217 Menghi, Girolamo 25
Mennil, Hardy 294
Machet, Filiberto Maria 222 Mercuriale, Girolamo 25
Macigni family 301, 302 Merulo, Claudio 24
Macigni, Matteo 201, 301–304 Messinis, Giacomo 131–135
Macigni, Roberto 301 Messovotes, Konstantinos 143, 145
Maffetti, Ventura 121 Metochites, Theodore 217, 218
Maignan, Emmanuel 224 Metrophanes III of Constantinople 118, 119, 121
Malaxos, Gregorios 118, 119 Michael (Μιχαήλ), scribe 226, 234
Malaxos, Manuel 138, 142, 144, 145, 314 Mocenigo, Filippo 25
Malaxos, Nikolaos 2, 179 Molino (Molin, da Molino), Antonio
Maleas, Michael 228 (Burchiella) 24, 25, 28, 32
Malombra, Giuseppe (Gioseffo) 44 Molino, Marco de 277
Manetti, Giannozzo 217 Montano, Arias 124, 138, 139
Mantegna, Andrea 15 Monteverdi, Claudio 32
Manutius, Aldus (Manuzio, Aldo) 2, 166, 200, Morelli, Iacopo 39
209, 271, 274, 298, 301, 303 Morosini, Andrea 26, 311
Manutius, Paulus (Manuzio, Paolo) 272, 273 Morosini, Domenico 266, 272, 273, 276
Marcanova, Giovanni 207 Morosini, Lorenzo 276
Margarita from Ragusa 133 Morosini, Paolo 311
Margounios, Maximos (Emmanuel) 8, 9, 11, 12, Morosini, Zaccaria 266, 272, 276, 277
16, 17, 19, 21, 26, 30, 40, 48, 50, 126–127, Morvilliers, Jean de 271, 272, 276, 277
129, 132, 147–160, 313–315, 317–320 Moschos, Demetrios 315
Marino, Giambattista 311 Mourmouris, Ioannes 228, 271–273, 280
Marino, Giovanni Agostino 277 Mourmouris, Kornelios 228, 266, 271–273,
Mark of Ephesus (Markos Eugenikos) 143 278, 280
Marruchi, Camillo 223 Mourmouris, Nikolaos 168, 175, 179, 235
Martinioni, Giustiniano 20 Mourzinos, Ioannes 157
Mary I of England 31 Mussato, Gianfrancesco 301
Maschari, Anibale 321 Musurus, Marcus (Mousuros, Markos) 2, 147, 198
Matal, Jean 164 Myliotes, Nikolaos 10, 69
Matthieu, Pierre 311 Myrepsos, Nicholas 136, 140, 298
Mauromates/Mavromatis, Ioannes 4, 143, 144,
170, 178, 185, 228, 229, 235, 253, 279 Nani family 48, 50
Maximilian III of Austria 158 Nani, Antonio 131
Maximus of Tyre 218, 236 Napoleon (Buonaparte, Napoleone) 31
Maximus the Confessor 124, 144, 150, 151, 271, 317 Nathanael, Ioannes 2, 8, 50, 118, 146
Mazarin, Jules 142 Navagero, Andrea 271
McClean, Frank 294 Negri, Francesco 18
Meermann, Gerard 177, 188 Neophytos Hierodiakonos 10, 50, 51, 69, 70
Meietti, Paolo 27 Nicander of Colophon 174
Nicephorus Gregoras 124, 168 Perchacino, Gratioso 26

Nicetas of Heraclea 58, 59, 144, 146 Perrenot de Granvelle, Antoine 119–124, 128,
Nicolas de Hannapes 319 228, 234
Nikephoros the Rhodian 148, 149 Persio, Ascanio 147
Nikolaos, scribe 218 Peter of Poitiers 146
Nogarola, Ludovico 276 Petrarca, Francesco 293, 311
Nonnus of Panopolis 137, 174, 225 Petrokokinos, Michail 129
Noukios, Andronikos 18, 137, 179, 235, 314 Petros from Malvasia (see Karneades, Petros)
Philagatus of Cerami 92
Oecumenius 173 Philes, Manuel 99, 159
Oikonomopoulos, Athanassios 294 Philip II of Spain 122, 123, 138, 139, 163
Oinaiotes, Georgios 142 Phillipps, Sir Thomas 177
Olave, Juan de 128 Philo of Alexandria 206
Olympiodorus 138, 142, 145, 146 Philoponus (John Philoponus) 144, 174, 180,
Oporinus, Johannes (Herbster or Herbst, 208–210, 304
Johannes) 168 Photios 274, 279
Origen 143, 217, 274, 278, 317 Piccolomini, Alessandro 167
Osiander, Andreas 318 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni 55, 178
Pictaviensis, Petrus (see Peter of Poitiers)
Pachymeres, Georgios 88, 99, 219, 223 Pietro da Montagnana 207
Pachys, Nikolaos 179 Pigas, Meletios 16, 19, 40, 48
Paciotto, Felice 223 Pindar 155, 178, 215, 297
Padovano, Annibale 20 Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo 6, 16, 25, 199, 208, 303
Pagrignano, Wallachian prince 120 Pinelli, Giovanni Antonio 26, 30, 33, 157, 215, 319
Palaeologos, Manuel 125 Pisanelli, Baldassare 24
Palchus 140 Pius V 120
Palladio, Andrea (Andrea di Pietro della Planudes, Maximus 67, 144
Gondola) 15, 22, 31 Plato 8, 129, 153, 175, 178, 185, 190, 201, 208,
Pampos, Dionysios 8 237, 274, 318, 319
Panonto (see Romoli, Domenico) Plethon (see Gemistus Pletho, George)
Paolazzo, Livio 28 Pliny the Elder 177
Papadopoli, Niccolò Comneno 200 Plousiadenos, Ioannes (Plousiadenos, Janus)
Papadopoulos, Markos 129 93, 104, 218
Pardos, Georgios Gregorios (see Gregory of Plutarch 169, 175, 203, 206, 298, 304
Corinth) Pole, Reginald 31, 201
Parrasio, Aulo Giano 292 Pollux, Julius 175, 216
Paruta, Paolo 311 Polo, Francesco de 276
Passeri Genova, Marco Antonio Polyaenus 140
(Marcantonio) 211, 213 Polybius 169, 175
Passeri Genova, Niccolò 211, 213, 214 Polychronius of Apamea 125, 143
Patrizi, Francesco 25 Pona, Giovanni Battista 148
Paul of Aegina 174 Porphyry 217
Paul the Apostle 11, 59 Porta, Costanzo 24
Paul V 21, 47 Portos, Aimilios 159
Peace, Richard 201 Portos, Frankiskos 9, 18, 152, 159
Pediasimos, John 141, 145 Possevino, Antonio 19, 41, 42, 46, 47, 59
Pellicier, Guillaume 6, 177–182, 185–190, 273 Praetorius, Ioannes 148
Pelops 155 Priuli, Antonio 147
Pennini, Riccoldo 144
Proclus 53, 136–138, 141, 145, 166, 175, 185, Rocco, Antonio 145
201, 208, 266 Romana, Caterina 133
Procopius of Gaza 140, 144–146 Romoli, Domenico (Panonto) 24
Protagoras 244 Rore, Cipriano de 24
Provataris, Manuel 119, 143–145 Roscio, Girolamo 202
Psellos, Michael 104, 124, 140, 141 Roseo, Mambrino 131
Pseudo-Andronicus of Rhodes 40, 50, 139 Rousanos, Pachomios 18, 118
Pseudo-Caesarius 94, 103, 104 Rouvière, Pierre de la 151, 158, 159
Pseudo-Cyril 216 Rouzinia, Blanke 148
Pseudo-Maximus the Confessor (see Antonius Rouzinios, Karolos 148
Melissa) Rugerio, abbas 277
Pseudo-Simplicius 303 Ruphus of Ephesus 181
Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemaeus) 166, 168, Rustici, Marcello de’ 260
175, 274 Ruzzante (see Beolco, Angelo)
Puccini, Giovanni 218
Pyrrho 241 Saguens, Jean 224
Pythagoras 144 Salazar, Cristóbal de 121, 123, 124, 128
Salviati, Giovanni 281
Questenberg, Jacob Aurel 218 Sambucus, Ioannes (Zsámboky, János) 146,
Quirini, Antonio 47, 48 215, 235
Quirini, Lauro 217–219 Sanctamavras, Ioannes 121, 139, 144
Quiroga y Vela, Gaspar de 122 Sansovino, Francesco 19
Sarpi, Paolo 21
Rabelais, François 177 Savelli, Silvio 123
Raftopoulos, Markos 129 Scapula, Johannes (Johann) 319
Raftopoulos, Metrophanes 70 Schefferus, Johannes (Scheffer, Johan) 142
Rampazetto, Francesco 116 Scribe D 187
Ramusio, Giambattista 261, 270–272, 277, 278 Scribe L 181, 182, 184, 186
Rasario, Giovanni Battista 274, 276–278, 301 Scribe X 180, 181, 187–189
Ravizza, Giovita 274 Scribe Ya 186
Regazzola, Gian Bernardo (Feliciano) 270, 272, Scrimger, Henry 203–207, 215, 216
274, 276 Scutariotes, John (Skutariotes, Ioannes) 217
Regio, Raffaele 218 Seillière, Florentin-Achille 293, 294
Rehdiger, Thomas 211, 215 Selve, Odet de 271
Rendios, Theodoros 255 Seneca the Elder 11
Revius, Jacobus (Reefsen, Jakob) 311 Sestich, Nicolo 128
Rhesinos, Konstantinos 115, 143 Severos/Seviros, Gabriel/Gavriil 1, 7–12,
Rhosos, Ioannes 2 15–23, 25–30, 33–59, 62–71, 83, 84,
Rinaldi, Domenico 125 125–127, 132, 156, 221–225, 252–255,
Rinaldi, Federico 145 297, 308, 310, 312, 314–316, 321
Rinaldi, Giovanni de’ 131 Sextus Empiricus 140, 225, 233, 234, 238–242,
Rinaldi, Marino 124, 125, 145 244, 246, 247, 251, 252
Rinio, Benedetto 24 Sextus Julius Africanus 143
Risso, librarian 224 Shakespeare, William 32
Rittershausen, Conrad 148, 149, Sigonio, Carlo 272, 274
151, 153 Simplicius 165, 168, 175, 208, 211, 303, 304
Rizzo, Vincenzo 272, 277, 278 Sirleto, Guglielmo 36, 43, 103, 120–123,
Roboti, Safiri 316, 321 142–145, 146
Rocca, Lorenzo 268 Sirmond, Jacques 177
Skordylis, Zacharias 48, 49 Titian (Vecellio, Tiziano) 15, 31

Sophianos, Michael 228, 255, 303 Tomasini, Giacomo Filippo 198, 207
Sophianos, Nikolaos 4, 144, 179, 314 Tomeo, Bartolomeo 200
Sophocles 24, 178, 216, 297 Tomeo, Niccolò Leonico 167, 199–203, 205,
Sophronius of Jerusalem 143 206, 208–211, 214–216, 296
Sougdouris, Loukas 129, 130 Tommaso da Conegliano 260–261
Sozomeno, Giovanni, librarian (Sozomenos, Torre, Nicolas de la 122, 146
Ioannes) 20, 143 Torrentino, Leonardo 235
Sozomenos, Ioannes of Cyprus 143 Torrentino, Lorenzo 235
Sozomenos, Raphael of Cyprus 149 Torresani d’Asola, Andrea 294
Sphrantzes, George 121, 139, 144 Torresani d’Asola, Gian Francesco 210, 303
Spiera, Francesco 205 Trapezountios, Georgios (see George of
Spinelli, Andrea 156 Trebizond)
Statius, Achilles 84, 101, 102, 103 Trapolin, Pietro 200
Stephanus, Carolus (see Estienne, Charles) Trevisan family 304
Stephanus of Byzantium 202, 293, 294 Trevisan, Bernardo 303, 304
Stobaeus (Ioannes Stobaeus) 176 Trevisan, Ettore 303
Strabo 176 Trevisan, Giovanni 121
Strein, Richard 244 Trevisan, Niccolò 303
Strozzi, Palla 197, 205, 206, 211 Tribizias, Georgios 211
Suleiman the Magnificent 31 Trincavelli, Giovanni Francesco 180
Sylburg, Friedrich 318 Trissino, Gian Giorgio 28
Symeon Metaphrastes 65, 85 Tryphon, Georgios 228, 270, 272, 273, 276,
Symeon, protosynkellos of Andros 60, 63 278, 280
Synesius 151–153, 159 Tsigaras, Apostolos 313
Synkletikos, Alexander 221 Tunstall, Cuthbert 201
Tzetzes, John 125, 144, 159
Tagliavia d’Aragona, Carlo 128
Tanner, Georg 272, 274 Vangelis (Papathanassiou, Evangelos
Tantalus 155 Odysseas) 32
Tapino, Canello 322 Varelis (Βάρελης) family (see Barelli)
Tapino, Spilioti 316, 321, 322 Varelis, Vasilios 138
Tarasios of Constantinople 96, 138 Vassilakis, Antonios (Aliense) 15, 21
Tasso, Torquato 23, 24, 311 Venier, Andrea 272, 276, 278
Tauroceni, Giovanni Battista 127, 129, 130 Venier, Girolamo 301
Teodoro Eugenio di Famagosta 42, 46 Venier, Maffio 29
Themistius 202 Venier, Sebastiano 16, 17, 21
Theocritus 159, 176, 216, 298 Vera y Aragón, Francisco de 128
Theodoret of Cyrrhus 10, 317 Veronese, Paolo 15, 21, 30–32
Theon 137 Victor, Ulrich 211
Theophanes the Confessor 136, 140 Villani, Giovanni 143
Theophilus of Alexandria 143 Villano, Fabrizio 122
Theophrastus 168, 176, 178, 274 Virgil 302
Theophylact of Ohrid 176 Vlachos, Gerasimos 309, 311, 312
Theotokopoulos, Domenikos (El Greco) 15, Vlastos, Georgios (Pounialetos) 70
32, 122 Vlastos, Nikolaos 2, 11, 304
Thomas of Aquinas 167, 318
Thucydides 296 Welser, Marcus 147
Tintoretto (Robusti, Jacopo) 15, 16, 21, 31 Wert, Jakob van (Giaches de Wert) 24
Wilhelm V, Duke of Bavaria 3 Zápolya, John Sigismund, Prince of

Willaert, Adrian 24 Transylvania 120
Wolf, Hieronymus 147 Zarlino, Gioseffo 32
Xenophanes 245 Zelking, Albrecht Wilhelm von 158
Xenophon 144, 176, 206, 296 Zelking, Johann Wilhelm von 158
Xidia, Antonio 126 Zeno (emperor) 143
Xidia, Chiara 126 Zeno, Apostolo 301, 304
Zenos, Demetrios 179, 180
Young (Junius), Patrick 204 Zeus 155
Zigabenus, Euthymius 92, 99, 104
Zamora, Cristoforo (Cristóbal) de 128 Zonaras, Iohannes 138
Zanetti family 4 Zoppo, Marco 302
Zanetti, Bartolomeo 4, 83, 179–182, 187, 232, Zorzi, Bernardo 278
271, 273, 281 Zosimus 274
Zanetti, Camillo 50, 61, 136, 139, 181, 228, 273, Zsamboky, Janos (see Sambucus, Ioannes)
276, 280 Zúñiga y Requeséns, Juan de 123
Zanetti, Pietro 117, 130, 134 Zwinger, Theodor 318, 319
Zanettinos, Dionisios 18 Zygomalas, Ioannes 56, 57, 118
Index of tables and figures
Erika Elia and Rosa Maria Piccione, A Rediscovered Library.
Gabriel Severos and His Books
Table 1 Marc. gr. II 93, reconstruction of Severos’ intervention 49
Fig. 1 ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14ζ, fol. 69v (detail) 37

Fig. 2 ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14α, fol. 25r (detail) 37
Fig. 3 ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη Φιλαδελφείας, θήκη 1α (Γαβριήλ Σεβήρος), φάκ.
3 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 34, 18 August 1602, fol. 1v (detail) 37
Fig. 4 ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14στ, front cover (detail) 37
3 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 9, 13 Februar 1584, fol. 1r (detail) 38
3 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 61, 18 July 1609, fol. 1r (detail) 38
Fig. 7 Taur. B.I.9, fol. 1r (detail) 38
Fig. 8 Taur. C.II.16, fol. 11v (detail) 39
Fig. 9 Taur. B.VI.3, fol. 62r (detail) 39
Fig. 10 ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14στ, fol. 1r (detail) 40
Fig. 11 Marc. gr. IV 30, fol. 56r (detail) 40
Fig. 12 Marc. gr. IV 30, fol. 65v (detail) 40
Fig. 13 ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14α, fol. 2r (detail) 41
Fig. 14 Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 122r (detail) 41
Fig. 15 Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 125v (detail) 41
Fig. 16 Arabic numerals (from the diaries and the pinax of Marc. gr. II 93) 43
Fig. 17 ΑΕΙΒ, Ε´. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα, διαχείριση, δωρεές,
αρ. 171 (Ιδιωτικό Αρχείο Γαβριήλ Σεβήρου), φακ. 2, no. 26 (detail) 45
3 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 51, 2 June 1606, fol. 1r (detail) 46
3 (Οικονομικά, 1537–1616), no. 51, 2 June 1606, fol. 2v (detail) 46
1 (Ιδιωτικό Αρχείο Γαβριήλ Σεβήρου – Αλληλογραφία, 1595–1616), no. 18
(detail) 46
Fig. 21a Taur. B.IV.40, fol. IIIv (detail) 58
Fig. 21b Taur. B.IV.40, fol. Vv (detail) 58
Fig. 22 Taur. C.I.8, fol. 1r (detail) 59
Fig. 23 Taur. B.I.5, fol. 314r (detail) 60
Fig. 24a Taur. B.I.23, fol. Iv 61
Fig. 24b Taur. B.I.23, fol. IIr 61
Fig. 25a Taur. B.I.23, fol. Iv (detail) 63
Fig. 25b Taur. B.I.23, fol. Iv (detail) 63
Fig. 25c Taur. B.I.5, fol. 1r 63
Fig. 26 Taur. B.III.17, fol. 3v (detail), Severos’ annotations 65
Fig. 27 Taur. B.II.10, fol. 12r (detail), particular foliation 66
Fig. 28 Taur. B.II.10, fol. 2v (detail) 66
Fig. 29 Taur. B.III.17, fol. Ir 67
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110577082-019
398 Index of tables and figures
Fig. 30 Taur. B.II.6, binding 68

Fig. 31 Portrait of Gabriel Severos 72
Fig. 32 ΑΕΙΒ, χγφ. αρ. 14α, fols. 14v–15r 73
Fig. 33a Marc. gr. II 93, fol. Vr 74
Fig. 33b Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 122r 75
Fig. 34 Marc. gr. IV 30, fol. 56r 76
Fig. 35 Vat. gr. 2124, fol. 62r 77
Fig. 36 Taur. B.IV.18, fol. 1r 78
Fig. 37 Taur. B.II.10, fol. IIr 79
Fig. 38 Taur. B.II.6, fol. IIr 80
Fig. 39 Taur. B.II.24, fol. 1r 81
Fig. 40 Taur. B.II.24, fol. 176r 82
Riccardo Montalto, Anonymous Collaborators of Nikolaos Choniates’

atelier in Manuscripts from Achilles Statius’ Library
Fig. 1a Vat. Pal. gr. 394, fol. 376v 87

Fig. 1b Lond. Royal 16 D XV, fol. 139r 87
Fig. 1c Vat. Pal. gr. 394, fol. 378r 87
Fig. 1d Par. gr. 1706, fol. 296r 87
Fig. 2a Taur. B.III.22, fol. 1r 89
Fig. 2b Par. gr. 1333, p. 1r 90
Fig. 3a Vall. P 279, fol. 53r 91
Fig. 3b Vall. F 68, fol. 195r 91
Fig. 3c Citiens. 62, fol. 32r 91
Fig. 3d Mon. gr. 195, fol. 1r 91
Fig. 4a Vall. F 58, fol. 1r 93
Fig. 4b Taur. B.III.21, fol. Ir 93
Fig. 5a Vall. C 8, fol. 371v 95
Fig. 5b Mon. gr. 198, fol. 286v 95
Fig. 6a Citiens. 65, fol. 144v 97
Fig. 6b Philadelphia, Univ. Library MS 137 (gr. 1), fol. 29r 97
Fig. 6c Mon. gr. 275, fol. 335v 97
Fig. 6d Vat. gr. 660, fol. 429r 97
Fig. 7a Vat. gr. 660, fol. 69v 98
Fig. 7b Mon. gr. 153, fol. 1r 98
Fig. 7c Par. gr. 1706, fol. 132r 98
Fig. 7d Vall. D 56, fol. 176v 98
Fig. 8a Ang. gr. 88, fol. 5r 101
Fig. 8b Vall. D 56, fol. 297r 101
Fig. 9a Vall. D 56, fol. 144r 102
Fig. 9b Mutin. α.H.6.30, fol. 1r 102
Fig. 10 Citiens. 65, fol. 1r 107
Fig. 11 Mon. gr. 139, fol. 8r 108
Fig. 12 Mutin. α.H.6.30, fol. 90v 109
Fig. 13 Vall. F 58, fol. 2r 110
Fig. 14 Vat. gr. 670, fol. 1r 111

Fig. 15 Vall. C 8, fol. 121r 112
Fig. 16a Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 1v 113
Fig. 16b Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 28r 113
Fig. 16c Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 679r 113
Fig. 16d Vat. Pal. gr. 407, fol. 681r 113
Rosa Maria Piccione, The Greek Library of Guillaume Pellicier:

The Role of the Scribe Ioannes Katelos
Fig. 1 Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 75r (detail) 182

Fig. 3 Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 29v (detail) 183
Fig. 13 Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 30r 191
Fig. 14 Berol. Phill. 1513, fol. 32v 192
Fig. 17 Berol. Phill. 1610, fol. 41v 195
Ciro Giacomelli, Greek Manuscripts in Padua: Some New Evidence
Fig. 1 Marc. gr. Z 225, fol. 307v 210

Fig. 2 Marc. gr. Z 230, fol. 145r 211
Fig. 3 Marc. gr. Z 222, fol. 68v 212
Fig. 4 Marc. gr. Z 222, fol. 106v 213
Fig. 5 Par. gr. 2955, fol. 180v 214
Erika Elia, A Book Journey. About an Henri II Estienne’s Greek Manuscript in Turin
Fig. 1 Michael, Taur. B.I.3, fol. 2v 227

Fig. 2 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 6r (detail), in black ink Correcteur A, all around annotations by Henri
Estienne 229
Fig. 3 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 351r (detail), Correcteur A 229
Fig. 4 Taur. B.I.3., fol. 45v (detail), in the margin Arnoldus Arlenius 230
400 Index of tables and figures
Fig. 5 Taur. B.I.3, binding, front board 231

Fig. 6 Taur. B.I.3, f. 1r (detail), Henri II Estienne’s ex libris 236
Fig. 7 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 24r 239
Fig. 8 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 49v 239
Fig. 9 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 22v (= p. 41) 242
Fig. 10 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 21r (= p. 38) 242
Fig. 11 Taur. B.I.3, f. 13v, reference to p. 34 243
Fig. 12 Taur. B.I.3, f. 47r, reference to p. 106 243
Fig. 13 Taur. B.I.3, fol. 154v 248
Fig. 14 Sextus Empiricus (1621) 118 249
Fig. 15 Sextus Empiricus (1621) Variae lectiones (detail) 250
Ottavia Mazzon, Knocking on Heaven’s Door. The Loan Registers

of the Libreria di San Marco
Table 1 The number of books loaned per year by the Libreria di San Marco 270
Table 2 The number of books loaned on average to each borrower 271
Table 3 The number of books effectively loaned to each borrower (the chart does not include
borrowers who obtained a single loan) 272
Table 4 The type of books borrowed, broken down by author and/or literary genre 275
Table 5 Table showing which philosophical texts were taken on loan 276
Table 6 Table showing which mathematical texts were taken on loan 277
Fig. 1 Marc. lat. XIV 22, fols. 1v–2r 263

Fig. 2 Marc. lat. XIV 22, fol. 29v 264
Fig. 3 Marc. lat. XIV 23, fol. 8r 265
Fig. 4 Marc. lat. XIV 23, folio glued to fol. Iv. Copy of loan notices recorded in the Chancery
register 267
Fig. 5 Marc. lat. XIV 23, flyleaf glued to fol. 51v 268
Fig. 6 Marc. gr. Z 393, fol. 27v (detail) 282
Orsola Braides and Elisabetta Sciarra, Reconstructing a Library: Case Studies

from the Archivio dei possessori of the Marciana National Library in Venice
Table 1 Schema of the entry Owner and its links 287

Table 2 Marciana National Library – Archivio dei possessori – Description of the owner
Camillo Capilupi 289
Table 3 Example of the schema of Owner entry, with a type of ownership mark in three
different forms, found in three different libraries 290
Table 4 Marciana National Library – Archivio dei possessori – Extended note of the owner
Table 5 Marciana National Library – Archivio dei possessori – Image gallery of the owner
Table 6 Two-way link between the AP and the local OPAC 293
Table 7 Owner “Camillo Capilupi” in the CERL Thesaurus 295
Fig. 1 BNM Aldine 510, fol. c2r 299

Fig. 2 BNM Aldine 115, fol. 244r 300
Fig. 3 BNM Aldine 43, fol. **1v 302
Christos Zampakolas, Archival Research on Private Libraries in Renaissance

Venice: Considerations, Elements, Perspectives
Fig. 1a ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri), no. 42, fol. 1r.
The second testament of Andreas Darmarios, 1585 323
Fig. 1b ASVe, Notarile, Testamenti, busta 10 (Giovanni Pietro Angelieri), no. 42, fol. 1v.
The second testament of Andreas Darmarios, 1585 324
Fig. 2a ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario), fol. 119r. The notarial act for
the Dodechaprofito, 1607 325
Fig. 2b ASVe, Notarile, Atti, busta 4921 (Giovanni Paolo Dario), fol. 119v. The notarial act for
the Dodechaprofito, 1607 325

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Greeks, Books and Libraries in Renaissance Venice

Studies on conditions, processes and dynamics

Library of Congress Control Number: 2020936124

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

© 2021 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Rosa Maria Piccione

1 Greeks and Greek Books in Renaissance Venice

Erika Elia and Rosa Maria Piccione

2 Western Intellectuals, Books, and Book Collections

Teresa Martínez Manzano

Rosa Maria Piccione

Orsola Braides and Elisabetta Sciarra

Sigla and Abbreviations 327

Index of archival and library sources 377

Index of proper names 387

Index of tables and figures 397

2 Scribes, Patrons, and Book Collections

7 See, e.g., Boudignon (2010).

3 Research Goals and Methodology

19 See, e.g., Korrè (2012; 2013); Vlassi (2008; 2014).

4 A Case in Point: Libraries of Greek Intellectuals

figures in the book world as translators, editors in printing houses or promoters of

31 On that, see below Elia, 53–54.

(Dioniso Babo in the Venetian documents),36 hieromonk of the church of Sant’An-

42 See Agati (2010); Agati/Choulis (2020); Cacouros (2008; 2009).

47 Manoussakas (1972) 39 no. 83.

a substantial sum of money in compensation. He would later be allowed to visit the

15 Manoussakas/Panagiotakis (1981); Reverdin/Panagiotakis (1995); Kaklamanis (1985).

works of art, as well as of personalities, customs and events up to 1581 (and on to

conscientiously compiled by La Serenissima over several hundred years of governing

demia Olimpica’s venture in putting on Sophocles’s Oedipus Rex in 1585 in a vernacu-

56 See Luciani (2009).

Centuries of commercial experience and diplomatic manoeuvring helped La Serenis-

life-size reproduction, achieved by digital imaging, which to some extent compen-

62 See, e.g., <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=70WlAwNc-0g> and <https://www.filmy.gr/movies-

2 Gabriel Severos’ Handwriting

2.1 Instruments of Investigation

16 But see below, 43–44.

Fig. 5: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3. Μητρόπολη

Fig. 7: Taur. B.I.9, fol. 1r (detail) ©

Fig. 8: Taur. C.II.16, fol. 11v (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.

Fig. 9: Taur. B.VI.3, fol. 62r (detail) © MiBACT, BNUTo.

20 Fonkitch (1979) 165–166 and Fig. ΙΗ′. See below, 47–50.

Fig. 14: Marc. gr. II 93, fol. 122r (detail)

2.3 Peculiar Characteristics

Severos’ hand is characterized by a wide variety of forms. His handwriting is generally

22 Kakoulidi (1971) 256–258 and Fig. ΚΑ′. See below, 46–47.

No. 5 No. 8 No. 2

2.4 The Letter to Cardinal Sirleto (Vat. gr. 2124)

25 Patrinelis (1967–1968) 79–81 and Fig. Ι′.

Fig. 17: ΑΕΙΒ, Ε´. Οικονομική διαχείριση, 1. Διαθήκες, κληροδοτήματα,

In addition to this hitherto overlooked information, studying Gabriel Severos’ personal

28 Piccione (2017b) 201.

Fig. 18: ΑΕΙΒ, Β΄. Εκκλησία, 3.

4 The First Few Investigative Tests: Severos’ Books

30 See Piccione (2017a).

31 See above, 41–42.

36 Mioni (1967) 279–283. See also above, 39–42.